In 1959 Bhadrachalam Revenue Division consisting of Bhadrachalam and Nuguru Venkatapuram Taluks of East Godavari district, which were on the other side of the river Godavari were merged into Khammam on grounds of geographical contiguity and administrative viability.
The Andhra Pradesh Government today continued its action against the electronic media channels involved in the Reliance-YSR episode, not sparing even ``Saakshi’’ owned by Kadapa MP YS Jagan Mohan Reddy.
Following up on the arrest of two senior editorial representatives of TV 5 channel on Friday, sleuths of the Crime Investigation Department (CID) today visited the office of Saakshi and grilled its CEO, ‘Priyadarshini’ Ram, for more than two hours.
A posse of policemen led by CID Additional SP Raj Kumar showed up at the Saakshi office at Banjara Hills and headed straight for the room of Chief Executive Officer (CEO) `Priyadarshini’ Ram.
Police were deployed outside the office as a precautionary measure during the action.
The channel CEO also wondered why the government had chosen to act against three channels following damage to property belonging to a private company when it did not show a similar approach though huge loss was caused to public properties during the Telangana agitation.
The Punjagutta police had registered a case against Sakshi channel under Sections 153 A IPC, 505 (2) of IPC and 16 of the Cable TV Act. Earlier in the day, Indian Journalists Union (IJU) Secretary General K Sreenivas Reddy and others met Chief Minister K Rosaiah and requested him to ensure that the arrested journalists were released on bail immediately.
Colorful metaphor, but does not hold water. In 1973, when there was a so-called "Jai Andhra" movement, nobody in the so-called Andhra districts wanted Hyderabad or placed any iota of claim on Hyderabad. In fact, their main grudge was that they were treated like second class citizens in their own state capital. However, the coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema districts were forced to remain in AP. In 36 years, people all over Andhra Pradesh (how much ever you may hate to state that name) have developed an attachment towards Hyderabad as the capital of Andhra Pradesh. Now, they are being again told after 36years that they are to be strangers in what they felt was their own capital. A comparable situation was the Sikh claim to Lahore to which they were attached emotionally and otherwise. That they didn't get Lahore is another matter. But, you cannot just dismiss what others say.I am finding it difficult to think that there will be Telangana minus Hyd. Of all the things I have heard here, I have to say, this is the most funniest thing by far. I mean a merger happens, the combined family adores the most sexiest member which happens to be the soul of one of the region , and now when there is talk of demerger, one region is asked to part with the soul of the other....Grrr...and we are to believe this is going to be agreed.
In addition to the above, here is another one
Mr Rao had met Mr Chidambaram on January 6 after the all-party meeting failed to reach any consensus. Congress has been successful in getting both the TRS and its own Telangana leaders to scale down the agitation. Mr Rao, incidentally, was one of the few people who described the all-party meeting as “pleasant and satisfactory”.
That Congress could count on TRS as an ally for now was also evident from a statement by K Jayashankar, a Telangana ideologue who had attend the January 5 meeting from TRS. “We are prepared to wait. There is a constitutional procedure and legal formalities have to be completed,” Mr Jayashankar said. Both Mr Jayashankar and Mr Rao have continued their stay in the Capital, expecting the announcement of the consolation mechanism.
Even if Telangana became separate, there is nothing in independent united India to prevent coastal AP people or anyone else from establishing private industries in Hyd / rural Telangana and giving preference to "their own" people. This happens all the time in India in private industry. This can only be prevented in a Telangana state if they are (a) willing to spearhead a new movement for giving preference to locals in private industry all across India, or (b) if they are intending to create a social and political climate hostile to investment from a particular part of India. Right now, (b) seems to be the intention, based on the rhetoric flying. But is it possible to do (b) without becoming hostile to investment and growth in general? The mindset of the movement seems to be, let's just focus on driving the Andhra-vollu out, and the more generalized damage will be mitigated by the marwadis, marathis, kannadigas, UP-ites etc., remaining in play, as happened in Nizam's feudal days.vijayk wrote:
The more I think about it, the Telangana movement is about competition for the jobs, promotions which are being gobbled up by people moving in from Kosta/Seema because of variety of reasons:
could be people from Kosta/Seema are better equipped to take advantage of opportunities because of better private education facilities in that area
connections as RM explained because Kosta/Seema people got into babudom earlier than their Telangana brothers in 60s/70s/80s.
Resourceful Kosta/Seema people started more industries even in Telangana. They bring in their relatives/friends from their place into upper/middle management because they are more comfortable with them or trust them.
All powerful politicians/relatives during CBN/YSR rule grabbed a lot of lands and became so much wealthier in so little time and most of them are from Kosta/Seema
High paced growth left a lot of people in Telangana less wealthier comparatively because the prices shot up too high, too quick.
These are valid concerns. A separate state might be able to solve some of these grievances at the cost of some investment/growth because people from Kosta/Seema will be seen with suspicion and less co-operation for them in starting new businesses. A lot of money will also will flow to the new capital.
But slow growth may be one way for the people in Telangana to feel not overwhelmed and feel poorer by raising prices of everything from housing to health care.
RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat on TelanganaNational Executive Member of RSS Shri Ram Madhav said in a statement issued in New Delhi on January 4 that the comments of Sarsanghachalak Shri Mohan Bhagwat made in Allahabad on Telangana were interpreted incorrectly by some media agencies stating that RSS was opposed to Telangana state. "The RSS chief had only commented on the flip-flops of the Central Government on Telangana that had led to unnecessary tensions and violence in Andhra Pradesh in the last couple of weeks. The RSS has always held that creating a few more states for better development and convenience of administration, without affecting national unity and without creating bad blood between people, is always welcome. Reorganising Andhra Pradesh state into two separate states of Telangana and Andhra is in line with the RSS thinking. However sentiments and views of various sections of the people in both the regions have to be taken into account and it must be ensured that the reorganisation takes place in a peaceful manner to the satisfaction of one and all in the state," the statement said.
Commenting on the violent agitation going on in Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh Shri Bhagwat termed it the handiwork of the political leaders who indulge in petty politics. "It is due to this petty politics that the leaders are safe and the public property is being damaged there," he said citing the views of Shri Guruji who had said in 1962 that the states should not be created on the basis of language or religion. But unfortunately this type of problem is seen by all of us today.
How do you differentiate between a common man and a person with 4 digit IQ?Commenting on the violent agitation going on in Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh Shri Bhagwat termed it the handiwork of the political leaders who indulge in petty politics. "It is due to this petty politics that the leaders are safe and the public property is being damaged there," he said citing the views of Shri Guruji who had said in 1962 that the states should not be created on the basis of language or religion. But unfortunately this type of problem is seen by all of us today.
Telies dont deny those statistics on schools, hospitals etc. Their vibe is that it is not Telies who make money from it, but costa. eg Mumbabi is rich, but no one would call Maharastrians in Mumbai rich - much of the wealth belongs to Gujaraties, Marawadies, Pardies etc. Likewise, there is wealth in Telanga region, but who owns it? Is there is any statistics to show that Teli own these wealth and not costa?RamaY wrote: 1. Perceived exploitation by Andhra Leaders – the statistics prove it wrong, even though some people refuse to believe them. What they do not understand is that the same statistics will have to be used to iron out the state formation details tomorrow.
Yes. But are 41% of IAS Teli? Are 41% of LCjs, HCjs Teli? If only 41% MLAs are Teli and HCjs are all costa, the Teli will only get raw deal. Again, I would request Telies to make it "nepotism in courts" issue and not Teli-Coasta issue. But Costa should not cite mere % of MLAs and call it end as if High Courts in India hev no powers.2. Right to self-management – Telangana region has 41% representation in AP assembly. It is upto them to elect right leadership instead of people like VH, Kaka, Venkataswamy, KCR etc.,
If my rival's uncle is IAS or HCj, it is not possible for me to compete. Not in AP, not in India.3. Ownership of resources – Telangana business leaders must harness the local resources and setup industries. They can implement covert/overt reservation system for Telangana people.
Rahul Mehta wrote: Telies dont deny those statistics on schools, hospitals etc. Their vibe is that it is not Telies who make money from it, but costa. eg Mumbabi is rich, but no one would call Maharastrians in Mumbai rich - much of the wealth belongs to Gujaraties, Marawadies, Pardies etc. Likewise, there is wealth in Telanga region, but who owns it? Is there is any statistics to show that Teli own these wealth and not costa?
Please note : I am NOT supporting Telies on this issue. IMO, Telies should address the "unfairness, nepotism in administration" issue rather than make it Teli-Costa issue. But if Costa show statistics on development in Teli region, without address the question of "who owns it", they are talking but ignoring the complain.
So you want to introduce regionwise IAS/IPS/LC/HC quota. Then say it. Otherwise this point is nothing butYes. But are 41% of IAS Teli? Are 41% of LCjs, HCjs Teli? If only 41% MLAs are Teli and HCjs are all costa, the Teli will only get raw deal. Again, I would request Telies to make it "nepotism in courts" issue and not Teli-Coasta issue. But Costa should not cite mere % of MLAs and call it end as if High Courts in India hev no powers.
By that logic no one from Telangana should be a wealthy person. How did KCR and other leaders accumulated hundreds of crores of properties?If my rival's uncle is IAS or HCj, it is not possible for me to compete. Not in AP, not in India.
Again, there is nothing wrong in collecting data. It will only prove that no-regional reservations are applied and all Nbjprie are corrupt. In what way it is unique to Telangana issue?Now getting real data on place of origin will need data on place of origin 3 generations back. We cant collect this data for entire AP population. But we can surely collect this data for say 10000 Nbjprie in AP. IMO, this place of origin data should be collected for all top 10000 Nbjprie in AP and put on the net. Only after that, one can decide the truth.
Yes, especially in the 2004 elections when YSR watered and nurtured KCR(TRS) seed to defeat Naidu, the Congress-TRS combine swept Teleganaramana wrote Is there a good history of Congress party in Nizam, Hyderabad state and subsequent Telangana region?
After my research, I find this argument disingenuous from the politico and its supporters. The claim is that X% of catchment area is in our region hence we should get same share. The problem with this is twofold.Philip wrote:I had a chat recently in H'bad with a well known politico of the state much involved now in the issue.He has close pals on the other side.He told me that one of the main issues is water resourcs where the main watershed areas (Krishna and Godavari) are in Telengana,but the area gets a fraction of the water resources.He mentioned this in a speech in the US at a major gathering of Andhra Indians and his fellow Andhraites according to him weren't very happy at all! He stressed that equality in sharing of resources should prevail if not the state would have to be divided.
An oldie: Remembering the first Andhra ConferenceNyapati Narasimha Rao, grandson of Subba Rao Pantulu, speaking to The Hindu, said it was unfortunate that the Rajahmundry Municipal Corporation had not fulfilled its promise of erecting a statue of its first Municipal Chairman though the Council had passed a resolution long ago to do so.
This is strange example in the world where upper river people accusing lower river people of stealing water. Only Telenganavadis defies logic.milindc wrote: After my research, I find this argument disingenuous from the politico and its supporters. The claim is that X% of catchment area is in our region hence we should get same share. The problem with this is twofold.
Tomorrow, if Karnataka and Maharastra claim similar portion based on their catchment area, will Telangana give it. The second is the elevation of arable land on the Deccan plateau is very high compared to the river channel.
e.g. The Devadula LIFT irrigation project is costing 9000 crores to irrigate 6.2 lakh acres. (about 1.5L per acre). Apart for this there is recurring cost of 384MW electricity to lift the water from 10m to 400m elevation, that too only for 270 days in a year.
Remember that this costly and unfruitful burden on the taxpayer will only benefit the land owners. What about the really poor land labourers?
In fact I will encourage any proposal to dole out credits to BPL cardholders in Telangana region instead of spending on these LIFT irrigation projects.
This is like Nazis separating Jewish people and businesses.Sarma wrote:ShyamSP garu: Only the business interests of the "non-Telangana" parts of AP are being attacked. If you are from any other part of India, exept the so-called Andhra and Rayalseema areas, then it's OK. It is OK to have Chinese restaurants, Udupi hotels, McDonalds, KFC, but oh no, can't have "Andhra Bhojana mess" or "Andhra cofee hotels", because these people are dochukuntunnaru.
Why our state was not named Telangana or Telugunadu?Separate state proponents often gripe about the name of our state as some sort of a conspiracy. So, let us peek into our history to understand how our state got its name- Andhra Pradesh.
Our tribe was originally called the Andhras and the term Telugu came much later. Some of the early mentions of Andhras were found in the Aitareya Brahmana of 600 BC. Whereas, the early references to Telugus were found many centuries later in the Puri inscription of the Indra Verma of Gangas.
Andhra and Telangana interchangeably represent the same region and sect of people i.e., those living in the state of Andhra Pradesh.
In the Kakatiya Empire, Telangana represented the current geography of Andhra Pradesh and bordering areas.
Nizam for some time ruled the entire geography of the current Andhra Pradesh, as well as parts of today’s Karnataka and Maharashtra. Under Nizam, Telugu region was called Telangana.
In 1800’s, French and British had their eyes set on Telangana’s coastline for defense and maritime reasons. When Nizam Asaf Jah died, his sons got into a bitter fight for the Hyderabad throne. By taking sides with the feuding princes, French got hold of Coastal Telangana i.e., today’s Kosta or Coastal Andhra. Later on, the British wrestled Coastal Telangana out of French hands.
Ironically, as recently as 60 years ago, Telugus living in Nizam Telangana used to passionately identify themselves as the Andhras. When Telugus living under Nizam established libraries in their region, they called them Andhra Bhaasha Nilayamulu.
One of the oldest non-government libraries in Nizam Telangana was established in 1901, in Ramkoti, Hyderabad and was named Sri Krishnadevaraya Andhra Bhasha Nilayam. This library later became a hub for cultural and political activity for Telugus suffering under Nizam rule. Similarly, when Telugus living in the Telangana heartland Warangal wanted to establish a library in the early 1900s, they named it Raja Raja Narendra Andhra Bhasha Nilayam. Again, in 1923, another library established in Hyderabad was called Vemana Andhra Bhasha Nilayam.
Telugus living under Nizam faced atrocious discrimination. Urdu and Maratha were the dominant languages while Telugu language was often ridiculed as “Telangi Bedhanghi”.
In 1921, in the Hyderabad’s Vivekavardhani Theater, a public meeting was held. All the speakers spoke in Urdu or Maratha. When it was the turn of high court lawyer Allampalli Venkatarama Rao, he got up and spoke in Telugu. Participants in the meeting protested to him speaking in his mother tongue and shouted down his speech.
This incident was the starting point for Telugus rising up against Nizam. Telugu men left this meeting in frustration and formed an organization called Andhra Jana Sangham- yes, not Telugu Jana Sangham not Telangana Jana Sangham, but Andhra Jana Sangham.
Andhra Jana Sangham later changed its name to Andhra Mahasabha. To differentiate itself from the Kosta organization carrying the same name, it was called the Nizam Andhra Mahasabha or NAMS.
Nizam was troubled with the use of Andhra in all the organizations and institutions that Telugus in Nizam Telangana were forming. He suspected Hyderabad state Telugus of having an ulterior motive to merge with their Kosta and Seema brethren in the neighboring Madras Presidency.
Once, Nizam’s emissary and close confidant, Nawab Aliyar Zang, approached Andhra Pitamaha Madapati Hanumanth Rao and said: “…it came to our government’s notice that the purpose of your Andhra movement is to merge the Andhra districts of Madras and the Andhra districts of Nizam’s dominion.”
Despite Nizam’s overt concerns about the use of the term Andhra, Telugus refused to rename their organization to Telangana Mahasabha or Telugu Mahasabha.
I go into a greater detail about Nizam Andhra Mahasabha’s heroic fight against Nizam in my book. But, here’s the gist- Nizam Andhra Mahasabha went on to become a formidable organization that became Nizam’s worst nightmare. It shook up the foundation of the Hyderabad state. In the violent struggle against the Razakars, thousands of Nizam Andhra Mahasabha leaders gave up their lives.
So, where did this current antagonism for the term “Andhra” came from?
In 1953, Nehru described Telugus desire to merge into one state as “expansionist imperialism”. Taking advantage of Nehru’s disinclination for a unified state, leaders like Dr. Marri Chenna Reddy, who till then were in favor of an integrated state, demanded a separate Telangana state. However, there was an overwhelming desire across all the Telugu regions for Vishalandhra. As a result, Nehru held extensive negotiations with the leaders of all the regions and conceded to the formation of a united Telugu state.
Telugu’s dream for Vishalandhra became a reality with the signing of the Gentlemen’s Agreement. One of the sticking points during the negotiations was the name of the state. Leaders from Kosta and Rayalaseema wanted to name the state Andhra Pradesh, while some of the leaders from Nizam Telangana wanted to name it Andhra-Telangana. In the end agreement was reached to name the state Andhra Pradesh.
So, that is the origin for today’s claims about Kosta conspiracy to name the state Andhra Pradesh. However, the undeniable fact is that Telugu people scattered across Tamil, Kannada, Maratha, and Oriya regions have always identified themselves as Andhras.
There is no conspiracy behind calling ourselves Andhras. We all are Andhras, we all are Telingis, and we all are Telugus. The new definition of Andhra to represent Kosta and the new definition of Telangana to represent nine districts of Nizam Telangana is a fabrication of politicians intending to create a wedge between the Telugu tribe.
The same breed of separatist politicians is continuing to harvest hatred among Telugus after more than five decades since our state came into existence. Sadly, my Telugu brethren are continuing to fall for the separatists’ antics.
Save Andhra Pradesh!
Hyderabad, Jan. 12: An inter-district water dispute is brewing over Singur waters with farmers and elected representatives from Medak and Nizamabad demanding a “fair share” in water for irrigation on par with drinking water supplied to twin cities and the neighbouring Ranga Reddy district.
Though the irrigation department had issued orders for the release of 2.5 TMC of water to the Nizamsagar aycut (irrigation area) from Singur, the Hyderabad Water Board impressed upon the Chief Minister, Mr K. Rosaiah, to hold the release of water. The board argued that the water level in Singur has fallen and the present level needs to be maintained to ensure the release of 120 million gallons of water per day to meet the drinking water requirements of the city.
2) Telangana Tangle from Deccan Herald.Once upon a time…
Sitharam Gurumuthi
January 13, 2010
First Published: 21:42 IST(13/1/2010)
Last Updated: 21:43 IST(13/1/2010)
The popular impression is that the composition of Andhra Pradesh is the result of the bifurcation of the erstwhile Madras Presidency and one part merging with the princely state of Hyderabad ruled by the Nizam after 1947. This is not true. The three regions of Andhra Pradesh, Rayalaseema and Telangana have been under unified control from times immemorial. In fact, the construction of Hyderabad was executed with contributions from all three regions during the times of the Kutubshahi Sultans as early as 1590.
The initial setback to the unified province occurred in 1770 when Hyder Ali of Mysore took control of present day Rayalaseema largely owing to the dubious role of the then Nizam who, unable to protect the coastal areas from the attacks of Pindaris and Gajapatis, tried to play a double game with the East India Company (EIC) and the French. When the EIC, which defeated the French, found out the Nizam’s game plan, the Nizam made peace with the Company by giving it the rights over the Northern Circars in 1790, along with two other districts in lieu of not paying taxes to the Company. The areas conceded to the EIC were merged with the Madras Presidency. Thus present-day Andhra Pradesh was kept separated for over 160 years.
When the EIC, with the help of the Nizam and the Marathas, defeated Tipu Sultan, son of Hyder Ali, at the battle at Srirangapatnam in 1799, Rayalaseema was returned to the Nizam. This, however, was short-lived. When the EIC forced the princely states to sign military agreements to pay the salaries of their standing armies, the Nizam returned the Rayalaseema region to the EIC, which merged it with the Madras Presidency.
While the Nizam, left with the Telangana and a few other areas, might have succeeded in not having to pay any taxes to the British, one should realise that it was this development that marked the beginning of a long period of woes for the people of Telangana. Besides Urdu becoming an official language, Muslims got preference in government jobs. Telugu was not allowed to be taught in schools and the people of the region did not have the right to land holdings. Further they were subject to a plethora of taxes: birth tax, death tax, cremation tax, marriage tax, festival tax, profession tax and even a guest tax. Some light at the end of the tunnel appeared only when they were liberated in 1948 by police action.
While the people of Telangana were denied land-holding rights, Thomas Munroe, the then Governor of Madras Presidency went to the other extreme by permitting the farmers of Andhra Pradesh and Rayalaseema to pay their land revenue into the district treasuries, a privilege not available to the farmers in the rest of the Madras Presidency. Arthur Cotton, by constructing two barrages across the Godavari and Krishna rivers turned the Krishna, East and West Godavari districts into fertile lands. All this accelerated the pace of development in these two regions. While Andhra and Rayalaseema were merged into one state in 1953, all the three regions were combined into the present state of composite Andhra Pradesh in 1956.
Those on both sides of the Telangana debate should be appraised of all these historical facts and be persuaded to accept Hyderabad as the common capital for both Andhra Pradesh and a future Telangana on the lines of Chandigarh that is shared as a state capital by Haryana and Punjab.
{Wrong anology. Hyderabad is in interior and not border region of the regions. However very interesting idea in the op-ed and aligns with some analysis from people}
Sitharam Gurumuthi is a Member of the State Planning Commission
The views expressed by the author are personal
I didnt know Andhra Pradesh had its own Article 371D to address imbalances. So why wasn't it followed all these years? So again it was bad governance and not following the Constitution in regard to those areas: "for equitable opportunities and facilities for the people belonging to different parts of the state in the matter of public employment and in the matter of education..."The Telangana tangle
By Nilotpal Basu
The Union government has to realise that no partisan or unilateral approach can produce any positive outcome.
The situation in Andhra Pradesh is extremely fluid. Of course, the conflagrations that one witnessed earlier seems to have settled for the time being. The temperatures have calmed down to some extent but, obviously, there is a simmering undercurrent and the situation is far from normal. This was all in the wake of the demand for a separate state of Telangana.
Why did the situation come to such a flash point, in the first place? What is the way for a peaceful settlement? How to go about in dealing with the situation in the immediate term? These are questions which need to be addressed objectively and soberly; more so, because the eruption over the question of statehood had, indeed, led to a fracturing of the political process and more importantly division of the people of the state along the regional lines.
The question of statehood has remained a contentious issue since the founding of our independent Republic. The reorganisation of the states after independence in order to achieve a better and more rational degree of integration while taking into account, the diverse, composite and plural nature of the Indian society, was always a major challenge.
In fact, the humongous magnitude of the Indian population and the extent of its diversity perhaps have no other parallel in any other part of the world. That the country has managed to stay united and integrated for more than six decades despite occasional outbursts of the nature that we have seen on the question of Telangana is a positive commentary on the eventual ability of our people and polity to work out a course of negotiated settlement on contentious issues.
It is this collective and time-tested experience that will have to be brought into play to understand and address some of the questions that we have asked ourselves. The integration of India by reorganising hundreds of princely states that co-existed with large presidencies and provinces under direct British colonial rule was a complex task. It is the aspiration of the people on a linguistic basis to have a state reorganisation on this basis.
Movements for Vishalandhra, Aikya Kerala and Samyukta Maharashtra were massive popular agitations to lead to the formation of state reorganisation commission under the chairmanship of Fazal Ali. The report of the commission in 1955 led to the formation of united Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Maharashtra and Gujarat.
However, it has to be recognised that in a plural and diverse society, the mechanism for administration and governance can never be settled and processes to address the changing aspirations of the people is carried out on a continuum. Since India chose a path of capitalist development, this was an urgent necessity; for such a course of development entails a degree of regional imbalance with emergence of advanced areas and backward hinterlands. To ensure that benefits accrue evenly and alienation does not get intensified along regional lines, the governments have to be always vigilant.
However, the unsettling of the states settled once on a linguistic basis is a very sensitive issue. In fact, in the absence of a consultative and comprehensive dialogue it can actually turn out to be a dangerous proposition. In the case of the present conflagration on Telangana, this is precisely what has happened. Unfortunately, the handling of the issue is symptomatic of what had happened in the past.
Little progress
Having amended the constitution and adding Article 371 D, which made special provisions with respect to Andhra Pradesh to the effect that President “may by order ... provide ... for equitable opportunities and facilities for the people belonging to different parts of the state in the matter of public employment and in the matter of education, and different provisions may be made for various parts of the state,” precious little had actually been done on the ground to constantly address the sense of alienation of the people in the Telangana districts.
The abrupt announcement on the midnight of Dec 9, 2009, by the home minister outside while the parliament session was on with obvious lack of adequate consultation had only precipitated the situation. Though belated, it is positive that the Union government has now started consultations.
But we have seen how parties have come to be divided right down the middle on regional lines. It is obvious that such fissures manifest and mutually reinforce the deep division of the people themselves which has been accentuated by the unimaginative handling of the issue.
That all the eight major parties which were part of the initial process of consultation to issue a common appeal to the people to remain peaceful and restore normalcy in the state is a good starting point. It is this process which has to be carried out in the coming days more vigorously. It is only in an atmosphere of sober understanding and accommodation that the situation can be defused.
The principle to which any long-term solution can be achieved has to be free of emotive upheavals. And the Union government has to realise that no unilateral, partisan approach can produce any positive outcome. It is more so, when divisions within the Congress party has its obvious manifestations.
And contrary report!Statehood heat on NTR Junior
G.S. RADHAKRISHNA
Hyderabad, Jan. 13: The Telangana fire has singed the Telugu film industry.
The latest to feel the heat is NTR Junior, the actor-grandson of Telugu Desam founder and screen idol N.T. Rama Rao, whose latest big-budget film Adhurs had to bear the brunt of the boycott call given by the pro-Telangana groups.
The young actor appealed to people from Telangana to accept him as their own.
In a TV interview last night, he said: “I am born, bred and my livelihood also comes from Hyderabad. Like every one of you, I also relish Irani chai and mutton biryani.”
Faced with a tough stand from the pro-Telangana groups, Adhurs had a limited release today, mostly in empty theatres.
“The release of Adhurs has been put off in seven of the ten Telangana districts,” said Adi Sheshagiri Rao, chairman of the Film Producers’ Council.
Normally more than a dozen films are released on the eve of Sankranti every year. But the statehood groups have spared only the low-budget movie Namo Venkateshaya, produced by veteran filmmaker D. Ramanaidu.
The producers of Adhurs, a Rs 45-crore film, braved the boycott call since its release has already been postponed twice since the statehood strife intensified last month.
Called Kalidasa option.‘Adhurs’ does well in Telangana too
Special Correspondent
Fans throng theatres despite Kavitha’s “non-cooperation” call
HYDERABAD: The call given by Telangana Jana Jagruti to boycott the Telugu film ‘Adhurs’ did not stop fans and people from queuing up to watch the Jr. NTR-starrer in a majority of the 150 theatres in Telangana on Wednesday.
Ms. Kavitha, daughter of Telangana Rashtra Samiti president K. Chandrasekhar Rao, who heads the outfit, had given a call for “non-cooperation” against `Adhurs’ on the plea that its producers were opposed to separate Telangana.
Yet, the film was released and screened in most of the region, barring Karimnagar, Warangal and Adilabad.
Managements of theatres in Kamareddy (Nizamabad district), Nakrekal (Nalgonda), Zaheerabad and Sadasivapet (Medak) and the entire Karimnagar and Adilabad district voluntarily decided against screening the film. TRS activists and students staged demonstrations in front of theatres in Nalgonda, Suryapet, Miryalguda and other towns.
They destroyed posters in Sircilla and Godavarikhani where the film was not screened.
A heavy police bandobast was provided outside the cinema theatres in Telangana where the film was screened. In some places, Jr. NTR’s fans entered into arguments with those who tried to obstruct the screening. In the twin cities, regular shows were held amid police presence.
There were reports of ‘housefull’ shows in the Andhra region.
A spokesman of Vaishnavi Arts Pvt. Ltd., which released the film in Telangana, said the film could not be screened in only a handful of theatres. Well-known film producer Thammareddy Bharadwaja said, “The reports about the film are positive and collections are good even in Nizam circuit (Telangana region). People liked the film and they are thronging the theatres,” he said.
APCC president D. Srinivas objected to disruption of screening of ‘Adhurs’ in Telangana.
Talking to reporters, he compared such actions to axing one’s own limbs.He said Telugu film icons late N.T. Rama Rao, Akkineni Nageswara Rao and Rama Naidu were instrumental in bringing the Telugu film industry to Hyderabad and it was not proper to create a scare in the industry.
TDP leader Talasani Srinivas Yadav described the TRS’ action as a blot on Telangana culture which was known for tolerance and accommodativeness.
It was not proper to target a film. They could protest only when there was a derogatory reference to the region, its people or culture.
Senior TDP leader Nagam Janardhan Reddy clarified that the Telangana Joint Action Committee had not given any call for boycott of the film.
He wanted the TRS president to control his party cadre.
They should charge KCR/TRS & Co for all police costs. It was elaborate police protection for the movie and free promotion.ramana wrote:According to Hindu, AP section they are providing a lot of security for the film screening.
Wonder if the producers should be charged a portion of the costs like they do in US for police coverage of sports events?
There are many opponents to Telangana Movement. Primary opponents are politicians and people of Andhra, Rayalaseema in Andhra Pradesh. Opponents outside Andhra Pradesh include West Bengal and Maharashtra governments who fear their states will be broken up if Telangana is given. Then there are many people in India who foolishly believe that carving up new states is tantamount to breaking up the nation. Then there are some who have apprehensions that Muslims will dominate in a state, that Maoists will rule, or that it will be a national security problem.
The opponents of separate Telangana are intensifying their campaign to demonize Telangana Movement. First, they rubbished Telangana Movement as a pet project of KCR who is doing this only for personal gains. They harangued Telanganas to see through KCR's villainy and urged us not to follow him. When all parties of Telangana started to join hands to support Telangana cause, it was clear that KCR/TRS is not the only party that supports Telangana. They changed their tactics. Next, they started a mass hysteria campaign to inculcate fear amongst settlers in Hyderabad saying that Telanganas will either kick them out or kill them. They equated Telanganas with Kashmiri terrorists and militants and urged rest of India to see how dangerous Telanganas have become. When many Telangana leaders tried to calm the fears of settlers saying nobody is going to harm them, they changed their tactics once again. After the student Garjana of Jan 3 in Osmania University, where many black-shawl clad singers sang Telangana songs, the opponents characterized it as a Naxal movement. They describe the entire region as Naxalana.
People outside Telangana do not take pains to understand that it was Naxals who embraced many of Telangana symbols in their fight and not the other way around. Telangana and its symbols existed even before Naxalism came into this region.
Many visitors to India may look at our swastikas on temples and food products and think that Hindus are all Nazis. Though it is a wrong characterization it could happen. Most people do not take time to understand how these symbols originate. Many non-Telanganas equate a black-shawl draped singer to a Naxalite because of the few movie clips they have seen. It is up to people of Telangana to fight this characterization and tell the world that it is a genuine people movement. Just because Naxals have endorsed Telangana cause, it will not become a Naxal Movement. Right now, BJP overwhelmingly endorses Telangana state, does that make our cause a Hindutva Movement? Tomorrow if MIM endorses Telangana, will it become an Islamic Movement?
In my previous article, 32: Don’t give in. Don’t give up., I urged people of Telangana, and in particular, TS-JAC, to intensify the agitation. Here I would like to suggest few ways of bringing more people into the fold.
- Longest hand holding in India:
Organize a huge hand holding event where people from all over Telangana will participate to connect various towns and cities. Create India Record or if possible World Record. It will draw attention of media countrywide and it can be used to showcase our massive support of Telangana.
- Mahila Garjana
Recently, when you had organized student Garjana, Andhras and Central Government said it was supported by Naxalites. Now, organize a Garjana for women of Telangana. Let the world know that even women of Telangana support our cause.
- Largest people singing one song
Set India record or World record for largest gathering of people singing one song. Choose one Telangana song and popularize it through distributing CDs, cassettes, pamphlets, and play it in villages and towns on autos and rickshaws so that everyone has listened to it. Use media for help. Set the gathering in a town of Telangana (not Hyderabad).
- Use national media to spread the message
Dispel the myths. Create spokesmen for Telangana cause who can articulate its position to the world. Let the world understand that it is a genuine people’s movement, a very old movement, and that it is a movement based in all the right reasons.