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Posted in full because link is unavailable. Mahatma Gandhi, the Missing Laureate > > > by Øyvind Tønnesson > Nobel e-Museum Peace Editor, 1998-2000 > > > > > > > > > > (Embedded image moved to file: pic06523.jpg) > > > > Mohandas Gandhi (1869-1948) has become the strongest symbol of non-violence in > the 20th century. It is widely held ? in retrospect ? that the Indian national > leader should have been the very man to be selected for the Nobel Peace Prize. > He was nominated several times, but was never awarded the prize. Why? > > > These questions have been asked frequently: Was the horizon of the Norwegian > Nobel Committee too narrow? Were the committee members unable to appreciate the > struggle for freedom among non-European peoples?" Or were the Norwegian > committee members perhaps afraid to make a prize award which might be > detrimental to the relationship between their own country and Great Britain? > > > > > > > (Embedded image moved to file: pic14070.jpg) > When still alive, Mohandas Gandhi had many admirers, both in India and abroad. > But his martyrdom in 1948 made him an even greater symbol of peace. Twenty-one > years later, he was commemorated on this double-sized United Kingdom postage > stamp. > © Scanpix > > > > Gandhi was nominated in 1937, 1938, 1939, 1947 and, finally, a few days before > he was murdered in January 1948. The omission has been publicly regretted by > later members of the Nobel Committee; when the Dalai Lama was awarded the Peace > Prize in 1989, the chairman of the committee said that this was "in part a > tribute to the memory of Mahatma Gandhi". However, the committee has never > commented on the speculations as to why Gandhi was not awarded the prize, and > until recently the sources which might shed some light on the matter were > unavailable. > > > > Mahatma Gandhi ? Who was He? > > > Mohandas Karamchand ? known as Mahatma or "Great-Souled" ? Gandhi was born in > Porbandar, the capital of a small principality in what is today the state of > Gujarat in Western India, where his father was prime minister. His mother was a > profoundly religious Hindu. She and the rest of the Gandhi family belonged to a > branch of Hinduism in which non-violence and tolerance between religious groups > were considered very important. His family background has later been seen as a > very important explanation of why Mohandas Gandhi was able to achieve the > position he held in Indian society. In the second half of the 1880s, Mohandas > went to London where he studied law. After having finished his studies, he > first went back to India to work as a barrister, and then, in 1893, to Natal in > South Africa, where he was employed by an Indian trading company. > > > In South Africa Gandhi worked to improve living conditions for the Indian > minority. This work, which was especially directed against increasingly racist > legislation, made him develop a strong Indian and religious commitment, and a > will to self-sacrifice. With a great deal of success he introduced a method of > non-violence in the Indian struggle for basic human rights. The method, > satyagraha ? "truth force" ? was highly idealistic; without rejecting the rule > of law as a principle, the Indians should break those laws which were > unreasonable or suppressive. Each individual would have to accept punishment > for having violated the law. However, he should, calmly, yet with > determination, reject the legitimacy of the law in question. This would, > hopefully, make the adversaries ? first the South African authorities, later > the British in India ? recognise the unlawfulness of their legislation. > > > When Gandhi came back to India in 1915, news of his achievements in South > Africa had already spread to his home country. In only a few years, during the > First World War, he became a leading figure in the Indian National Congress. > Through the interwar period he initiated a series of non-violent campaigns > against the British authorities. At the same time he made strong efforts to > unite the Indian Hindus, Moslems and Christians, and struggled for the > emancipation of the 'untouchables' in Hindu society. While many of his fellow > Indian nationalists preferred the use of non-violent methods against the > British primarily for tactical reasons, Gandhi's non-violence was a matter of > principle. His firmness on that point made people respect him regardless of > their attitude towards Indian nationalism or religion. Even the British judges > who sentenced him to imprisonment recognised Gandhi as an exceptional > personality. > > > > The First Nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize > > > Among those who strongly admired Gandhi were the members of a network of > pro-Gandhi "Friends of India" associations which had been established in Europe > and the USA in the early 1930s. The Friends of India represented different > lines of thought. The religious among them admired Gandhi for his piety. > Others, anti-militarists and political radicals, were sympathetic to his > philosophy of non-violence and supported him as an opponent of imperialism. > > > In 1937 a member of the Norwegian Storting (Parliament), Ole Colbjørnsen > (Labour Party), nominated Gandhi for that year's Nobel Peace Prize, and he was > duly selected as one of thirteen candidates on the Norwegian Nobel Committee's > short list. Colbjørnsen did not himself write the motivation for Gandhi's > nomination; it was written by leading women of the Norwegian branch of "Friends > of India", and its wording was of course as positive as could be expected. > > > > > > > (Embedded image moved to file: pic25387.jpg) > An ordinary politician or a Christ? In this photo Gandhi listens to Moslems > during the height of the warfare which followed the partition of India in 1947. > © Scanpix > > > > The committee's adviser, professor Jacob Worm-Müller, who wrote a report on > Gandhi, was much more critical. On the one hand, he fully understood the > general admiration for Gandhi as a person: "He is, undoubtedly, a good, noble > and ascetic person ? a prominent man who is deservedly honoured and loved by > the masses of India." On the other hand, when considering Gandhi as a political > leader, the Norwegian professor's description was less favourable. There are, > he wrote, "sharp turns in his policies, which can hardly be satisfactorily > explained by his followers. (...) He is a freedom fighter and a dictator, an > idealist and a nationalist. He is frequently a Christ, but then, suddenly, an > ordinary politician." > > > Gandhi had many critics in the international peace movement. The Nobel > Committee adviser referred to these critics in maintaining that he was not > consistently pacifist, that he should have known that some of his non-violent > campaigns towards the British would degenerate into violence and terror. This > was something that had happened during the first Non-Cooperation Campaign in > 1920-1921, e.g. when a crowd in Chauri Chaura, the United Provinces, attacked a > police station, killed many of the policemen and then set fire to the police > station. > > > A frequent criticism from non-Indians was also that Gandhi was too much of an > Indian nationalist. In his report, Professor Worm-Müller expressed his own > doubts as to whether Gandhi's ideals were meant to be universal or primarily > Indian: "One might say that it is significant that his well-known struggle in > South Africa was on behalf of the Indians only, and not of the blacks whose > living conditions were even worse." > > > The name of the 1937 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate was to be Lord Cecil of > Chelwood. We do not know whether the Norwegian Nobel Committee seriously > considered awarding the Peace Prize to Gandhi that year, but it seems rather > unlikely. Ole Colbjørnsen renominated him both in 1938 and in 1939, but ten > years were to pass before Gandhi made the committee's short list again. > > > > 1947: Victory and Defeat > > > In 1947 the nominations of Gandhi came by telegram from India, via the > Norwegian Foreign Office. The nominators were B.G. Kher, Prime Minister of > Bombay, Govindh Bhallabh Panth, Premier of United Provinces, and Mavalankar, > the President of the Indian Legislative Assembly. Their arguments in support of > his candidacy were written in telegram style, like the one from Govind Bhallabh > Panth: "Recommend for this year Nobel Prize Mahatma Gandhi architect of the > Indian nation the greatest living exponent of the moral order and the most > effective champion of world peace today." There were to be six names on the > Nobel Committee's short list, Mohandas Gandhi was one of them. > > > The Nobel Committee's adviser, the historian Jens Arup Seip, wrote a new report > which is primarily an account of Gandhi's role in Indian political history > after 1937. "The following ten years," Seip wrote, "from 1937 up to 1947, led > to the event which for Gandhi and his movement was at the same time the > greatest victory and the worst defeat ? India's independence and India's > partition." The report describes how Gandhi acted in the three different, but > mutually related conflicts which the Indian National Congress had to handle in > the last decade before independence: the struggle between the Indians and the > British; the question of India's participation in the Second World War; and, > finally, the conflict between Hindu and Moslem communities. In all these > matters, Gandhi had consistently followed his own principles of non-violence. > > > The Seip report was not critical towards Gandhi in the same way as the report > written by Worm-Müller ten years earlier. It was rather favourable, yet not > explicitly supportive. Seip also wrote briefly on the ongoing separation of > India and the new Moslem state, Pakistan, and concluded ? rather prematurely it > would seem today: "It is generally considered, as expressed for example in The > Times of 15 August 1947, that if 'the gigantic surgical operation' constituted > by the partition of India, has not led to bloodshed of much larger dimensions, > Gandhi's teachings, the efforts of his followers and his own presence, should > get a substantial part of the credit." > > > > > > > (Embedded image moved to file: pic28108.jpg) > The partition of India in 1947 led to a process which we today probably would > describe as "ethnic cleansing". Hundreds of thousands of people were massacred > and millions had to move; Moslems from India to Pakistan, Hindus in the > opposite direction. Photo shows part of the crowds of refugees which poured > into the city of New Delhi. > © Scanpix > > > > Having read the report, the members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee must have > felt rather updated on the last phase of the Indian struggle for independence. > However, the Nobel Peace Prize had never been awarded for that sort of > struggle. The committee members also had to consider the following issues: > Should Gandhi be selected for being a symbol of non-violence, and what > political effects could be expected if the Peace Prize was awarded to the most > prominent Indian leader ? relations between India and Pakistan were far from > developing peacefully during the autumn of 1947? > > > From the diary of committee chairman Gunnar Jahn, we now know that when the > members were to make their decision on October 30, 1947, two acting committee > members, the Christian conservative Herman Smitt Ingebretsen and the Christian > liberal Christian Oftedal spoke in favour of Gandhi. One year earlier, they had > strongly favoured John Mott, the YMCA leader. It seems that they generally > preferred candidates who could serve as moral and religious symbols in a world > threatened by social and ideological conflicts. However, in 1947 they were not > able to convince the three other members. The Labour politician Martin Tranmæl > was very reluctant to award the Prize to Gandhi in the midst of the > Indian-Pakistani conflict, and former Foreign Minister Birger Braadland agreed > with Tranmæl. Gandhi was, they thought, too strongly committed to one of the > belligerents. In addition both Tranmæl and Jahn had learnt that, one month > earlier, at a prayer-meeting, Gandhi had made a statement which indicated that > he had given up his consistent rejection of war. Based on a telegram from > Reuters, The Times, on September 27, 1947, under the headline "Mr. Gandhi on > 'war' with Pakistan" reported: > > "Mr. Gandhi told his prayer meeting to-night that, though he had always opposed > all warfare, if there was no other way of securing justice from Pakistan and if > Pakistan persistently refused to see its proved error and continued to minimise > it, the Indian Union Government would have to go to war against it. No one > wanted war, but he could never advise anyone to put up with injustice. If all > Hindus were annihilated for a just cause he would not mind. If there was war, > the Hindus in Pakistan could not be fifth columnists. If their loyalty lay not > with Pakistan they should leave it. Similarly Muslims whose loyalty was with > Pakistan should not stay in the Indian Union." > > > > > > > (Embedded image moved to file: pic02202.jpg) > Gandhi saw "no place for him in a new order where they wanted an army, a navy, > an air force and what not". In the picture, Gandhi's spiritual heir, Prime > Minister Pandit Nehru, Defense Minister Sardar Baldev Singh, and the > Commanders-in-Chief of the three Services, are inspecting a Guard of Honour at > the Red Fort, Delhi, in August, 1948. Fifty years later, both India and > Pakistan had developed and tested their own nuclear weapons. > © Scanpix > > > > Gandhi had immediately stated that the report was correct, but incomplete. At > the meeting he had added that he himself had not changed his mind and that "he > had no place in a new order where they wanted an army, a navy, an air force and > what not". > > > Both Jahn and Tranmæl knew that the first report had not been complete, but > they had become very doubtful. Jahn in his diary quoted himself as saying: > "While it is true that he (Gandhi) is the greatest personality among the > nominees ? plenty of good things could be said about him ? we should remember > that he is not only an apostle for peace; he is first and foremost a patriot. > (...) Moreover, we have to bear in mind that Gandhi is not naive. He is an > excellent jurist and a lawyer." It seems that the Committee Chairman suspected > Gandhi's statement one month earlier to be a deliberate step to deter Pakistani > aggression. Three of five members thus being against awarding the 1947 Prize to > Gandhi, the Committee unanimously decided to award it to the Quakers. > > > > 1948: A Posthumous Award Considered > > > Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated on 30 January 1948, two days before the closing > date for that year's Nobel Peace Prize nominations. The Committee received six > letters of nomination naming Gandhi; among the nominators were the Quakers and > Emily Greene Balch, former Laureates. For the third time Gandhi came on the > Committee's short list ? this time the list only included three names ? and > Committee adviser Seip wrote a report on Gandhi's activities during the last > five months of his life. He concluded that Gandhi, through his course of life, > had put his profound mark on an ethical and political attitude which would > prevail as a norm for a large number of people both inside and outside India: > "In this respect Gandhi can only be compared to the founders of religions." > > > Nobody had ever been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize posthumously. But according > to the statutes of the Nobel Foundation in force at that time, the Nobel Prizes > could, under certain circumstances, be awarded posthumously. Thus it was > possible to give Gandhi the prize. However, Gandhi did not belong to an > organisation, he left no property behind and no will; who should receive the > Prize money? The Director of the Norwegian Nobel Institute, August Schou, asked > another of the Committee's advisers, lawyer Ole Torleif Røed, to consider the > practical consequences if the Committee were to award the Prize posthumously. > Røed suggested a number of possible solutions for general application. > Subsequently, he asked the Swedish prize-awarding institutions for their > opinion. The answers were negative; posthumous awards, they thought, should not > take place unless the laureate died after the Committee's decision had been > made. > > > On November 18, 1948, the Norwegian Nobel Committee decided to make no award > that year on the grounds that "there was no suitable living candidate". > Chairman Gunnar Jahn wrote in his diary: "To me it seems beyond doubt that a > posthumous award would be contrary to the intentions of the testator." > According to the chairman, three of his colleagues agreed in the end, only Mr. > Oftedal was in favour of a posthumous award to Gandhi. > > > Later, there have been speculations that the committee members could have had > another deceased peace worker than Gandhi in mind when they declared that there > was "no suitable living candidate", namely the Swedish UN envoy to Palestine, > Count Bernadotte, who was murdered in September 1948. Today, this can be ruled > out; Bernadotte had not been nominated in 1948. Thus it seems reasonable to > assume that Gandhi would have been invited to Oslo to receive the Nobel Peace > Prize had he been alive one more year. > > > > Why Was Gandhi Never Awarded the Nobel Peace Prize? > > > Up to 1960, the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded almost exclusively to Europeans > and Americans. In retrospect, the horizon of the Norwegian Nobel Committee may > seem too narrow. Gandhi was very different from earlier Laureates. He was no > real politician or proponent of international law, not primarily a humanitarian > relief worker and not an organiser of international peace congresses. He would > have belonged to a new breed of Laureates. > > There is no hint in the archives that the Norwegian Nobel Committee ever took > into consideration the possibility of an adverse British reaction to an award > to Gandhi. Thus it seems that the hypothesis that the Committee's omission of > Gandhi was due to its members' not wanting to provoke British authorities, may > be rejected. > > In 1947 the conflict between India and Pakistan and Gandhi's prayer-meeting > statement, which made people wonder whether he was about to abandon his > consistent pacifism, seem to have been the primary reasons why he was not > selected by the committee's majority. Unlike the situation today, there was no > tradition for the Norwegian Nobel Committee to try to use the Peace Prize as a > stimulus for peaceful settlement of regional conflicts. > > During the last months of his life, Gandhi worked hard to end the violence > between Hindus and Moslems which followed the partition of India. We know > little about the Norwegian Nobel Committee's discussions on Gandhi's > candidature in 1948 ? other than the above quoted entry of November 18 in > Gunnar Jahn's diary ? but it seems clear that they seriously considered a > posthumous award. When the committee, for formal reasons, ended up not making > such an award, they decided to reserve the prize, and then, one year later, not > to spend the prize money for 1948 at all. What many thought should have been > Mahatma Gandhi's place on the list of Laureates was silently but respectfully > left open. >
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