Indian Interests

[Philip]

Something to reflect upon!


Adapted from Dr. Peter Hammond's book: Slavery, Terrorism & Islam:

Historical Roots and Contemporary Threat:

Islamization begins when there are sufficient Muslims in a country to agitate
for their religious privileges.

When politically correct, tolerant, and culturally diverse societies agree to
Muslim demands for their religious privileges, some of the other components
tend to creep in as well. Here's how it works.

As long as the Muslim population remains around or under 2% in any given
country, they will be for the most part be regarded as a peace-loving minority,
and not as a threat to other citizens. This is the case in:


United States -- Muslim 0.6%
Australia -- Muslim 1.5%
Canada -- Muslim 1.9%
China -- Muslim 1.8%
Italy -- Muslim 1.5%
Norway -- Muslim 1.8%*

*At 2% to 5%, they begin to proselytize from other ethnic minorities and
disaffected groups, often with major recruiting from the jails and among street
gangs. This is happening in:

Denmark -- Muslim 2%
Germany -- Muslim 3.7%
United Kingdom -- Muslim 2.7%
Spain -- Muslim 4%
Thailand -- Muslim 4.6%* *

From 5% on, they exercise an inordinate influence in proportion to their
percentage of the population. For example, they will push for the introduction
of halal (clean by Islamic standards) food, thereby securing food preparation
jobs for Muslims. They will increase pressure on supermarket chains to feature
halal on their shelves -- along with threats for failure to comply. This is
occurring in:

France -- Muslim 8%
Philippines -- Muslim 5%
Sweden -- Muslim 5%
Switzerland -- Muslim 4.3%
The Netherlands -- Muslim 5.5%
Trinidad & Tobago -- Muslim 5.8%

At this point, they will work to get the ruling government to allow them to
rule themselves (within their ghettos) under Sharia, the Islamic Law. The
ultimate goal of Islamists is to establish Sharia law over the entire world.* *


When Muslims approach 10% of the population, they tend to increase
lawlessness as a means of complaint about their conditions. In Paris ,
we are already seeing car-burnings. Any non-Muslim action offends Islam, and results in uprisings and threats, such as in Amsterdam, with opposition to Mohammed cartoons and films about Islam. Such tensions are seen daily,
particularly in Muslim sections, in:


Guyana -- Muslim 10%
India -- Muslim 13.4%
Israel -- Muslim 16%
Kenya -- Muslim 10%
Russia -- Muslim 15%* *

After reaching 20%, nations can expect hair-trigger rioting, jihad militia
formations, sporadic killings, and the burnings of Christian churches and
Jewish synagogues, such as in:

Ethiopia -- Muslim 32.8%* *

At 40%, nations experience widespread massacres, chronic terror attacks,
and ongoing militia warfare, such as in:

Bosnia -- Muslim 40%
Chad -- Muslim 53.1%
Lebanon -- Muslim 59.7%*

From 60%, nations experience unfettered persecution of non-believers of all
other religions (including non-conforming Muslims), sporadic ethnic cleansing
(genocide), use of Sharia Law as a weapon, and Jizya, the tax placed on
infidels, such as in:

Albania -- Muslim 70%
Malaysia -- Muslim 60.4%
Qatar -- Muslim 77.5%
Sudan -- Muslim 70%* *

After 80%, expect daily intimidation and violent jihad, some State-run
ethnic cleansing, and even some genocide, as these nations drive out the infidels, and move toward 100% Muslim, such as has been experienced and in some ways is on-going in:

Bangladesh -- Muslim 83%
Egypt -- Muslim 90%
Gaza -- Muslim 98.7%
Indonesia -- Muslim 86.1%
Iran -- Muslim 98%
Iraq -- Muslim 97%
Jordan -- Muslim 92%
Morocco -- Muslim 98.7%
Pakistan -- Muslim 97%

Palestine -- Muslim 99%
Syria -- Muslim 90%
Tajikistan -- Muslim 90%
Turkey -- Muslim 99.8%
United Arab Emirates -- Muslim 96%* *

100% will usher in the peace of 'Dar-es-Salaam' -- the Islamic House of
Peace. Here there's supposed to be peace, because everybody is a Muslim, the
Madrasses are the only schools, and the Koran is the only word, such as in:


Afghanistan -- Muslim 100%
Saudi Arabia -- Muslim 100%
Somalia -- Muslim 100%
Yemen -- Muslim 100%

Unfortunately, peace is never achieved, as in these 100% states the most
radical Muslims intimidate and spew hatred, and satisfy their blood lust by
killing less radical Muslims, for a variety of reasons.


'Before I was nine I had learned the basic canon of Arab life. It was me
against my brother; me and my brother against our father; my family against my
cousins and the clan; the clan against the tribe; the tribe against the world,
and all of us against the infidel. -- Leon Uris, 'The Haj'

It is important to understand that in some countries, with well under 100%
Muslim populations, such as France, the minority Muslim populations live in
ghettos, within which they are 100% Muslim, and within which they live by
Sharia Law. The national police do not even enter these ghettos. There are no national
courts nor schools nor non-Muslim religious facilities. In such situations,
Muslims do not integrate into the community at large. The children attend
madrasses. They learn only the Koran. To even associate with an infidel is a
crime punishable with death. Therefore, in some areas of certain nations,
Muslim Imams and extremists exercise more power than the national average would
indicate.

[Satya_anveshi]

I think author forgot to mention Q.E.D at the end of the above post.

[RamaY]

Philip ji,

Thanks for reposting that model.

Now people can understand why we had partition in 1947.

[ramana]

Pioneer Book Review:

MPs are a pampered lot
Sunday, 28 July 2013 | Pioneer

While the author does not take a position on whether the MPLAD be scrapped or not, choosing instead to lay bare the facts as they exist, he provides many evidences to prove that the scheme has been misused more as a rule than in breach, writes RAJESH SINGH

Public Money Private Agenda

Author : A Surya Prakash

Publisher : Rupa, Rs 395

The Local Area Development Scheme fund for parliamentarians and legislators has been a bone of contention between those who believe it has been a game-changer for the better and those who maintain that the project has served no purpose other than to further the parochial political interests of the MPs and MLAs. The matter even reached the doors of the Supreme Court, which upheld the legality of the scheme. But that has not quelled the controversy, with many eminent personalities still maintaining that the MPLADS (and the MLALADS) should be scrapped. As a journalist and political commentator, A Surya Prakash has been following the issue since its inception. This book is a product of his deep interest in the subject.

While the author does not take a position either way, choosing instead to lay bare the facts as they exist, his inclination to believe that the scheme has been misused more as a rule than in breach is evident on several occasions in the narrative. He has an interesting take on the origins of the scheme which kicked off the early 1990s. Surya Prakash, who is Distinguished Fellow, Vivekananda International Foundation, says that MPs believed they had nothing to show to their voters on what they were doing for them. The local MLA was the hands-on politicians in the region, and local governance representatives from the panchayat and the municipalities were seen to be the driving force in civic administration. The MPs believed that their voters would not be content with the explanation that they had been elected to Parliament to enact laws and formulate policies for the country’s governance. The people wanted ‘something’ from their parliamentarians. Thus, a bunch of MPs took the lead to petition the Government that they must have a certain amount of funds at their disposal for public work for which they can then take legitimate credit.

The idea soon caught on as more and more MPs warmed up to it. The Union Government moved on the matter quickly and MPLADS soon came to be established. The MP constituency fund for a single financial year began with Rs 1 crore, went up to Rs 2 crore and finally to Rs 5 crore. Now there is demand that even this amount in insufficient and should be hiked. Interestingly, almost without exception, the demand for an increase in the allocation had been met with opposition from the Government, especially from the Finance and Programme Implementation Ministries — the two arms of the Government that are directly engaged in the scheme. But the combined might of the committees on MPLADS of the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha, which pushed for the enhancement, always prevailed.

The author points out how the parameters that had been initially established for the disbursal of the funds kept getting stretched to accommodate the demands of the MPs for investing in projects that did not meet the criteria established. While it had been made clear that the funds would be available for projects that were in the larger public interest and available and accessible to the people at large, MPs began presenting demands for schemes that were confined to a particular group. For instance, an MP, who had been a distinguished member of a Bar Association, demanded that he be allowed to use funds under the MPLAD scheme for the construction of halls and auditoria for Bar Associations, and that too in constituencies he did not represent. Encouraged by this novel demand, another MP asked for the guidelines to be amended so that he could use his constituency funds for the construction of buildings for Rotary Club and Lions Club, both of which, he claimed, were engaged in social service. While Governments by and large have unenthusiastic to such demands, knowing well that they will open up the floodgates for more such concessions, they have had to relent under pressure from the panels of the two Houses that handle the affairs of the MPLADS.

The floodgates did open, with some MPs demanding that they be allowed to spend the constituency fund for the construction of memorials, of all things. An MP wanted to construct no less than three memorials from the MPLADS fund for GMC Balayogi, who died in a plane crash while in office as Speaker of the Lok Sabha. The Government made an exception to the rule that memorials could not be funded under the scheme, and sanctioned, against the rules, one memorial for the former Speaker.

In a section titled, ‘How the Rules Bend Before Ministers’, the author cites instances where MP demanded and got to use funds for the purchase of items that did not fall within the guidelines. The purchase of vehicles and other forms of inventory is one such example. The guidelines did not permit it, yet some MPs sought and got permission to use the money for acquiring buses and computers and software for purposes other than laid down in the rules. Again, the rules were amended to suit the demands.

Surya Prakash maintains, without explicitly saying so, that frequent relaxations in the rules have taken the scheme into direction unforeseen by the authors of the scheme, and have contributed vastly to the rising opposition to the project. Clearly, what began as a scheme to empower the MPs at least in the eyes of the electorate has degenerated into something of a farce, with MPs not just using the money to fund sectarian projects but also demanding that they have control over decisions such as the choice of the bank where the funds are parked and the contractor(s) who will implement the scheme. Not just that, the MPs must be the ones to distribute the cheques to the agencies that will implement the project! In other words, the MPs want to convert the scheme for their aggrandisement. This has turned out to be problematic, as the author has pointed out. The implementing agency is the District Collector concerned and he (or she) is accountable for the project. But with the local MP wanting to play a bigger role in the process, one would naturally wonder who is to be held responsible for any irregularity that may happen. The MP will surely wash his hands of and leave the poor bureaucrat, whose decision-making powers had been usurped by the MP, to face the music.

We are back, therefore, to the larger question: Should MPLADS be scrapped? No other functioning parliamentary democracy has such a scheme, and democracy or development is no worse off as a result of that. As Surya Prakash points out, while criticism has come from various quarters within the Government and outside, including the Comptroller and Auditor General of India, the stoutest defence has come from the panels of the two Houses of Parliament that overlook the project. But one would go by the author’s contention, “If the MPs lack the discipline to conform to the guidelines, MPLADS must be scrapped.”

PVNR was the first to support the scheme as it would give the MP a chance to develop his area for example build roads or school,dispensary, market area warehouse bldgs etc. Just because a few MPS misuse the funds it should not be scrapped. The erring MPs should be admonished by the speakers who have the power or the two committees that overlook the projects. The District Collector still has the power to disburse the funds.

In other parlimentary states they have pork barrel projects funded by the govt in the MPs area!

[Santosh]

Phillip, thanks for an excellent post. So what does the end game look like? Is moderate Islam the way forward? What happens to violent Islam that has taken root all across the world?

[RamaY]

The way INC split AP is interesting. They first ignored the demand till it turned violent. Next had committees, commissions, interlocutors, media spins, invite leaders etc. In end the did it for political gains. Almost like something 100 years ago: partition of Bengal.

When I said INC is brown East India Company people got upset!

Yes. Now people can rethink why congress is so interested in who becomes what in BJP, the prime opposition. The SCBs and Patels are not preferable but JLNs are.

Wait till the BIC brings the neo-Jinnah on to the stage as parting shot.

The secular Gandhis are already lined up. They better go hiding before they are accidented.

[harbans]

WTF!

[Adrija]

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/the-c ... /1148856/0

Fantastic read..........worth posting in full actually.......emphasis all mine

Print Close Window

The capable state
Gulzar Natarajan Posted online: Wed Jul 31 2013, 05:45 hrs

No magic pill solution or quick fix can make up for basic administrative deficiencies

In a review of Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen’s latest book in the Financial Times (July 12, 2013), historian Ramachandra Guha questions whether the Indian state is “up to the job of doing more to tackle poverty”. Mainstream debates about the persistence of poverty and pervasive failures in public service delivery in India tend to overdraw on the state’s innate ability to deal with this.
Take the recurring instances of midday meal poisoning, the latest being the tragedy in Bihar’s Saran district. If the headmaster follows the minimum protocols for management of the kitchen and school inspectors do basic supervision, and all these processes are embedded in an institutionalised system of accountability, such incidents could easily be averted. In its absence, even a mundane task like running a school kitchen, when done in scale, seems fraught with complications.
“State capability” can be broadly defined as the ability of a government bureaucracy to get things done. It is a measure of the state’s institutional capacity and organisational capital to effectively implement its programmes and deliver basic public services to its citizens.
An inadequacy in state capability invariably manifests itself as implementation deficits. In its absence, process innovations and technologies can get you only so far in managing large groups of stakeholders in complex and dynamic environments. They can help a good system become great, but are less likely to be effective in getting a system trapped in a bad equilibrium to shift to a better one.
The standard response to governance failures is to address them through one of four approaches. The commonest refrain, especially among the urban middle class, predominantly employed in the formal private sector, is an increased role for the private sector. This feeling is at least partially fuelled by the representativeness bias arising from contrasting high-profile examples of “successful” private businesses with pervasive government failures and the internalisation of their own workplace norms. And it is reinforced by opinion makers and the mainstream media.

The other common response is to embrace participatory governance, which promotes the empowerment of communities through decentralised decision-making. Women’s self-help groups and microloans are the commonest examples of this approach. It is argued that such “bottom-up” strategies alone can ensure accountability and transparency, critical to the achievement of sustainable and inclusive development.

Another strategy places faith in innovative approaches to address governance failures. Accordingly, conditional cash transfers, unlocking the energy of social enterprises, establishment of a strong anti-corruption ombudsman, extensive use of the latest in information technology, process re-engineering within public systems, applying insights from behavioural psychology and so on are paths to improving governance and eliminating poverty.

Finally, influential academics believe that programme design and evaluation, using rigorous field experiments, can be an antidote to governance failures. Accordingly, they advocate an evidence-based, incentive compatible design of policies and their evaluation.
I believe that all the aforementioned approaches take a partial view of the complex development process. Provision of basic public goods, an effective welfare state, delivery of statutory services and the protection of basic civil and property rights are the responsibilities of governments everywhere, and will continue to be so. The private sector can, at best, be a marginal contributor to alleviating failures in these. The limitation of the community development driven approach, as Harvard professor Lant Pritchett provocatively argues, is that it is “all bottoms and no ups” — more effective as a social empowerment than an economic growth strategy.

The attractions of innovations lie in their deceptive “quick-fix” appeal. But complex socio-economic and political problems are usually not amenable to such “magic-pill” solutions. Instead of starting with the problem, academic researchers construct interventions on randomly selected ideas using theoretical insights, and in the process, not only miss the broader perspective but also overlook its implementational challenges.

This is not to flippantly explain away the relevance of multiple strategies to making development happen. It is just that no extent of private participation or decentralisation or innovation or alignment of incentives can make up for basic administrative deficiencies. While action is required on all these dimensions, they are secondary to improving state capability. In fact, the absence of adequate institutional capability can prove to be an insurmountable obstacle to any of these strategies, just as a capable state can amplify their effectiveness.

The commonest causes for degeneration in state capability include politicisation of bureaucratic processes, administrative indiscipline, erosion of accountability in the discharge of official responsibilities, weakened supervision and monitoring, and ubiquitous corruption.
Given how deeply intertwined state capability and political and civil society dynamics are, there are no easy answers to these problems. But the broad contours of a plan can be sketched. Administrative reforms that minimise politicisation, enhance professionalism and improve accountability are critical to any effort in this direction. Another important imperative is the decentralisation of functions, funds and functionaries, but in a manner that does not over-burden local public systems.
Of more direct and immediate concern is improving the state’s capacity to monitor and supervise its functionaries and interventions. The effective use of data — appropriately analysed and rendered in a cognitively resonating manner — can become a powerful decision-support for supervisors in this effort. Over and above, nothing succeeds until administrative resources are strengthened by adequate provision of the required personnel, logistics and finances. IMHO, this is critical- in the clamour of state-bashing we at times simply do not realize just how undermanned and under-provisioned our state functions are, across all critical elements- policing, delivery and operations of infrastructure

We need to realise that even in the most advanced economies, governments are critical to underpinning economic prosperity and social stability. Their administrative systems have the capability to deliver basic governance. Instead of being misled by catch-all phrases like “maximum governance and minimum government”, we need to get working on improving state capability, or risk being saddled with “minimum governance and maximum government”.

The writer is an IAS officer, batch of 1999, and a graduate student at the Harvard Kennedy School, US.

Views are personal
express@expressindia.com

[abhishek_sharma]

Views from the Right

Encountering the truth

Both Sangh Parivar weeklies report and comment on the court verdict that declared the lone accused in the Batla House encounter case guilty. They said it was a "slap on the face" of so-called secular persons who alleged that the encounter was fake. An editorial in the Organiser highlights the Batla House case as an example of how the Congress passes "judgement", "paints people" as secular or communal, and makes "heinous attempts" to defend and justify anti-national behaviour, before allowing the law to take its course. Panchjanya, in an editorial, emphasises that the Batla House judgment was "neither in support of Hindus nor against Muslims" and that it was a "victory of Bhartiyata" alone. It also asserts that the judgment defeated the school of thought that "sympathises with terrorists" in order to project their concern for Muslims. A news report in Panchjanya mentions Congress leaders Digvijaya Singh and Salman Khurshid's claims that the encounter was fake, and criticises Sonia Gandhi for not coming forward to help the widow of inspector M.C. Sharma, who was killed in the encounter.

The poverty line

Montek Singh Ahluwalia is criticised by Panchjanya for the new poverty estimates. The weekly also criticises the Tendulkar poverty line for not considering persons with Rs 27 in rural areas and Rs 33 in urban areas as being poor. A news report and editorial in Panchjanya describes the poverty line as an "ugly joke" that could "cost the government dearly". Panchjanya also takes strong exception to Congress members' claims that it was possible to have a meal for as little as Rs 12 in Mumbai and Rs 5 in Delhi. The weekly asserted that this was like "rubbing salt in open wounds" given that people are reeling under inflation, which has been consistently high during the UPA's terms.

Visa conspiracy

The controversy surrounding a letter, that Indian MPs allegedly wrote to the US administration, pleading that Narendra Modi be denied a US visa has been covered by both weeklies. Both criticise the legislators behind the letter and accuse the Congress of masterminding it. A news report in Panchjanya highlights how several MPs, reported to have signed the letter, are now distancing themselves from it. The report also mentions the Lok Sabha speaker's assurance of an investigation to ascertain whether the MPs' signatures were forged. Panchjanya accuses the Congress of having orchestrated the letter out of "fear of the rising stature of Narendra Modi" and expresses amusement at how the Congress appears to be "caught in its own net". "The recent attempts of appealing to the US president to deny a visa to the Gujarat chief minister is the worst case of undermining national interest for trivial electoral gains", says an editorial in the Organiser. "This incident shows the limits to which the Congress party will stoop to win over minority voters at the expense of making the nation the laughing stock of the global community", a news report in the Organiser laments. Both weeklies claim this development is an indirect acknowledgement of Modi's rising stock in Indian politics. "[It] displays the Congress's insecurity over Narendra Modi... whose time is round the corner," claims the Organiser.

Compiled by Ravish Tiwari

[Samudragupta]

Revisiting the Persian cosmopolis

For several centuries now, the writing of South Asian history has been plagued by a tendency to see the past through the lens of religion – especially Hinduism and Islam, which are commonly understood as essentialized, timeless, and locked in binary opposition, if not mutual hostility.

Suggesting a radically different way of theorizing cultural space, however, Sheldon Pollock recently coined the term "Sanskrit cosmopolis", referring to the enormous geographic sweep of Indic culture that stretched from Afghanistan through Vietnam from the fourth to the 14th century.

For Pollock, what characterized this cosmopolis was not religion, but the ideas elaborated in the entire corpus of Sanskrit texts which, for more than a millennium, circulated above and across the vernacular world of regional tongues.

These texts embraced everything from rules of grammar to styles of kingship, architecture, proper comportment, the goals of life, the regulation of society, and the acquisition of power and wealth. Fundamentally, the Sanskrit cosmopolis was all about defining and preserving moral and social order, but without privileging any particular religious or ethnic community.

Crucially, it expanded over much of Asia not by force of arms, but by emulation, and without any governing center or fortified frontiers. In those respects it compares with the Hellenized world that embraced the Mediterranean basin and the Middle East after Alexander the Great.

For India, at least, historically, what Pollock theorized was only one instance of such a transregional formation. For the Sanskrit cosmopolis anticipated by some 500 years the advent of a similar phenomenon, a "Persian cosmopolis", which spanned great swaths of West, Central, and South Asia from about the ninth to the 19th century.

These two models of cosmopolitan culture exhibited striking parallels. Both expanded and flourished well beyond the land of their origin, giving each a transregional - indeed, "placeless" - quality. Both were grounded in a prestige language and literature that conferred elite status on their users. They both articulated worldly power - specifically, universal dominion. And while both cosmopolises elaborated, discussed, and critiqued religious traditions, neither was grounded in any specific religion, but rather transcended the claims of any and all religions.

But what exactly was the "Persian cosmopolis"? After the conquest of the Iranian plateau in the seventh century, Iranians' refusal to remain under Arab rule and Arab culture resulted in attempts to recover a rich but submerged pre-Islamic Persian civilization, a movement whose linguistic dimension saw the emergence of New Persian.

This appeared first as a spoken lingua franca across the Iranian plateau. A written form derived from a modified Arabic script appeared in the mid-tenth century, when Persian writers in Khurasan - ie, northeastern Iran, western Afghanistan, and Central Asia - began appropriating the heritage of both Arab Islam and pre-Islamic Iran.

Initially, at least, court patronage - namely, the court of the Samanid dynasty of kings of Khurasan (819-999) - played an important role in these developments. Based in Bukhara (in southern Uzbekistan), the Samanid court straddled major trade routes connecting the Iranian plateau with India to the south, Turkish Central Asia to the north, and, via the Silk Road, China to the east. Bukhara thus lay in a commercially vibrant zone, which was also multi-lingual.

By the 14th century, however, across a vast swath of territory between Anatolia and East Asia, New Persian had become a prestigious literary language, a principal medium used in state bureaucracies, and a contact tongue used in interregional diplomacy. In China, it served not only as a lingua franca, but as the official foreign language in the 13th and 14th centuries. Marco Polo mainly used Persian in China, and in fact, throughout his travels on the Silk Road.

What explains this remarkable development? One factor was the cosmopolitan environment in which New Persian had been incubated. Khurasan in the Samanid era was diverse not only linguistically, but also religiously, with its communities of Jews, Christians, Manichaeans, Zoroastrians, Buddhists, pagans, and shamanists, together with both Shi'ite and Sunni Muslims.

The new tongue thus served as a common linguistic denominator in a multi-ethnic society. Moreover, since it did not serve as the vehicle for any scripture or liturgy, New Persian posed no ideological threat to Arabic, the language of Iran's seventh century Islamic victors.

Persian poetry also played a part in the diffusion of the Persian cosmopolis, in particular Iran's great epic poem, the Shahnama. Begun in late Samanid times and completed in 1010, Firdausi's epic of some 60,000 rhymed couplets self-consciously canonized Iran's pre-Islamic royal history.

Like the language in which it was composed, the Shahnama posed no threat to Arab or Islamic sentiment; to the contrary, it praised the reigning monarch, Mahmud of Ghazni (997-1030) as combining the virtues of both Iranian and Islamic sovereignty.

It also assimilated both the warrior ethos of Central Asian Turks and the heritage of Greek civilization. In Firdausi's hands, Alexander himself was transformed into a great Iranian king, and his mother an Iranian princess, while pre-Zoroastrian heroes were presented as analogs to Vedic Indian gods. In sum, the Shahnama had accommodated Greek, Turkic, and Indian cultures.

As with Sanskrit texts, which freely circulated across a vast expanse of territory, after the 11th century texts written in New Persian travelled astonishing distances, jumping ethnic and political, as well as natural frontiers. Nor did the production of Persian literature have any single geographical epicenter after the Mongols overran Khurasan in the 13th century.

Peoples in regions like the Caucasus or South Asia might retain everyday use of their local languages while cultivating, and even producing, great works of Persian literature. Both the Tamil and even the Malay "tellings" of the popular text One Thousand Questions claimed Persian origins that can be traced to 16th century South India. Similarly, in the 17th century Persian romance works such as the Haft Paykar by Nizami Ganjavi (d 1209) were translated into Bengali for kings of Burma's [now Myanmar's] Arakan coast.

In this way, vernacularized forms of the Persian cosmopolis travelled into the Burmese and Malay worlds of Southeast Asia. This portability of Persian letters across vast geo-cultural space was another dimension of the Persian cosmopolis that found an exact parallel with its Sanskrit predecessor.

In the political realm, the same environment that had nurtured the literary and bureaucratic use of New Persian - the culturally diverse milieu of ninth and tenth century Khurasan - also shaped a particular conception of a universal ruler, or "sultan".

Conceived as occupying a political space above and beyond all ethnic groups and religious communities, this figure was understood as not just universal, but truly supreme. In ninth and 10th century Khurasan under the Samanids, where memories of pre-Islamic Iran were being revived, sultans were endowed with universalist sovereignty associated with pre-Islamic Persian emperors.

Such a conception accorded with the idea of the Persian cosmopolis, which resisted limits to claims of sovereign territory. The same, for that matter, was true of the Sanskrit cosmopolis. Just as the sultans of Delhi claimed to be the "ruler of the surface of the earth," Indian maharajas grandly portrayed themselves as the "asylum of the whole world".

What is more, as early as the 12th century, the Iranian historian Ibn Balkhi made explicit a de facto separation of religion and state. He wrote that kingship in pre-Islamic Iran had been based on the supreme principle of justice, and that every king of that age had taught his heir-apparent the following maxim:
"There is no kingdom without an army, no army without wealth, no wealth without material prosperity, and no material prosperity without justice."
One notes the totalizing nature of this scheme: economy, morality, and politics are all integrated into a single coherent ideology. Equally notable is the central place the author gave to the idea of justice, and his complete omission of any reference to God or religion. As a ruling ideology, this formula would become a stock theme throughout the Persian-speaking world, repeated with only slight variations by a host of writers of the genre of courtly advice literature.

Notably, a ruling ideology that accommodated cultural diversity and focused on the principle of justice facilitated India's incorporation into the Persian cosmopolis. For one thing, an inclusivist Persian political ideology was well-suited for governing a north Indian society that was itself extraordinarily diverse religiously, linguistically, and socially.

For another, in 1206, just decades before the Mongol holocaust in Central Asia and Iran would make refugees of many thousands of uprooted Turks and Iranians, a Persianized state had been established in the heart of the north Indian plain. This was the Delhi sultanate (1206-1526), which inherited the Persianate governing traditions and ideological legacy that had evolved in Khurasan under Samanid rulers.

The presence of this sultanate thus enabled refugees fleeing Mongol invaders to migrate from Central Asia and Iran to north India, where they were received and patronized by the sultanate's officials. Naturally, these refugees implanted in India the entire spectrum of Persian culture that they had brought with them from Central Asia and Iran.

What is perhaps most remarkable about the Persian cosmopolis, however, is how readily its core ideas diffused into territories lying beyond the borders of Persianized states like the Delhi sultanate. A distinctively Persianate ideology privileging the notion of justice and connecting economy, morality, and politics infiltrated peninsular India even while that region was still governed by Hindu rulers. At some time in the 12th or 13th century the Telugu poet Baddena, writing at the Kakatiya court at Warangal, penned these striking lines:
To acquire wealth: make the people prosper. To make the people prosper: justice is the means. O Kirti Narayana! They say that justice is the treasury of kings.
These lines clearly reveal the influence of the Persianate world, for the concept of justice as a central tenet of rulership was completely absent in Sanskrit political thought. Moreover, as in the Sanskrit cosmopolis, these ideals had been borrowed, not imposed.

Apart from political ideology, other components of the Persian cosmopolis diffused throughout India after the thirteenth century, including architecture, dress, courtly comportment, cuisine, and especially, lexicon. As the geographic reach of Persian letters expanded, so did the production of dictionaries, whose compilers endeavored to make literature produced in different parts of the Persophone world mutually comprehensible. From the 14th century dictionaries began to be produced in India, where such works rendered Persian equivalences for words not only in Indian languages, but also in Turkish, Pashto, Aramaic, Greek, Latin, and Syriac.

Indeed, between the 16th and 19th centuries, of all Persian language dictionaries produced anywhere, most were produced in India. From the 14th century on, Persian had become the most widely used language for governance across the subcontinent, as Indians filled the vast revenue and judicial bureaucracies in the Delhi sultanate and its successor states, and later in the Mughal empire (1526-1858) and its successor states.

As a result, Persian terms infiltrated the vocabulary of nearly all major regional languages of South Asia. Vernaculars like Bengali or Telugu are replete with Persian terms pertaining not only to governance, but to commerce, literacy, cuisine, music, textiles, and technologies of all sorts.

To conclude, while it shared much in common with its Sanskrit counterpart, the Persian cosmopolis, unlike its Indic predecessor, had appropriated earlier prestigious and cosmopolitan cultures - namely, pre-Islamic Iran, Arab Islam, and Hellenism. Therefore, when Islam as a religious system diffused through north India and the Deccan, it did so encapsulated within a larger Persianate vessel.

Crucially, it was precisely the non-religious character of this larger Persian cosmopolis that allowed non-Muslims to readily assimilate so many of its aspects. Yet most modern scholarship appears to have missed this, continuing instead to read South Asian history through the narrow lens of religion, and in particular that of Hindu-Muslim confrontation, thereby perpetuating 19th century tropes of Oriental despotism, 20th century tropes of a "clash of civilizations," or 21st-century Western anxieties over Islamist activism.

[member_19686]

A distinctively Persianate ideology privileging the notion of justice and connecting economy, morality, and politics infiltrated peninsular India even while that region was still governed by Hindu rulers. At some time in the 12th or 13th century the Telugu poet Baddena, writing at the Kakatiya court at Warangal, penned these striking lines:
To acquire wealth: make the people prosper. To make the people prosper: justice is the means. O Kirti Narayana! They say that justice is the treasury of kings.
These lines clearly reveal the influence of the Persianate world, for the concept of justice as a central tenet of rulership was completely absent in Sanskrit political thought. Moreover, as in the Sanskrit cosmopolis, these ideals had been borrowed, not imposed.

Ahh yes make an assertion, offer no evidence and it becomes the sole truth so long as it is singing the glories of anything from outside India.

[Prem]

Indian movies have always been the mirror of their time. Whike Paki were/areWorld Best Traveled and Dressed Beggars : Indian aspiratiosn always have been Apna Haath Jagannath

[abhishek_sharma]

From the Urdu Press

Before Telangana

Rashtriya Sahara says in an editorial: “The opposition to Telangana in Andhra Pradesh is illogical and, in a way, baseless. One can’t overlook the fact that the people of Telangana in Andhra have been treated in an unequal way and discriminated against all along. It is clear that the movement has mass support. A section of the leadership of the so-called middle class of Muslims... was not able to decide whether to support the movement or not. The BJP used this confusion to win the sympathy of the Telangana Sangharsh Samiti. But the ground reality is that the common Muslim of Telangana has been in total support for a separate state... Even the Jamaat-e-Islami had been supporting this demand.”

Inquilab, in an editorial, writes: “The Congress, which is used to playing with problems instead of solving them, showed great interest in keeping the Telangana controversy alive. Significantly, even though new states were carved out of UP, Bihar and MP, the people of Telangana were neither accorded economic justice nor was their demand for a separate state conceded. The Congress had promised a Telangana state in its election manifesto. Therefore, there should have been no scope for any hesitation... but still they did nothing except repeatedly push it into cold storage”.

Nagging doubts

The judgment delivered by a trial court in the Batla House encounter case has generated great controversy. The daily Jadeed Khabar, in an editorial, writes: “Muslims believe that it was a fake encounter and that all the young Muslims against whom cases were filed are innocent. The police has no proof against them.”

Qaumi Salamati, in an editorial, writes: “The evidence against Shahzad Ahmad is doubtful and suspicious. Shahzad’s escape from the fourth floor of a building... on a day the area was overtaken by police... was not easy. Most of the 70 witnesses in the case were policemen or outsiders. The defence counsel had, therefore, forcefully pleaded as to how it could be established that the escaping person was indeed Shahzad, when no witnesses recognised him... Questions were also raised about the nature of injuries on the bodies of the two persons — Atif and Sajid — who were killed in the incident.”

Veteran journalist Aziz Burney wrote in Aziz-ul-Hind, raising “very important questions” and demanding answers. The questions were regarding DCP Alok Kumar, whose presence at the scene of the encounter was not noticed by the media. “Why did Sub-Inspector Dharmendra keep reporting to the late Inspector Sharma, when his senior Kumar was the de-facto head of the police party? Where was he during the firing on the fourth floor? Why did he not come forward to give his first-hand account of the incident? Why did the police, which was lauded for its successful raid, not mention Kumar at all?” Burney asks.

Bharat Ratna

Following Chandan Mitra’s observations about the desirability of withdrawing Amartya Sen’s Bharat Ratna, Inquilab editor Shakeel Shamsi in his column writes: “Obviously, Amartya Sen is not to be measured by any award. He has earned a place of dignity in the world because of his scholarship. Chandan Mitra’s remarks prove that the NDA gave Sen the award, not for his work, but to ensure that the credit for his achievements could be taken by the NDA government...” Rashtriya Sahara in an editorial writes: “If the BJP were cognisant of the fact that Sen is really precious like a diamond, this would not have happened. One pities the mindset that makes minor BJP members give Narendra Modi primacy over all else... This is sycophancy of an inferior kind. Sen’s response implied that... he would not want Narendra Modi to become the PM... He, like all lovers of humanity, cannot absolve Modi for the genocide of Muslims in 2002.”

Compiled by Seema Chishti

[skher]

A request.

Many years ago I read in my school history textbook (NCERT,they exuded brilliance then,not like the wikipedia like articles we have now) a quote which states that extent of influence of British India should stretch from the Straits of Hormuz in the Horn of Africa to the Straits of Malacca.

I no longer have the exact quote nor have any inkling as to the Britisher who said this.

If someone indeed is able to find this quote, I request forum management to consider putting the quote as a sticky or the permanently top most post on the first page of this thread on Indian Interests.

P.S.:The British followed this advice religiously and included for their Indian empire Singapore and Colony of Aden.In the 21st century, India has tried its level best to maintain equal partnership with Yemen,Singapore and Iran with limited success as the establishment's full attention & resources have not been given to this goal unlike the British Raj.

[Samudragupta]

A request.

Many years ago I read in my school history textbook (NCERT,they exuded brilliance then,not like the wikipedia like articles we have now) a quote which states that extent of influence of British India should stretch from the Straits of Hormuz in the Horn of Africa to the Straits of Malacca.

I no longer have the exact quote nor have any inkling as to the Britisher who said this.

If someone indeed is able to find this quote, I request forum management to consider putting the quote as a sticky or the permanently top most post on the first page of this thread on Indian Interests.

P.S.:The British followed this advice religiously and included for their Indian empire Singapore and Colony of Aden.In the 21st century, India has tried its level best to maintain equal partnership with Yemen,Singapore and Iran with limited success as the establishment's full attention & resources have not been given to this goal unlike the British Raj.

In his book `The Place of India in the Empire', published in 1909, Lord Curzon talks of India's geopolitical significance. ``On the West, India must exercise a predominant influence over the destinies of Persia and Afghanistan; on the north, it can veto any rival in Tibet; on the north-east and last it can exert great pressure upon China, and it is one of the guardians of the autonomous existence of Siam,'' he wrote.

[kish]

Gandhi is an old fool and his character is doubtful, Nizam said

A set of newly declassified files regarding the liberation of Hyderabad in 1948 provides interesting insights into the recent history of Andhra Pradesh, its unification, the end of Nizam's rule and the faultlines that have contributed further to the creation of Telangana.

Several secret coded telegrams sent by the Nizam of Hyderabad over the tense months of 1947-48, after he had declared his intention not to join India and Pakistan, also provide insights into his bitterness and his plan to hire a European prime minister for Hyderabad. The standoff finally ended after India launched Operation Polo to liberate Hyderabad in September, 1948.

"Gandhi has started his fast with the intention of unifying the Muslims but he is an old fool and his character is doubtful," the Nizam says in one of his several telegrams to his legal advisor Sir Walter Monckton, who played a key role in the Nizam's negotiations with Lord Mountbatten after Hyderabad declared its intention to remain independent.

In another telegram, the Nizam tells Monckton to find a European prime minister for Hyderabad, so as to further firm up his declared independence, which was being opposed by the communists, the Congress and the Indian state. "Try for dominion status for Hyderabad within the Commonwealth. Try to get a European prime minister," according to the Nizam's telegram to Monckton.

According to a note of the Intelligence Bureau (IB), these telegrams were sent by the Nizam to Monckton "in code," after the arrival of K M Munshi as India's agent general in Hyderabad and Mahatma Gandhi's fast.

The telegrams show that the Nizam was heavily dependent on Monckton to advice him through the crisis. "Come early, the condition in the state is worsening day by day. India government is trying to strangle Hyderabad and is giving all kinds of difficulties. She is encouraging border incidents. These rascals are unnecessarily creating trouble regarding the Rs 20 crore loan to Pakistan(The remnants of Nizams and razakars are a security threat to integrity of India.). There was nothing wrong in transferring the Indian securities into Pakistan securities. Hyderabad is prepared for the worst. Give also this information to the authorities in England. Come early," the Nizam wires Monckton.

In another telegram, the Nizam tells his advisor that Mountbatten is likely to come to Hyderabad and force it to accede to the Indian Union. "If he comes here with that intention, the condition here will worsen as the people would not like that. I have already declared my independence and I am not ready to rescind from that position and accede, whatever may happen. My people are also with me," the Nizam says. And then again appeals to Monckton to come early because Mountbatten was expected to visit in February, 1948.

The Nizam also reveals in one of his telegrams that the 'Stand Still Agreement' signed on November 29, 1947 with India was only to "mark time".

Also among the declassified documents are many other intelligence reports that bring out the deep suspicion that Indian agencies had of British officers of the Indian Army. One assessment says they are mostly "pro-Muslim and are creating as much trouble as they can before they quit India next year", and they must be sent back at the earliest.

This particular report — put up by V P Menon for the perusal of Mountbatten — also talks of the need to remove the British brigadier posted in Secunderabad. Among the intelligence reports are also several inputs about the irregular fighters, communists, movement of foreign journalists and others.

As tensions further mounted, in August 1948, the agent general was told in a detailed secret report that "aerial gun running is still going on between Karachi and Hyderabad. The planes are mostly landing at Warangal and occasionally at Bidar. Incidents have been reported of two and even three planes arriving the same day. It is through these planes that emissaries of Hyderabad travel to Pakistan and the places abroad".

On September 18, 1948, Major General Syed Ahmed El Edroos, the commander-in-chief of the Hyderabad State Forces, surrendered his army to Indian troops under Major General J N Choudhuri, who later became the Army chief. Hyderabad became an independent state between 1948 and 1956, and then it was split up among Andhra Pradesh, Bombay — later divided into Gujarat and Maharashtra — and Karnataka.

[member_22872]

The remnants of Nizams and razakars are a security threat to integrity of India

Aren't these the Owaisis?

[Prem]

http://www.foxnews.com/world/2013/08/01 ... al-wealth/
India official tells people to 'loot as much as you can' country's mineral wealth
( Azam Khan might be Indian Official but he aint Indian)

An Indian government official has told his constituents to “loot as much as you can” regarding the country’s mineral wealth.The comment from Azam Khan, a senior minister in the Uttar Pradesh state’s ruling Samajwadi Party, came after a civil servant seized more than 20 dump trucks and arrested several leaders of illegal sand-mining gangs. The civil servant, Durga Shakti Nagpal, was later fired from her position for ordering the demolition of an illegal mosque.The gangs, which illegally mine sand for India’s booming construction industry, are believed to have political links to Khan’s party, The Telegraph reports."Everyone has the right on nature's bounty. Loot as much as you can," Khan said lauding Nagpal's ouster.The Indian Administrative Service, a civil servant organization, accused the state government of punishing Nagpal to send a message to other honest government officials, The Telegraph reports.

[ramana]

^^^

As tensions further mounted, in August 1948, the agent general was told in a detailed secret report that "aerial gun running is still going on between Karachi and Hyderabad. The planes are mostly landing at Warangal and occasionally at Bidar. Incidents have been reported of two and even three planes arriving the same day. It is through these planes that emissaries of Hyderabad travel to Pakistan and the places abroad".

That was the Australian gun runner Sidney Cotton using Avro Lancaster aircraft to smuggle weapons to the razakars from Karachi.


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sidney_Cotton

[Prem]

The political reforms within India are becoming imperative now to save the Desh from both internal and external security threats. Its becoming detrimental for Indian people to bear the burden of Pre partition generation leadership at the helm. Country cant afford them any longer. They must be removed from power centers using every possible lawful mean. The failure of Indian leadership in nation building stand in contrast with the rest of Asia. The upcoming election might be the last or second last to usher in new era using democratic methods. Will the political leadership learn and choose wise course or remain adamant in dooming both the nation and themselves? If they keep standing on the way and dont move , the odds of being run over by screaming Indian people crowd are rushing toward positive plus by the minute. Clock ticking toward Rang De Basanti moments and Netas better beware and not make the change more painful for both Indians and Themselves.

[ramana]

Foreign Policy on Raguram Rajan appointment as RBI governor:

http://ideas.foreignpolicy.com/posts/20 ... ading_list

I am not so sure for such an embedded US elite to be RBI governor.
But then IG Patel went to settle down at LSE!

[RamaY]

The remnants of Nizams and razakars are a security threat to integrity of India

Aren't these the Owaisis?

Yes. Like JeM they renamed themselves.

[Prem]

Portraits of Moneyed Classes Put a Face on India’s Economic Growth
http://www.wired.com/rawfile/2013/08/re ... deid-30641
(Change Inevitable: THose who wont change will Die)

Whenever I saw pictures of India, they were images of impoverished people in the streets,” says Young. “I was curious to see this other side that everyone was talking about.”His title is a nod to India’s 7 percent GDP growth rate in 2011, which is when he made the photos. His subjects are businessmen, professionals, and ex-nobility. They’re photographed in cravats and blazers and posed beside horses, pools, and vintage cars. Designer furniture and designer pets abound.Historically, social status in India has been tied to the country’s caste system, which organizes people, particularly Hindu, into a hierarchy of groups. But the current Indian constitution bans discrimination on the basis of caste, and the Indian government has instituted affirmative action programs to help lower classes gain political, social, and financial success.

Young’s impression is that it remains difficult to move beyond and outside any given caste. Some of his subjects, however, don’t see things as absolute.“Some thought India had become a country where if you worked hard, you could be successful,” Young says.It was often difficult to get access to his subjects because only a small number of well-off Indians wanted to discuss their growing wealth. “Generally, people who’ve had affluence for generations are much quieter about their fortune,” he says. “The new wealthy are the ones who drive race cars and wear flashy clothes. The old wealthy are far more understated in the way they presented themselves.”To get his foot in the door, Young teamed up with writer Annalisa Merelli, who had lived in New Delhi for years and was connected enough to snag a dinner invite to a moneyed friend of a friend’s house.“They were so open, and after that evening they introduced us to other people who were similar,” says Young. “Most of my personal stories have worked like this, every person I meet, I ask them for two new people who may be right for the story. The snowball effect is usually very fruitful.”Merelli conducted the interviews and wrote the text for The Seven Percent. Young also worked with photographer Michael de Pasquale who took pictures of empty dinner plates left behind by the people in the photos. Food scarcity can be an issue in parts of India, so the plates at meals of the affluent are telling. When Young’s portraits are shown, they’re hung as diptychs along side the food photos.Since Young started the project, India’s economy has slowed down. The growth rate was 5.0 percent for the 2012–13 fiscal year, and the Indian government says it should have a growth rate of 6.1 percent to 6.7 percent for the year 2013-14. In July, India’s currency, the rupee, also fell to a record low. A recent spat between two Indian-born Ivy League economists has hit recent headlines, and the debate revolves around whether government spending on social programs or extended freedom to private investment will bring about the quickest arrest in India’s economic slowdown. Young says opinions about how to keep the country moving forward varied amongst the subjects he photographed. Only some thought committed investment in social programs was essential.“Of the 15 people we interviewed, probably eight of them said that education for the poor would be the most important change needed to reduce the rate of poverty in India,” he says.

[kish]

The remnants of Nizams and razakars are a security threat to integrity of India

Aren't these the Owaisis?

They are all over the place. This banner is from "God's own country". WTF, Nawaz sharif banners?

[member_22872]

^^^Talk of worms eating the fruit from within. You don't need an external enemy. The inflow of funds for these desi islamist/EJ groups should first be eliminated. Really, to me the above posters appears as if the other two goons are in NS's party and they are contesting a Paki election IN INDIA.

[RamaY]

^^

Let it continue. Let these guys, with NS and OBL type posters, get elected by getting votes from the "silent majority" of Indian Muslims who are patriotic and nationalistic onlee. Let the secularists sleep in bed with them.

Let the truth come out.

[abhishek_sharma]

Views from the Right

Telangana trouble

The Sangh Parivar weekly Organiser published an editorial highlighting the Congress-led UPA government's reliance on "electoral calculations" in reaching a decision regarding Telangana. It further says these calculations are incorrect, and that this does not bode well for the Congress.The editorial also accuses the UPA government for procrastinating over Telangana, whose formation was one of their 2004 election promises. It says, "by taking this decision in the last leg of the tenure, UPA is running away from the responsibility of creating and sustaining the state". It highlights how internal security challenges due to Akbaruddin Owaisi, "new settlements of Rohingya Muslims" in Hyderabad, and Naxals in the region have not been adequately taken care of. "In an attempt to nullify the Jagan Reddy factor, the Sonia Gandhi-led Congress has timed the decision to perfection", says the editorial. It also laments Congress general secretary Digvijaya Singh heading the consultations on the issue, saying: "Forget about the alliance partners and opposition parties, there seems to be no consensus about the future and nature of Andhra Pradesh among the Congress leaders itself". According to the editorial, the NDA government's management of the creation of Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttaranchal in 2000, for which L.K. Advani managed the consultation process, is in contrast with the Congress entrusting this sensitive task to "some party functionary". The editorial also points out the absence of a plan to tackle "the upsurge of such demands" from other parts of the country.

Opaque on transparency

Both Sangh Parivar weeklies express frustration at the government's move to amend the RTI Act in order to nullify the chief information commissioner's order, bringing the six national parties under the ambit of the RTI. An editorial in Panchjanya, suggests that the move, which has support from "across party lines", is a reflection of "the corruption and insensitivity of the political class". The editorial criticises political parties for closing ranks and rallying against transparency. The Organiser skilfully attempts to exonerate the BJP for supporting a potential amendment by blaming the Congress for initiating the move. It has sought comments from leaders of all major political parties other than the BJP. The Organiser also carries an article written by a BJP spokesperson, that deflects attention from the party's position on political parties being under the RTI and focuses, instead, on the non-inclusion of NGOs under the act.

kanwar yatra

Both Sangh Parivar weeklies made the "kanwar yatra", undertaken by Hindus wearing "saffron robes" for a fortnight in the monsoon, their cover stories. While the Panchjanya describes this as a "search for god in nature", the Organiser calls the pilgrimage a "symbol of endurance and integrity".

While the kanwar yatra is undertaken for the Hindu god Shiva, both weeklies ensure that Lord Ram is not forgotten. Both prominently report from the Vishwa Hindu Parishad's recent meeting at Guwahati and highlight the demand for a legislation, to be passed by Parliament in this monsoon session itself, to facilitate the building of a Ram temple in Ayodhya. The reports also announce the launch of the "84 kos parikrama" around Ayodhya from August 25 till September 13.

[nawabs]

Does climate change lead to conflict?

http://www.livemint.com/Page/Id/2.0.2880271761

As the world stays on course to warm 2°C by 2050, it is likely to become a more violent place. Among the places at maximum risk of war, riot or ethnic conflict: India and the subcontinent.

These are the findings of a new study published last week in the journal Science by researchers from Princeton University and the University of California, Berkeley.The team reviewed data from 60 studies, spread across disciplines as varied as archaeology and economics and found that even marginal oscillations in global climate from 10,000 BC to the present day marred peace and stability.

“The results of our paper make a very strong case for the view that extreme climate outcomes lead to more conflict and violence,” co-author Edward Miguel, an economics professor at Berkeley, told me in an e-mail interview. “The historical data that we typically use do not rely on climate change per se, only on climatic variation that can be studied in existing data. But the results do have clear implications for future climate change.”

The results were the same across widely different societies and countries, whether Brazil, Tanzania, the US or India. A shift of one standard deviation—a unit of change from the normal—in rainfall or heat, the researchers said, increased the chances of group violence, such as civil war, riots or ethnic conflict by an average of 14%; of personal violence, such as murder or rape, by 4%.
The climate does not have to be particularly volatile to destabilize societies. A standard-deviation shift of one, the researchers found, is the rough equivalent of an African country warming up by no more than 0.35°C over 12 months.

Most of India and the subcontinent faces the prospect of three- to four-deviation shifts in climate by 2050, which implies a 42% to 56% rise in the risk of civil war, riots or ethnic conflict. The paper refers to many historical cases of climate effects on the rise and fall of civilizations. Miguel pointed “to the collapse of the Mayan civilization in the 9th century AD, and the collapse of multiple Chinese imperial dynasties, all following periods of extreme adverse climate”.

That trend continues. As Climate Central, an independent US organization of scientists and journalists researching and reporting climate change, pointed out, previous studies have associated numerous recent conflicts with climate extremes. These include the Arab Spring, which began in 2010, and the ongoing Syrian civil war. Increases in food prices from climate-related events preceded the unrest in Tunisia and Egypt. The Syrian revolt began after a drought and soaring food prices.

Many studies have warned that the frequency and severity of drought will intensify in areas with growing populations, such as South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, exacerbating water shortages that are already evident.

Particularly worrying is the pace of climate change. “It appears that the impacts of climate changes are more imminent than previously thought,” said a 2012 study commissioned by the US Central Intelligence Agency. “This is cause for significant concern in the latter part of this century, but will affect society in significant ways today and through the coming decade.”

In India, where global climate change is predicted to increase rainfall slightly but with greater variability—meaning more droughts and floods—the effect of rainfall shocks are increasingly apparent.

Analysing nationwide rainfall, crime and dowry data, economists Sheetal Sekhri and Adam Storeygard found that domestic violence and dowry deaths in India rose in periods of lower-than-normal rainfall. For instance, a one-metre rainfall deficit led to a 37% spike in dowry deaths. “Dowry deaths are used to increase income in time of economic distress, as these killings give households access to a large dowry payment,” said the study, released in March.

Another paper released in January found that rainfall shocks increased the incidence of most crimes, including burglary, banditry, rape, riots and murder. David Blakeslee and Ram Mukul Fishman examined data from three decades (1970-2000) and found only property crimes increased in times of abundant rainfall.

In 2011, two studies found an association between times of sparse rainfall and Hindu-Muslim riots in India.The Princeton-Berkeley study now appears to clearly establish that climate change, or variation, causes conflict. But why does this happen?

Common sense suggests that weather variations unsettle people’s lives. For instance, a farmer who loses his crop is a stressed and, perhaps, an angry farmer. Scientifically, it is hard to say.

“We’re in the same position that medical researchers were in during the 1930s: they could find clear statistical evidence that smoking tobacco was a proximate cause of lung cancer, but they couldn’t explain why until many years later,” the study’s lead researcher, Solomon Hsiang, told a blog called Carbon Brief. “In the same way, we can show that climatic events cause conflict, but we can’t yet say exactly why.”

[svinayak]

Fake article. There has been these kind of doomsday article created during 60s.
Even green movement is supposed to bring disaster for India

[devesh]

^^

Let it continue. Let these guys, with NS and OBL type posters, get elected by getting votes from the "silent majority" of Indian Muslims who are patriotic and nationalistic onlee. Let the secularists sleep in bed with them.

Let the truth come out.

I wonder what the resident BRF secularists think of the above? they become completely silent on such topics. total radio silence.
not even the usual platitude like "oh, it's just a one-off situation..."

[Sushupti]

Speechless!

[devesh]

Delusion has fully taken hold. No sane medicine exists to convince such people. Only the collapse of their imaginary world can bring some buddhi in them. But "speechless" is correct indeed. No words exist to describe the foolishness.

[Prem]

India Green News: PM Singh (VOA) calls for India to get serious about climate change.
Kya Phir Bhi Shakk Hai: PM Saab speak American

peaking at the inauguration of two Bharat Heavy Electricals Ltd (BHEL) projects in Chennai, Dr. Manmohan Singh said, “Today, climate change has become an urgent concern across the globe.“India is among the countries that would be the most seriously impacted by the consequences of climate change. We need to develop ways and means to reduce our carbon footprint through technological innovation,” he said.

[Philip]

Victory for India!

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldne ... ntain.html

Indian villagers defeat British billionaire over plans to mine sacred mountain

A primitive Indian tribe which worships its remote jungle mountain as a living god has inflicted a humiliating defeat on one of Britain's wealthiest billionaires over his plans to open a vast aluminium ore mine on their land.

Anil Agarwal, who rose from humble beginnings as a scrap metal dealer in one of India's poorest states to a life of luxury in London's Mayfair, had planned to boost his fortune by mining and processing bauxite in Niyamgiri, Orissa, south East India.

He promised to bring new jobs, build schools and hospitals to bring the hill's 'backward' Dongria Kondh tribesmen into the modern world.

Anil Agarwal, Chief Executive of Vedanta Resources. (JUSTIN SUTCLIFFE FOR THE TELEGRAPH)

His plan however, which was agreed with the Orissa state government as far back as 2005, infuriated the Dongria who saw the proposal as an attack not only on their way of life but also on 'Niyamraja', the sacred hill they worshipped as their provider.

They launched a protest movement to save their verdant tropical forest paradise populated by tigers, leopards and elephants from Mr Agarwal's plans to replace its mango and sal trees with mine shafts and busy roads.

A lady listens to proceedings outside the meeting hall. (Simon De Trey-White)

And this week they clinched a decisive victory. Lakhapadar, the largest of twelve Dongria villages on Niyamgiri, rejected the mine plan unanimously in a vote described by an Indian minister as a historic moment in the country's democracy – the first time the government had allowed its tribal people to decide their own future.

The Dongria speak Kui, a language few outsiders understand, and live in remote mud hut villages with little contact with the outside world. They live without electricity, have no access to television, and have survived without schools and hospitals. Few, if any, of them have ever been to the nearest town, Bhawanipatna, two hours away by car or watched a Bollywood film.

Their men, who keep sharp forest axes hooked over their shoulders and wear clips and combs in their centre-parted, pony-tailed hair, collect bananas, mangoes, oranges and medicinal plants from the forest and barter some of their bounty for salt, cloth and other items they cannot find. Dongria women have three nose rings and wear few clothes except for a backless sari cloth which loosely covers their breasts.

Dongria Kondha tribal villagers observe and listen to proceedings from inside the Gram Sabha meeting hall in Lakhapadar village. (Simon De Trey-White)

The conflict between their old world and the new one of Mr Agarwal first emerged after the tycoon's Vedanta Resources began building a vast aluminium refinery at the foot of Niyamgiri to process the bauxite he was confident he would be allowed to mine below its higher slopes. Many Dongria were forced to leave their homes and their traditional subsistence living to make way for the construction.

Villagers listen to proceedings outsdie the Gram Sabha meeting hall. (Simon De Trey-White)

Their eviction led to a series of legal challenges to halt the mining plans which culminated with a Supreme Court order for the villagers themselves to decide on the £1 billion mine investment in a series of votes.

On Wednesday, several hundred Dongria gathered for the tenth and largest of 12 village council elections in what the government regarded as the decisive vote.

The Telegraph travelled with judge Sarat Chandra Mishra, appointed to record their decision, as he made his way under the thick forest canopy on the two hour steep hike to Lakhapadar. The judge was accompanied by several hundred heavily armed paramilitary police to protect him after the government alleged the area had become 'infested' by Maoist insurgents. The tribesmen say the claim is false and the government has used it to justify a campaign of intimidation against them.

Under a makeshift pagoda in Lakhapadar and amid driving monsoon rain, many villagers wielding their axes and squatting on their haunches were called out one by one by the judge to record their vote and make a speech. Their angry rejections were broadcast across the hills over a generator-powered public address system.

It quickly became clear no one was prepared to support the state government and Vedanta's vision of progress and many vowed to attack any officials or company staff who tried to exploit their hill with their weapons.

Sikaka Kunji, a 50 year old grandmother with nose-rings and a white backless sari, sent fellow villagers scurrying as she started swinging an axe in the air to express her anger. "I will sacrifice my life, I will use my axe and cut whoever comes for mining," she said.

Sikaka Kunji (50) demonstrates with her axe how she would resist the Vedanta mining operation in her area. (Simon De Trey-White)

The state government, which supports the mining plan, had deployed armed police on the hill to intimidate her villagers, she claimed. "They are using the police force and disturbing us in our homes. We don't want them and we are telling the government and the company we will cut them with our axes. Niyamraja is our god," she added.

Accounts of intimidation of villagers appeared to be corroborated when the Telegraph's reporter and photographer were detained by police intelligence officers and a local campaigner was summoned to the their headquarters in Bhawanipatna for questioning and denounced as a 'foreign agent' for assisting this paper.

A spokesperson for Vedanta meanwhile said it "categorically rejects and abhors all forms of violence, intimidation and coercion. We are very disappointed and surprised to hear these allegations."

But other villagers confirmed that intimidation by police was now a way of life.

Sikuka Sani, a 36-year-old villager, told the Telegraph: "We're getting beaten up and we're living in terror. We've been unable to go to the nearby villages because the police goons follow us."

Tribeswomen carry copper pots of water into the meeting hall. (Simon De Trey-White)

"We don't want the refinery and this kind of [mining] development. For thousands of years we have been living here and for thousands of years our children will live here but these refineries will drain the mountains of water. As the refinery has come up, we've been facing more and more difficulties."

Mr Sani said he rejected the advance of development and expressed the hope that his eight year old son Dili will never go to school, watch television or play computer games.

But he conceded that despite the famous victory of his small village over a mining giant, the march of development was probably unstoppable.

"Once he is educated, he will leave this mountain and learn this lifestyle. He will sell our land to the company. At these schools, they don't teach how to live with nature, they teach how to live by exploitation," he said.

Dongria Kondha tribal people leave Lakhapadar village after a unanimous 'against' vote in a Gram Sabha meeting. (Simon De Trey-White)

[abhishek_sharma]

Coomi Kapoor's Column

Footballer in House

There have been several cricketers in Parliament, including Sachin Tendulkar, Chetan Chauhan, Kirti Azad and Mohammed Azharuddin, but for the first time in the Lok Sabha's history, a footballer has now become a member of the House. Arjuna awardee Prasun Banerjee, who has captained the national football team in many international events, was sworn in on Monday as the MP from Howrah. Banerjee of the Trinamool Congress defeated CPM and BJP candidates. Most of his parliamentary colleagues did not recognise the famous sportsman, but two CPI MPs from Kerala who are football fans greeted him enthusiastically.

Tirath vs NCW

The spat between Minister for Women and Child Development Krishna Tirath and the Chairperson of the National Commission for Women, Mamta Sharma, has taken a turn for the worse. Both women have made charges against each other and the issue has now reached the Prime Minister's Office. Sharma has written to the PM, complaining that Tirath is needlessly interfering in the affairs of the commission though it is an autonomous body. Tirath has countered this saying that there are one lakh cases pending before the commission and that scores of NGOs have complained to her against the manner in which the commission functions. Since the commission falls under her ministry, Tirath feels she should have a say in the matter.

Restricted entry

When Rahul Gandhi visits the Congress headquarters on Akbar Road, the front gates are locked and the media is not allowed inside the building. Journalists who want to meet other Congress office-bearers in the complex are thus left stranded. For a month now, the BJP office at Ashoka Road too has started restricting visitors. Previously the office was open to the media, but now, they are not permitted unless they have an appointment with an office-bearer—they cannot simply drift from one room to another in search of news. Some attribute the new restrictions to a suggestion from Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, who is distinctly media-unfriendly in his state. The Gandhinagar secretariat is out of bounds to journalists. Modi's ministers are also reluctant to speak to the press.

To cap it all

Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan is keen to establish an identity distinct from that of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi. While Modi had rejected the offer to wear a skull cap to please his Muslim constituents, Chouhan donned a Muslim prayer cap at an iftar party he hosted in Bhopal last week. But the cap was a bright saffron and contrasted with the white-and-black of the other headgear. Chouhan had invited around 1,000 representatives from the minority community for the function.

Presidential silence

On August 15, Discovery Channel will release a 45-minute documentary on Rashtrapati Bhavan which will include the history of the building from its conception as well as a viewing of the presidential place with its magnificent interiors and renovations. President Pranab Mukherjee has already had a glimpse of the documentary. Last month, the president invited a number of mediapersons to his home for a get-together. He noted that he loved the "gup shup" they provided him. Unfortunately, Mukherjee could not return the favour by providing them gossip since his lips are sealed as president.

Appeasing gods

Temporarily deposed BCCI president N Srinivasan believes that he will get back his old position because even if the courts, the media and much of the cricket world are against him, the gods may be with him. Deeply religious, Srinivasan performs two pujas a day and visits the Navasakthi Vinayagar temple in Chennai every day whenever he is in the city. He has donated huge amounts for the maintenance of the Sringeri Mutt in Karnataka and the Srirangam temple which falls in Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa's constituency. Perhaps his most spectacular gift to a shrine is the donation of a ladoo-making machine to the Tirupati temple. The machine produces some 25,000 ladoos a day. The besan and dried fruits are transported along long conveyor belts and are mixed with syrup and ghee in huge vats. The process is almost entirely mechanised.

[krithivas]

Tax Protected Christian Minority institution in India actively discriminates:
http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Hyd ... s#comments

The roots of education are bitter, but the fruit is sweet. Tanishq Jaiswal has learnt it the harsh way. For no fault of his, the boy is being denied education. His only fault is that he has contracted diabetes at an early age

.

[Prem]

Posting in full to spite the economist.

Code: Select all

The Indosphere
Made outside India
As growth slows and reforms falter, economic activity is shifting out of India
Aug 10th 2013 | COLOMBO, DUBAI AND MUMBAI |From the print edition
The biggest warning sign would be if Indians themselves started to leave. Despite some mutterings among the professional classes, that does not seem to be happening. Still, if India does not kick-start its economy and reform, more than derivative trading and Bollywood singalongs will shift abroad.

Trend started about 3 years ago and accelrating. Have met few real good folks from Dilli , Punjab area who have made exploratory visist to US. They have money but dont want to invest there. Almost all of them had nothing but contempt for UPA and MMS particular. Economy is one factor in their decision . They Fear Social unrest and lawlessness to increase if Congress come to power again and want to make sure they have safe exit for the family. Less said better as they have ears close to ground and feel real alienated in their own land.

[svinayak]

Caribbean nations wooing Indian immigrants with attractive citizenship-for-cash offers
Padmaparna Ghosh, TNN | Aug 11, 2013, 06.14 AM IST


Soon, cricket may not be the only connection Indians have with the Caribbean. Countries like St Kitts & Nevis, Dominica and Antigua have rolled out attractive citizenship-for-cash programs to woo Indian immigrants.

The latest to launch a citizenship-by-investment (CIP) program is Antigua & Barbuda, a tiny independent Commonwealth state in the eastern Caribbean which will open up its borders to other nationals in a month. It is giving full citizenship for an investment of at least $400,000 (about Rs 2.4 crore) in an approved real estate project. A St Kitts citizenship, too, comes for $400, 000 while tiny tropical Dominica is even cheaper at $100,000 (Rs 60,70,000).

Both countries have set their sights on wealthy Chinese as well as Indian immigrants. "Since the program was announced in March, we have had a number of inquiries from Indian citizens. Most of them view it as a lifestyle investment," says Jason Taylor, CEO, Janik Partners, an Antigua-based company that specializes in CIP.

So what are the advantages of an Antigua and Barbuda passport besides the tropical breeze, swaying palm trees and white sand beaches, of course? An Antigua passport can get you visa-free travel to 126 countries including Canada, Hong Kong, Singapore, the UK and Europe. St Kitts gets you over 100 countries. An Indian passport only gets you 55 countries.

As a Commonwealth citizen, one also receives certain preferential treatment in the UK. For example, your children may enter the UK to study without first having to apply for student visas. After studying, they may work there for two years without a work permit.

Eric Major, CEO, Henley & Partners, the global leader in international residence and citizenship planning, says, "Most Asian clients are keen on providing a western education for their children, and this is one of their primary reasons for seeking a citizenship. Another reason is mobility thanks to visa-free travel."

Henley & Partners recently advised the Antiguan government on the design, implementation and administration of its CIP and also reformed the CIP of St Kitts & Nevis. Major adds that about 20% of its overall clientele for immediate citizenships are Indians, many of them NRIs. "We get about a 1,000 such applications each year in total and the overall numbers are growing. NRIs account for much of the demand because of the Dubai situation. Even though many Indians work there, most don't have the privileges of residency. Those who have done well there but don't have status often want a better standing, passport ranking wise. This is the new breed of people we call global citizens and we are helping them become that," says Major.

That the Caribbean nations are serious about Indian immigrants became clear when Denzil Douglas, PM of St Kitts, who was in India in April, requested Indians to look at its citizenship program and invest in it. St Kitts has the world's oldest CIP that was launched in 1984. The country's CIP unit did not respond to emails.

But what is the profile of potential Indian customers? Amir Zaidi, managing director, Westkin Associates, a London-based immigration law firm says, "They are mostly married with kids, very successful and in businesses that generate a lot of cash very quickly, such as property and real estate. A vast majority of our clients for CIP may apply from US or Dubai (NRIs). Indians often start UK citizenship and St Kitts CIP applications simultaneously, so that the quickly processed St Kitts passport can give them easy access to the world till they get a UK passport after six years."

And what will a $400,000 (about Rs 2,40,00,000) investment house in Antigua get you? "European finish. Italian designs. German kitchens," says Taylor, whose company is also developing luxury real estate projects meant for CIP investments. If that isn't enough, the island also boasts the presence of celebrities like Oprah Winfrey, Giorgio Armani, Timothy Dalton and, Taylor adds with an embarrassed laugh, "Berlusconi".

[nachiket]

Victory for India!

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldne ... ntain.html

Indian villagers defeat British billionaire over plans to mine sacred mountain

...

This is a victory? For the sake of the religious beliefs of one tribe, a big mining project which would have created many jobs and contributed to the economy was scrapped. We can't turn away investment like this and then whine about the terrible state of the economy. Indian interests weren't served here, they were compromised.

The Dongria speak Kui, a language few outsiders understand, and live in remote mud hut villages with little contact with the outside world. They live without electricity, have no access to television, and have survived without schools and hospitals. Few, if any, of them have ever been to the nearest town, Bhawanipatna, two hours away by car or watched a Bollywood film.

This is the problem. If their villages are connected by roads and State Transport buses to the nearby towns and electricity, we won't be seeing the opposition a few years down the line.

[gakakkad]

Islamic banking proposal may get a push under Rajan.

http://zeenews.india.com/business/news/ ... 81465.html

New Delhi: With appointment of government's Chief Economic Adviser Raghuram Rajan as the next RBI governor, Union Minority Affairs Minister K Rahman Khan Tuesday hoped that his ministry's plan to establish Islamic banking in India will get a boost.

Khan said Rajan was positive when he met him recently to push the proposal.