Pashtun Civil War

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Johann
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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Johann » 11 Nov 2009 22:08

Paul,

Its not just who makes money that has fundamentally changed since the medieval era, or the the 19th and early 20th century. It is how you make money. And how you make your money changes your perceptions of your interests, and your costs and benefits.

Paul wrote:It may be too early to consider this a settled issue. Turkish secularism is undergoing a major churning. The downfall in the fortunes of the west will definitely impact their ability to project their image in the middle east. It is already obvious to us Kaffirs.


Look at Turkey today - its been simultaneously Islamising, democratising and experiencing economic growth since the 1980s.

The class that has been driving Islamisation are middle class entrepreneurs and businessmen. Not a bunch of mullahs or holy warriors.

They voted for Islamic parties as much for economic reasons as identity issues - the majority of secularists in both the left wing opposition and the pro-army right wing supported a statist economy which was largely stagnant.

The economic and political growth of this class has been tied to the massive growth in investment and trade volumes with the EU and Russia first and foremost, but also with Shia Iran, and secular/Shia Azerbaijan and China.

They desperately need stability and good relationships with the non-Muslim world, as well as the Shia world.

Unless globalisation completely breaks down, the incentive structure to remain politically and culturally compatible with very different neighbours will continue.

Pakistan's Islamism on the other hand is about finding a glue to hold the country together for the elite's benefit, and mobilising the Muslim population of the subcontinent to defend that elite's interest. It has been largely militarist and feudal, driven by soldiers, mullahs and landlords. There's very little commitment to national development and modernisation, which makes it impervious to the economic logic of the global economy.

I have already indicated that after the present generation of secularized Uzbegs or other turkestani educated class pass on, the search for their roots will lead the post soviet generation to get on the vehicle of fundamentalist Islam. How and when this will happen is what needs to be figured out.

Western education has never been a hurdle to prevent the educated Islamic class to yearn for a return to their roots. If Algeria and EGypt were able to prevent the afghan arabs from taking overthrowing the hukumat, the financial and logistical support provided by the west was the key factor. With the west losing it financial clout, their ability to support these regimes will continue to diminish with time.


It is not simply a question of education - it is a question of how education, access to the wider world and the political economy interact.

If you have a progressive educational system that reaches the majority, *and* your income largely derives from doing business with the non-Muslim world, it changes your outlook.

Algeria sells oil and gas to the EU, exports it surplus labour, and imports technology. Egypt depends on tourism, international trade through the Suez Canal, and remittances from expats. These relationships are absolutely vital to all parties, and will remain vital - so the idea that non-Muslim influence will wane in these societies seems unlikely.

The biggest supporters of the Islamists in Algeria were initially middle class business owners and professionals who wanted political and economic change, which they saw as linked. When the jihadists fuelled by the unemployed took over the conflict and turned it in to a blood bath, the middle class withdrew its support and turned back to the Army.

In the case of Uzbekistan, its economic relationships for the forseeable future will continue to be dominated by dealings with China, Russia, and Shia Iran, and perhaps one day India. China in particular has a strong interest in reviving overland links given its energy needs and maritime vulnerability.

Please note, I've already said we can expect *serious* trouble from Uzbekistan's youth bulge - young unemployed men who will be sucked in to jihadist activity. Police states are seldom able to generate strong, consistant growth and keep up with rising expectations. But just like Algeria, the police state, backed by the globalised economy will ultimately crush them. There is going to be a period of instability and violence.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Johann » 23 Nov 2009 23:21

Follow up on our discussion of the strategic cooperation between Uzbekistan, China and Russia in containing jihad;

http://www.agentura.ru/english/infrastructure/sco/

State Security Without Borders

Russia opens the doors for special services from China, Uzbekistan and other Asian countries and allows them carrying out special operations on her territory

Irina Borogan, Agentura.ru
(26.08.2008, 00:20)

Special services of the former Soviet Union and China have been trying several years to build up a similar stuff. The process not being finished yet, it is obvious that the creators of the system follow the American pattern. The system is called Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (RATS SCO).

New order

Besides Russia and China, SCO’s other members are Central Asian states: Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kirgizia and Kazakhstan. Joint struggle with terrorism, separatism and extremism is considered to be one of the main SCO purposes. In 2004 RATS was created especially for the mentioned purposes; actually it was formed for coordinating the actions of mutual giving up the suspects. Its main objective is helping special services of the states-members to bypass the obstacles presented by national legislations and by the norms of the international law about giving up the suspects.

The procedure of extradition is the biggest obstacle implying decision taking on the level of the Prosecutor General’s offices. First, it is rather long. Second, it is open. Third, the decision of extradition may be appealed in the court. And the main problem is that Russian Prosecutor General’s office often refuses extraditions to Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, as they not always can submit the evidence of the crime committed, and the count incriminated is not always subject of consideration by the Russian legislation. Besides, as it is considered by the EU, tortures are used in prisons of the states mentioned, and this is why extradition decisions are readily appealed in the European Court for Human Rights, where Russia finds herself to be constantly blamed for violation of the international norms, even without this aspect.

The topic of struggle against terrorism turned out to be a very convenient pretext for simplification of procedure of detention and giving up people. According to our information, RATS SCO is engaged in making its own parallel structure that can be used instead of official extradition. Cooperation between the special services and enforcing bodies is done through placement of direct requests of assistance. A request includes the name of an enforcing body, a purpose and justification, and a description of the action required, e.g. detention and passing a person. The request is signed by the head, or his deputy, of the central authorized body, i.e. the local special service. In urgent cases the request may be passed in oral way.

SCO states have gone very far in forming this new system. For example, the Shanghai convention allows application of the legislation of another country on the Russian territory, made at a request by special services of Uzbekistan or China. This is done for cases where the crime by a person guilty in another country cannot be determined as a crime in accordance with the Russian laws.

... Files on suspects, immunity for employees

To make the new system work properly, RATS began to form the common data bank on the wanted terrorists, separatists and extremists.

It shall be noted that the Russian Criminal Code does not contain the term “separatism”. This “trifle” did not confuse the State Duma and Federation Council that ratified the SCO agreements and conventions.

To secure the new system’s work on detaining the suspect on the territories of the six states, it was necessary to give guarantees to executing officers. They had to be protected against arrest in a foreign country in case of failure.

SCO managed to provide absolute protection to its representatives. The Convention on Privileges and Immunities of SCO, ratified by Russia in 2005, equalized the representatives of the SCO structures to diplomats. They are not subjects to criminal liability for any actions committed by them on their duty, they have immunity from arrest, detention etc.

Same unlimited opportunities are given to “experts” executing commissions by SCO. They have immunity from arrest for the period of their service trips and their baggage cannot be searched through. Significantly, their immunity is prolonged with them even after their service trip is over.

The premises of RATS SCO are also protected against any intrusion. The Convention secures that no representatives of authorities can enter an RATS place without consent given by its director. The RATS property also has immunity from any interference, including the means of transportation and all the documents, regardless of location.

Of course, it’s too early now to say that all those measures were taken only to allow using the RATS premises as secret prisons, like those by CIA, and that immunity is necessary to protect a foreign service officer acting under an “expert” disguise. Nonetheless, it is not quite clear why representatives of a respected international organization, which purposes are clear and understandable, must be protected from the laws of the country they work in.

It seems that it is not likely that any secret air companies will be needed for transportation of the detained people. While CIA used the special flights to hide the traces from journalists and from the public, Russian special services do not have similar problems – they just refuse submitting any information, pleading to various circumstances.

After failing attempt of extradition of Alisher Usmanov (he was accused of belonging to a terrorist organization Hizb ut-Tahrir, but he had managed to get Russian citizenship and became a teacher in madrasah in Kazan (Russia)), he was just kidnapped by unknown persons in 2005. Three months later his relatives found him in a prison in Namangan (Uzbekistan). Human rights activists failed to find out which way Mr. Usmanov was brought to Uzbekistan.

According to our information, there has been only one instance of secret taking a person with the use of a military plane. This is about Mukhamadruzi Iskandarov, personal enemy of Tajik President Rakhmonov. Mr. Iskandarov was kidnapped in 2005 after the Russian Prosecutor General’s Office had refused his extradition. Afterwards, he passed a letter from the prison, describing the circumstances of the kidnapping done. Being masked and cuffed, he did not hear any announcements characteristic of regular flights at airports. So he concluded he had been carried by a military or military-transport aircraft. Landing in Dushanbe, he crossed the Russian-Tajik border under the name of a certain Gennady Balanin.

Who profits out of this system?

A question is natural: who of the six RATS SOC members profits most of all out of the Shanghai initiatives?

Obviously, Russia gets nothing out of it. Above all, there are no terrorists escaping from the North Caucasus to Uzbekistan. According to official reports by FSB, there are almost no detentions made for Russia in Tajikistan, Kirgizia, Kazakhstan and China. It’s been for years that FSB calls Azerbaijan and Georgia to be a shelter for Chechen terrorists; and those countries are no SOC members.

Uzbekistan and China seem to be basic beneficiaries of the new counter-terrorist system of SOC.

In 2003 the headquarters of RATS moved from Bishkek to the Uzbek capital of Tashkent. In 2005 Russia has put the Hizb ut-Tahrir party, which is recognized to be legal in Europe and the US, into the list of terrorist organizations, under the request from Uzbekistan. The Uzbek President sees the threat for his personal power in the activities by this party featured with utopian theories about Islamic Caliphate, and he has been persecuting its members not only in his country, but also in Russia.

Soon Russia made another gift to Karimov. In a regular RATS meeting in March 2006 the first FSB director informed that Russia had given 19 people, suspected of membership in Hizb ut-Tahrir, to Uzbekistan.

In 2008 the Uzbek President’s enemies were announced to be a threat to Russian national security. In spring that-time FSB director Patrushev stated that “international terrorist organizations Hizb ut-Tahrir and Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU)” are basic threats for Russia.

Differently from Hizb ut-Tahrir, the IMU is a real fighting organization. However, in recent years the movement has been declining, and its remaining not numerous forces continue resistance somewhere at the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan. There is no intelligence proving that IMU activities affect Russia. The movement’s leader Takhir Yuldashev has threatened recently with death to Presidents of some countries for persecution of Muslims. But that was about leaders of Uzbekistan, Kirgizia and Tajikistan, not Russia.

China is another state getting advantage out of the new system, as the Uigur separatists often escape to the Central Asian countries and the simplified procedure of their giving up plays the game of the Chinese special services.

Even today’s talk about expansion of SOC through inclusion of Iran and Pakistan are more advantageous for Uzbeks and Chinese, as people split off IMU are residing in Iran and there are camps of Uigur separatists in Pakistan.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby SwamyG » 25 Nov 2009 06:42

"The people that want their country liberated from the West have nothing to do with Al Qaeda," Baer says. "They simply want us gone because we're foreigners, and they're rallying behind the Taliban because the Taliban are experienced, effective fighters."

Because these insurgents see the U.S. as a colonial force, Baer says, they are unlikely to ever rally around the Afghan national army the U.S. is looking to establish. "This is an occupying force," explains Matthew Hoh, a former U.S. official in Afghanistan who resigned last month over the war. "The Afghan National Army is led by Tajiks and Uzbeks and urban Pashtuns, and it is occupying the rural Pashtun South."

This is why the U.S. should ask itself, Hoh says, "do we want to support one side in a civil war?"

Clicky

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Johann » 30 Nov 2009 23:10

In previous posts on various threads I had talked about how 30 years of war, as well as the effects of the outside modern world had fragmented much of the Pashtun's tribal structure, and how this process was at work in FATA as well.

The following is a recent unclassified report by the US Army's 'Human Terrain System' - the anthropologists they began to hire in recent years to help them understand the societies in which they were conducting counter-insurgency.

"My Cousin's Enemy is My Friend: A Study of Pashtun Tribes"
http://www.scribd.com/doc/19595786/My-C ... un-Tribes-

Its well worth reading carefully in its entirety for those who have a particular interest in Afghanistan and NWFP-FATA.

Their larger point that tribe is only one identity, and not necessarily always a Pashtun's primary identity is correct, as is their emphasis on the fact that no one has the authority to say, make peace on behalf of the Ghilzais and enforce it.

Their focus on patronage as playing a larger role than tribe is the key insight. Patronage has always been the key to Pakistanis ability to hold often mutually antagonistic coalitions of Afghan allies together from 1979 to the present. Its also the most important factor in the ability to recruit ordinary farmers in a chronically economically insecure situation. The ability to grow your forces in each locality is in turn one of the most important elements in convincing ordinary Afghans to support you, or at least, not oppose you.

Gulf money has been particularly important to the Pakistanis, as has been the opiates trade. American money although on and off, sometimes diverted, sometimes purpose-given has also been important.

Patronage is also how Karzai holds his counter-coalition together, although outsiders tend to call it corruption. Karzai's largest source has been international aid, although like *every* other Afghan player he gets a cut of the opiates trade.

This is in part why Pakistan is particularly upset about Indian presence in Afghanistan - they fear that in the highly fluid world of Afghanistan, alternative patronage networks could be strengthened. Field commanders are always for rent. A large scale switchover leave the their allies in the Taliban with only the ideologically committed, a still formidable, but much smaller force.

The bottom line is literally the bottom line in Afghanistan. The question is, how high can Pakistan go in the bidding war for loyalty?
Pakistan in Afghanistan in particular is using American money against the Americans. Even if you take the American factor out, the much larger Gulf factor remains. Larger IOR security solutions will require mediation between Iran and Saudi-UAE to prevent their proxy wars from contributing to the Pakistan Army's reach.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Airavat » 03 Dec 2009 08:15

Pashtuns in Balochistan

Deputy Chairman Senator Abdur Rahim Mandokhail, of the Pakhtun khwa Milli Awami Party (PkMAP) has rejected the Balochistan package. He emphasised the two major communities — Pakhtuns and Balochs — should be treated equally, whereas the package, he pointed out, had by and large overlooked the Pakhtuns.

Akram Shah noted the PkMAP would continue pushing for the merger of Pakhtun-dominated areas of Balochistan with what he called Pakhtunkhwa (NWFP). “We want to be a part of Pakhtunkhwa or we should be treated equally with Baloch under a constitutional amendment,” he contended.

If this is not possible in the given circumstances, he argued, the status of British Balochistan, which existed during the colonial rule, should be revived. He noted the Balochs (who were formerly part of Kalat state) were included in the British Balochistan afterwards, and, through an executive order in 1970, the province was renamed Balochistan.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby ramana » 01 Feb 2010 08:05

X-post...

Malayappan wrote:Prem posted this in page 2 of this thread. For anyone who merely skimmed through, I recommend reading the whole piece. It is actually brilliant, a brave Pushtun voice articulating many things we have been saying here. An extremely useful pakistan based source!

Must read!



analysis: Dangerous abyss of perceptions —Farhat Taj

The Pakistan Army is engaged in ‘friendly fire’ with the jihadi gangs in which the civilians, poor soldiers of the security forces, especially FC soldiers, policemen and foot soldiers of the Taliban are killed. This, according to the Pakhtun perception, is in line with the scheme of things of the military-militant leadership

I have been writing in these pages that there is a remarkable difference in the perceptions of the people of Pakhtunkhwa, including FATA, and the majority of people in the rest of Pakistan with regard to what drives terrorism in our country. For the latter, it is the US, India and Israel rocking our country with terrorism on the pretext that no Muslim can ever kill fellow Muslims. Whereas the former believe that fellow Muslims in the Pakistani religious-political parties, jihadi organisations, retired and in service generals of the Pakistan army (the real lords of our country), and media Taliban (pro-Taliban journalists and analysts) have created a complex mixture of fanatical, sectarian, anti-civilisation and anti-humanity state of mind among fellow Pakistanis, who are now thoroughly engaged in the genocide of the Pakhtun and replacing the Pakhtun culture with the seventh century Arab tribal culture. The US, India and Israel may or may not be fishing in troubled waters, but they are certainly not running the deadly show on the Pakhtun lands in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Moreover, the international jihadi forces are fully in alliance with the Pakistani jihadis. The Pakistan Army is engaged in ‘friendly fire’ with the jihadi gangs in which the civilians, poor soldiers of the security forces, especially FC soldiers, policemen and foot soldiers of the Taliban are being killed. This, according to the Pakhtun perception, is in line with the scheme of things of the military-militant leadership in terms of ‘strategic depth’ in Afghanistan.

In a conference held in Peshawar on December 12-13, 2009, this issue of the difference of perceptions was thoroughly discussed. The conference, named ‘Terrorism: The Ways Out’ was attended by political parties and civil society organisations of Pakhtunkhwa and FATA that actively oppose terrorism: Awami National Party, Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party, Pakistan People’s Party Parliamentarians, Pakistan People’s Party-Sherpao, National Party and Awami Party Pakistan. Civil society included organisations under the banner of Amn Tehrik (Peace Movement), businessmen, doctors, lawyers, teachers, students, labourers and intellectuals.

The conference concluded the following in terms of the difference in perceptions. One of its reasons is perfectly natural. There is a Pashto proverb that burns are felt where there is fire. Most of the fire of terrorism is burning in the Pakhtun lands. The second reason is the policy of the government. In pursuit of strategic depth in Afghanistan, the government of dictator Musharraf allowed massive media coverage to the people who were supporting terrorism. This includes some retired generals and a few journalists and analysts. As a result, those living in other parts of the country or those who were not directly affected by terrorism were systematically indoctrinated with pro-terrorism ideas for about eight years. This nurtured a social environment that is tolerant to those committing terrorism. Those living in the war zone are eyewitnesses to all that is happening there and they have their own perceptions of this war.

The conference noted with great concern that it continues to be propagated in the media, though in an implied manner, that terrorism is the continuation of jihad against the Soviet Union. The fact is that almost all of those who were fighting against the Soviets have become an active part of the political canvas of Afghanistan in order to bring stability to the democratic process in that country. They are the foremost opponents of terrorism. They include Professor Mujaddidi, Burhan-ud-Din Rabbani, Pir Gilani, Abdul Rasool Siaf, Abdul Rasheed Dostam and the party of late Ahmed Shah Masood. Only two people of the anti-Soviet campaigns are now involved in terrorism, i.e. Gulbadin Hikmatyar and Jalal-ud-Din Haqqani. Gulbadin’s party is almost non-existent. Only one of his commanders, Kashmir Khan, and a few friends are supporting him. Haqqani had already joined the Taliban and is based in North Waziristan, where he commands an entire terror secretariat.

Moreover, none of the Pakistani terrorist organisations like Hizbul Mujahideen, Harkatul Mujahideen, Lashkar-e-Tayyaba, Jaish-e-Muhamamd, Sipah-e-Sahaba, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Lashkar-e-Islam, Ansar-ul-Islam, Amar-bil-Maroof, Tahreek-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi and Tahreek-e-Taliban had participated in the anti-Soviet campaign. Despite this, it was propagated over the media that these terrorists were part of the anti-Soviet campaign and they have been living in the tribal areas for thirty years where they had married the local women and thus became part and parcel of the tribal society. The fact is that in the tribal areas, a foreigner is never called a native even if he had taken asylum and lived there for centuries. The Mehsud tribe of South Waziristan did not allow even a single non-local to stay in their area during this whole period.

The conference participants observed that people of the war-affected areas think that the army and the Taliban are friends, not enemies. These people have been persistently asking the question why the military failed to target the core leadership of the militants in all the 17 military operations in FATA? It is true that during the military operations the top as well as the second and the third cadre leadership were neither killed nor wounded nor captured. Moreover, the news of the killing of many terrorist leaders was broadcast several times over the media but they are still alive. Commanders like Ibn-e-Amin, Shah Duran and Ikram-ud-Din are the prime examples of such false propaganda.

In Swat, the news that Fazlullah is under siege was broadcast three times by the ISPR but in the same month it was propagated through the media that he had escaped to Afghanistan. Fazlullah’s close associates Muslim Khan, Haroon and Mahmood were arrested by the military but six months have passed and nobody knows what happened to them. :mrgreen:

In the past, Sufi Muhammad was arrested and then released in a so-called peace deal, which was imposed upon the provincial political leadership at gunpoint. The valiant police of the Pakhtunkhwa province once arrested 28 terrorists with suicide jackets and these terrorists were taken away by the intelligence agencies for further investigation. These people were kept somewhere for a few months. They were released the day when General Pervez Musharraf imposed the Emergency. Only a few words came to us about their release. It is due to these reasons that the people of the war-affected areas are neither satisfied with the military operations nor do they entertain false hopes.

The issue of drone attacks is the most important one. If the people of the war-affected areas are satisfied with any counter-militancy strategy, it is the drone attacks. According to the people of Waziristan, drones have never killed any civilian. Some people in Waziristan even compare the drones with ababils (the holy swallows sent by God to avenge Abraha, the invader of the Khana Kaaba). A component of the Pakistani media, some retired generals, a few journalists/analysts and pro-Taliban political parties never stop their baseless propaganda against drone attacks.

I would request all fellow Pakistanis to urgently address these issues. Any more silence on this matter could be dangerous for the integrity of Pakistan. The generals, militant groups, religious-political parties and a section of our mainstream media, especially Urdu media, are pushing the entire Pakhtunkhwa towards becoming another Bangladesh. If this happened, those fellow Pakistanis who otherwise may not agree with the military, militants and the media Taliban, but chose to remain silent, would also be responsible for another break up of Pakistan.

The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo, and a member of Aryana Institute for Regional Research and Advocacy. She can be reached at bergen34@yahoo.co

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby arun » 03 Feb 2010 11:50

Head of the Army of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan Gen. Ashfaq Parvez Kayani

140,000 Pakistani troops involved in waging “Jihad-fi-Sabilillah” or “Jihad in the path of Allah” against Pathan / Pashtun fellow Muslim religious co-adherents and fellow citizens.

2,273 Pakistani troops killed while waging “Jihad-fi-Sabilillah” or “Jihad in the path of Allah” against Pathan / Pashtun fellow Muslim religious co-adherents and fellow citizens.

See Dawn here:

Kayani spells out terms for regional stability

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby SSridhar » 12 Mar 2010 12:57

'Listen to the Pashtun' - by Zubair Torwali in TFT

Extracts
In this mess, the neighbors of the Pashtun region – between the Oxus and the Indus – are as responsible as the big powers. Pakistan, India, Saudi Arabia, Iran, China, Russia and the USA all have their own plans for the region at the cost of the destruction and genocide of the Pashtuns. Specifically, these states have designs which are irreconcilable with each other. Pakistan has always wanted a dependent regime in Kabul, one which would have no connection with India. Iran and Saudi Arabia have colliding agendas in the region, mainly based on sectarian grounds. Similarly China and the USA have their designs as well.

First, the Pashtun see the famous policy of ‘strategic depth’ as a deep grave for the Pashtun people. They are not reluctant about expressing their conviction that the Punjabi-dominated establishment of Pakistan has made the Pashtun people scapegoats for the ‘survival’ of Pakistan. They contend that what is happening in the region after the withdrawal of the Soviet forces from Afghanistan in the late eighties has its roots in this “strategic depth policy”; and in this Pakistan has been helped by the Wahabi state of Saudi Arabia. To further this policy, they first produced the Mujahideen who were used against the Soviet Union. When this failed to achieve anything, the Taliban were installed in Afghanistan, who brought the peace of the graveyard into Afghanistan through the use of brute force against those who did not support the medieval version of Islam they wished to impose. Initially, the United States was happy with what was going on in Afghanistan, After 9/11, things took a serious turn. After the USA’s direct intervention in Afghanistan, the strategic depth policy dragged the war to the eastern side of the Durand Line and into the settled areas of the Pashtun population.

Second, the Pashtun intelligentsia sounds off on its grievances against the mainstream media, particularly in Pakistan. In spite of the brutality that the Taliban has inflicted upon women, children, the general public and the security forces, elements in the media still remain who support the militants and their version of jihad.

Besides that the media provide more space to pro-strategic depth and anti-Pashtun elements. People who spout the waging of jihad on neighbouring states are given extra space on the electronic media, whereas those who talk sense, keeping ground realities in view, are labeled as being treacherous or unpatriotic. Further, the media has continued to harp on issues for which it seems they are paid by some hidden forces. For example the media hype against the corruption of a single individual who happens to be the president of Pakistan. Thus the media ignores the core issues of security and Pashtun genocide.

No section of the media raise voices of protest against the banning of coverage during the South Waziristan operation. The talk-shows, which mainly mould the opinions of viewers, do not give due space to the Pashtun scholars and leaders. Instead they often invite ‘analysts’ who do not even know the geography of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and the North West Frontier Province (NWFP). Thus the Pashtun intelligentsia has started to think this selective and exclusive approach in the mainstream media is a threat to the national integrity of Pakistan, thus ringing memories of the exclusion of Bengalis before the partition of Pakistan.

Thirdly, the drone attacks on the Al-Qaeda and Taliban hideouts of the in the Pakistani territory of FATA are seen by the Pashtuns not as an infringement of sovereignty but as a precise weapon which has to this date killed some of the top leaders of Al-Qaeda and Taliban. This hype in the name of sovereignty is an effort by the pro-Taliban segments of the media who want to protect them as strategic assets.

Fourth, the Pashtun intelligentsia is very sensitive about their identity issue. They think the North West Frontier Province should be given a specific name. They would like the province to be named Pukhtunkhwa, but a number of them also see Afghaniya as an applicable alternative.

These concerns and grievances are not baseless, since the Pashtun are the direct victims of terrorism and counter-terrorism. The Pakistani designers of foreign policy, the media and civil society need to listen to the Pashtun, as should the international community as well.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Malayappan » 13 Mar 2010 12:34

Kamal Mehsud: did the ISPR cheat him? Another one by Farhat Taj. The things she writes - hope she is well protected from ISI goons
Kamal Mehsud’s story is just one of the hundreds of stories of horror in Waziristan. The other stories are much more brutal and sinister in terms of the intelligence agencies’ collusion with the Taliban, followed by the target killing of hundreds of tribal leaders, doctors, teachers and government servants in Waziristan
The protracted human tragedy in Waziristan, perceived as the state’s collusion with the Taliban, has dangerously damaged the Mehsud tribe’s trust in the state. I have even heard former Mehsud soldiers of the Pakistan Army — who served it with their blood in its wars with India — saying that they now hate Pakistan, its military and its Taliban

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby SSridhar » 13 Mar 2010 13:09


From the above,
He said during the interview that music is his cultural jihad against the violent jihad of the Taliban and al Qaeda. He said he would never give up music despite the death threats. If he gave up, the forces of religious militancy will win.

The Waziris love music and dance.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby A_Gupta » 15 Mar 2010 03:21


ramana
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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby ramana » 16 Mar 2010 03:30

I was reading the books by Phil Woodruff. It seems Curzon took six frontier districts from Punjab and added to the six districts east of Durand line and created NWFP. So if paktunisthan comse about it has to be minus the frontier districts of Punjab.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Anujan » 16 Mar 2010 08:11




The list includes the demand for the handover of over 300 wanted terrorists, including TTP chief Hakeemullah Mehsud


So he is not dead?

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Johann » 17 Mar 2010 05:05

Worth reading; http://www.jamestown.org/programs/gta/single/?tx_ttnews[tt_news]=36141&tx_ttnews[backPid]=26&cHash=0208956bac

In-depth interviews were conducted with 15 students from different colleges and universities all over Pakistan. The duration of each interview was between one and two hours. Each one of the students attends a different college or university. Moreover, each one of them belongs to a different village in Waziristan.

Because of the sensitive nature of the inquiry, the researcher had to meet each student separately. None of the students agreed to a tape-recorded interview, but all allowed the researcher to make written notes during the interview. The students’ freedom of expression is drastically limited by the ongoing targeted killings in FATA, in which hundreds of tribal leaders, teachers, students, doctors and other people who publicly spoke against the Taliban and al-Qaeda have been assassinated, often along with their family members. [1]

All respondents were unanimous on the fact that the Taliban have completely taken over FATA, especially North and South Waziristan, with the help of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), Punjabi militants (Jaish-e-Mohammad, Lashkar-e-Taiba, Hizbul Mujahideen, Sipah-e-Sahaba, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi etc) and foreign fighters, including al-Qaeda Arabs.

They agree that the government of Pakistan has no writ whatsoever over the tribal agencies. They hold the militant occupation responsible for:

• Damaging their culture and traditions.

• Eliminating their entire traditional and indigenous leadership.

• Weakening the tribal society.

• Occupying their houses by force.

• Destroying their traditional and democratic institution of jirga (an assembly of elders that makes decisions based on consensus) and tribal code of Pashtunwali (“The Way of the Pashtuns”), instead replacing it with the militants' own strict brand of Shari’a.

• Bringing destruction to homes and businesses by inciting Pakistani military operations.

The majority of the respondents (13 of 15) did not fully see the drone attacks as a violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan. Their argument is very simple: the state of Pakistan has already surrendered FATA to the militants, therefore, Pakistan has no reason to object to the drone attacks. Pakistan will have this right only if can retake the areas from the militants. Some respondents said that their homeland is used by the militants and the ISI as a launching pad for attacks on ISAF and NATO forces in Afghanistan. Each of the respondents could recall having seen the bodies of those martyred in Afghanistan in their villages. Every respondent was unhappy with what they called the malicious nexus between ISI and the militants. They are sure that the Taliban militants are still strategic assets of Pakistan’s military establishment.

Some suggested that, under the garb of military operations in Waziristan, the ISI had in fact strengthened the militants and double-crossed the United States. It was during these operations that much of the tribal leadership was eliminated by both the militants and military in order to create a power vacuum that was eventually filled by the militants. The same military operations killed hundreds of civilians and destroyed thousands of their houses without killing or injuring any important militant leaders. Wherever military operations in FATA took place, the area was since completely handed over to the militants and the state's writ surrendered through agreements with the militants.

The students, who consider the militants and ISI/military responsible for the insecurity in FATA, increasingly find themselves hostages in the hands of both and as a result, the majority of the respondents welcomed the drone attacks for three reasons:

• The drone attacks are killing the leadership of those al-Qaeda and other militant groups who have made ordinary tribesmen and women hostages. Ordinary people are powerless against the militants and drones are seen as helpful by eliminating the militants and frustrating the designs of ISI.

• The drone attacks have resulted in substantial damage to the militants, especially the elimination of the Arab and Punjabi leadership of al-Qaeda.

• The drone attacks cause a minimum loss of innocent civilians and their property. The respondents appreciated the precision of such attacks.

However, the respondents also pointed out that because of the drone attacks, innocent civilians were being killed by militants on a daily basis on suspicion of spying for the United States. It has become a daily routine that dead and mutilated bodies of civilians are found with a warning note that such treatment would be meted out to any person involved in spying. The resulting fear leaves most tribesmen as tightlipped spectators. For any person to remain free of militants' suspicion, he has to condemn the drone attacks in public. A very interesting remark came from one of the respondents, who was asked why he was reticent in discussing the issue. He remarked, “If you have drones flying above you and Taliban holding a knife beneath [you], how can you speak out the truth?”

The respondents expressed a strong desire for drones as a means to attack the leadership of local Pashtun Taliban. Half of those who supported drone attacks said that people’s daily lives are affected most by the local Taliban and not the Arabs or other al-Qaeda militants who generally mind their own business, or have perhaps assigned the duty of harassment to the local Taliban. One of the respondents suggested that if only ten people amongst the leadership of the local Taliban were killed, the hierarchy of the organization would collapse like a house of cards.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Paul » 19 Apr 2010 00:48

Ramana wrote:I was reading the books by Phil Woodruff. It seems Curzon took six frontier districts from Punjab and added to the six districts east of Durand line and created NWFP. So if paktunisthan comse about it has to be minus the frontier districts of Punjab.


I beleive the hindko speaking regions of NWfP - Jamrud, Haripur etc. are the regions being referred to here. Agitators from this regions had been agitating against the ANP in the agitation.

Ayub Khan's mother tongue was Hindko IIRC.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Airavat » 04 Jul 2010 08:03

Rise of the poorer castes in Swat

Pakistan failed to provide the people of Swat the standard of governance that the erstwhile state did. Though the people of Swat stoically put up with everything else, what they could not fathom was the new justice system. Whereas in the Wali’s Swat, a case could be decided within weeks, under the new system it took years and even decades to reach its logical end. An elderly man in Mingora was spot on when he recently said, ‘If we don’t have enough food, we make do with what we have and survive. But no one can live without justice.’

It was this essential need of the people that Sufi Mohammad, the bigoted and ignorant founder of the Tehrik e Nifaz e Shariat e Mohammadi played upon. His mission was taken up by his son-in-law Fazalullah. A drop out from a seminary in Swabi, he became famous as Mullah Radio for his broadcasts on an illegal FM radio. His focus was on doing good which appealed to the masses. This person of no means was soon riding an SUV worth five million rupees. Presently he had an escort of, first two, and then four vehicles loaded with armed hoodlums.

Those who flocked under the banner of Fazalullah were known to the people of Swat as the Parachgan and the Naian – the Parachas and the Nais (barbers). The former are poor labourers who collect sand from the Swat River for the construction industry and the latter, as the name indicates, a rank considered to be the lowest among the working classes. Though they spoke Pashto and affected the Pakhtun mannerism and dress, neither caste was Pakhtun. They were therefore on the lowest rung of the social order.

They were fired not by Islamic zeal but by unremitting envy and hatred for those whom fortune had placed above them. And so they went into a frenzy of destroying the social order. The homes of the rich were bombed and their elders murdered. One informant in Swat said, "Those who once never dared look up to the windows of the homes of the rich, now swaggered into those same houses and took away young women to be 'married' to some talib or the other. This was organised rape, but no one raised a voice because the State of Pakistan had abandoned us."

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby ramana » 24 Aug 2010 21:59

Prem posted in the Afghanistan thread...


Pashtun Nationalists:Ghiljay Pashtuns

It is a known fact that majority of the Taliban were inititially from the Ghiljay tribe. Especially the non- Kandahari Taliban. Mullah Omar himself is a Hotaki Ghiljay. And likewise, many prominent figures of the Taliban movement hailed from the Ghiljay tribe.[/b]In all three of the aforementioned conflicts, the Pashtun Nationalists critisize the role of Ghiljay tribe. [b]In Afghanistan Ghiljay tribe is known for its conservative and orthodox image. Ghilji have always fought on the frontline against any invader. Pashtun Nationalists disrespect the largest Pashtun tribe in Afghanistan. And their contribution to our independence and resistance against invaders.Today, all northern regions of Afghanistan, like Takhar, Kunduz, Balkh, Baghlan and Badghis have large pockets and enclaves where the Ghiljay tribesmen dwell.
Pashtun Nationalists argue here that those regions should be surrendered to Tajik Nationalists.


Something that was speculated here.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Airavat » 30 Oct 2010 09:55

Pakistani Taliban planning massacre of Shia Pashtuns
Thousands of Orakzai-based Taliban, led by Maulana Noor Jamal, or Mullah Toofan, are allegedly planning coordinated attacks on the Shia community in Kurram to avenge the eviction of over 1,000 Sunni families by them two years ago. Kurram is the only Shia-dominated tribal area where the Taliban are now holding sway. It is a strategically important region because it borders Afghanistan and some important tribal regions.

Toofan is a nominee of Hakimullah Mehsud, the outlawed Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) commander. The entire Upper Orakzai is controlled by Mullah Toofan and Commander Tariq Afridi, a militant leader who once controlled the semi-tribal Dara Adamkhel area. “It is from the Taliban network in Orakzai that the most serious threat to the Shias in Kurram emanates from,” said a Peshawar-based official.

Residents from Parachinar told The Express Tribune that the Shia community has requested Maulana Sirajuddin Haqqani, who supervises the Haqqani network operations in North Waziristan, to mediate between them and Mullah Toofan’s commanders. “The Shia community approached Haqqani with Rs200 million cash and 2,000 sheep,” the former lawmaker revealed, referring to a Pakhtun tradition of offering sheep to seek reconciliation, known as ‘nanavatey’.

Haqqanis want control over Kurram
The region is a strategic prize for Pakistan, the militants and even the United States. It lies opposite Afghanistan’s Paktia, Nangarhar and Khost provinces and is next door to North Waziristan, the main base of the Haqqani network in Pakistan. Most of the Pashtun who live on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghan border are Sunni Muslims. But Kurram and neighbouring Orakzai region have a large number of Shi’ite Muslims.

The Turi have blocked Taliban militants from crossing their territory, preventing the Haqqanis and other Taliban factions from having an easy ride to Kabul. In response, the Taliban have blockaded Turi territory for more than two years, effectively cutting them off from the rest of Pakistan and laying siege to their lands. The talk of a deal between members of the Haqqani network and the Turi tribe in the Kurram region is likely to raise concerns in the United States which has been demanding Pakistan get tough with the militants fighting Western forces across the border.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby RajeshA » 18 Nov 2010 19:17

For those interested in Pashtun Affairs, here is a forum

www dot pashtunforums dot com

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Ashley Kravitz » 19 Nov 2010 11:46

^^
I post on that forum. Most of the members are friendly viz-a-viz India. But there are some Paki Pashtuns who post BS about India. One must be careful in replying to them so as not to rub the friendly ones the wrong way.

Also, Taliban moojahids are considered misguided patriots who are fighting the invaders [ somewhat like our jhollawallas consider Maoists]. So there's quite a bit of support for them.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby ramana » 26 Jan 2011 09:40

X-posted...
sum wrote:MKB on "Col Imam":
How will the angels greet ‘Colonel Imam’?

The mystery of the death of ‘Colonel Imam’ has been removed. After all, he died a natural death, following a heart attack, while in apparent captivity in the lawless tribal regions of Pakistan. Earlier speculations that he was executed have been laid to rest. Correctly so. It was almost unthinkable that the Taliban would allow their mentor to be killed in cold blood. That would have gone against the grain of Afghan traditions. Besides, ‘Imam’ had always been one of them. He had personal equations with Mullah Omar dating back to the 1980s. He was with Mullah Omar in Kandahar in the final countdown to the American air strikes in October 2001, when they dispersed, with Omar famously climbing on to a motorbike and driven away into the darkening mountains as the dusk fell. ‘Imam’ never hid the fact that he urged Omar to fight on and drive the Americans out of Afghanistan.


The remaining mystery is why the Pakistani military didn’t move heaven and earth and get him released. It is hard to believe that the requisite ‘influence’ was lacking - or the political will. A million dollar question remains: Was Imam indeed in ‘captivity’, or was he on some sort of special assignment to steer the Taliban safe and dry in the final lap of their triumphant return to power in Kabul?
I first heard about his presence in the Kandahar-Herat region sometime in late-1994 from an Afghan who came to Delhi for medical treatment. It wasn’t too difficult to put 2 and 2 together and make it 4 - that Taliban was indeed an outfit of the Pakistani security establishment, contrary to the myths that were being propagated from Islamabad. For, Imam’s presence in that complicated region inside Afghanistan right at that point in time could only have meant that some bloody serious business was afoot. Curiously, Pakistan was also sponsoring Gulbuddin Hekmatyar at that time and Gen. Hamid Gul was active on that front. Amazing that two such vastly different streams of Pakistani ’strategic assets’ were in operation simultaneously - and they finally ‘coalesced’ in 1996 near Saroki in the outskirts of Kabul when Taliban drove Gulbuddin out of Afghanistan into exile in Iran. No doubt, Imam plotted fastidiously the Taliban’s ‘pilgrim’s progress’ from Kandahar via Herat and Jalalabad to Kabul.
Stories about Imam as the Pakistani consul-general in Herat used to filter down to the Tashkent bazaar when I served in that ancient oasis town in the Central Asian steppes. I invariably asked about him while walking the dusty streets of Mazar-i-Sharif. By the mid-1990s, he was already of the stuff of legends. I began harbouring a secret longing to meet him sometime, somewhere. It never happened. But it was also as if I already knew him so well that there was no more any real need to meet. One never got tired of devouring stories of his feats that were handed down. Indeed, at a certain point one even stopped bothering to check out the veracity of the stories surrounding the working life of this secretive man. It became pointless to segregate the kernels of hard facts and fiction. They blended so well. Imagine, this was the man who was received in the Ronald Reagan White House and presented with a piece of the Berlin Wall with a plaque commending him for striking the ‘first blow’ that brought the Soviet Union tumbling down.


He probably considered himself a ‘jihadi’ handpicked by God and bestowed with the special skills he acquired as a special forces officer of the Pakistani army trained in Fort Bragg in the US. Rock-like faith was what made this austere man so hugely effective on the operational plane - unlike Gul who talked too much, lived rather well, dressed nattily, partied and sought publicity. Wouldn’t the angels be saying Salaamun ‘Alaykum as the Colonel enters the gates of paradise?


Actually he wont get any of the 72 rasins as those who hallaled him are closer to the book!

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Airavat » 02 Feb 2011 11:34

Airavat wrote:Pakistani Taliban planning massacre of Shia Pashtuns

Thousands of Orakzai-based Taliban, led by Maulana Noor Jamal, or Mullah Toofan, are allegedly planning coordinated attacks on the Shia community in Kurram to avenge the eviction of over 1,000 Sunni families by them two years ago. Kurram is the only Shia-dominated tribal area where the Taliban are now holding sway. It is a strategically important region because it borders Afghanistan and some important tribal regions.


A few days ago a truce was brokered between the Sunni Orakzai and the Shia Toori....which has been immediately violated in renewed fighting.

Truce broken

A day after reported truce between warring tribes in Kurram Agency, armed Taliban lashkar from Lower Kurram attacked neighbouring tribe Toori Bangash’s village Blashkhel on Sunday, sources said.... strong resistance repulsed the attack, but heavy fighting continued.

In an emergency meeting on Sunday, elders’ council of Toori Bangash tribe in Kurram Agency said the incident was part of state-supported terrorism and accused the Commandant Frontier Corps and security forces of pressuring the tribe into giving shelter to the Haqqani group.

The tribal elders said the government should punish the commandant FC through court martial “because he had tortured our tribesmen”. “Otherwise we will raise our protest with the United Nations and Amnesty International against four years of inhuman siege, state’s support for fleeing Taliban,” they threatened. They said that they will not shelter the Haqqani group in Upper Kurram.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby ramana » 31 Jan 2012 23:13

X-post...
"menon s"

Talibanisation of Pashtun land will only lead to the de pakistanisation of Pashtuns.
from, Friday times.
http://www.thefridaytimes.com/beta2/tft ... 7&page=8.1
Nationalist movements promote and protect national language, culture and identity through political expression. They aim to control their affairs without outside interference. They are about managing their economic resources by themselves. They may want autonomy within a multinational state in order to structure it to protect their identity, or in certain cases for an independent state of their own.

Taliban meet none of these criteria in Afghanistan or Pakistan, and therefore cannot be considered a Pashtun nationalist movement. They take ideological and political inspiration from Arabs and other non-Pashtuns. They have consciously, as a matter of policy, targeted different cultural traits of Pashtuns, like tribal councils and folk music; they are not concerned about the language and promote mostly Arabic and/or interestingly, Urdu; Economic resources or their control is not their concern; neither is any political or administrative manifestation of Pashtun identity their goal.

They have killed a large number of traditional Pashtun elders in FATA and banned the Jirga as means of dispute settlement in areas under their influence. They have been eliminating the Pashtun way of life.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby ramana » 02 May 2012 20:56

pgbhat wrote:Taliban are Pak Army proxies, not Pashtun nationalists - IV ---- Farhat Taj
Such authors also seem to imply that from the Pashtun perspective, a foreign invader always means a non-Muslim invader. Thus the entire narrative presents a homogeneous picture of the wider Pashtun society (a large complicated patchwork of tribes, sub-tribes, clans and sub-clans) that is devoid of internal dissent, contestation and ambiguity that can be expected in any human society in the world. On one hand they claim that the Pashtun are fiercely independent, and on the other hand they assume absolute unanimity of opinion among the 'fiercely independent' people in terms of their response to foreign states. This entire narrative is highly misleading.
In the 19th century, foreign fanatic Indian Muslims led by Syed Ahmad Barelvi, also an Indian Islamist, came to 'Islamize' the Pashtun tribes against their wishes and their socio-cultural norms. The Yousafzai tribal leaders had a grand jirga that concluded that there was no way to get rid of the 'Indian Mujahideen' and their 'Islam' but to massacre them all. In pursuit of the jirga's decision, the Yousafzai tribesmen attacked the mujahideen killing several of them. The rest fled to the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa town of Balakot where a waiting Sikh army killed each one of them, including their leader. The Yousafzai tribal leaders were not mullahs.
Those who promote such false notions about the Pashtun history also give the impression that the Pashtun struggle against foreign invasions has been devoid of any pragmatism, and that all Pashtun tribes have always been united against all invaders. The fact is that the tribes' responses to the foreign invaders have been pragmatic, including interactive cooperation with the invaders.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Samudragupta » 31 Jul 2013 22:45

In a recent video, the Movement of the Taliban in Pakistan and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan announced the formation of the Ansar al Aseer, a unit tasked to free jihadist prisoners and support their families. The video features Adnan Rasheed, a dangerous Pakistani jihadist who was freed in a jailbreak last year; Yassin Chouka, a wanted German commander in the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan; and Abdul Hakeem, a Russian IMU member.

The video, which was released on jihadist Internet forums on Jan. 29 and obtained and translated by the SITE Intelligence Group, was co-produced by Umar Media and Jundallah Studio, the media arms of the Movement of the Taliban in Pakistan and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, respectively. The video includes English subtitles.

Rasheed, Chouka, and Hakeem were videotaped reading prepared statements while seated under a tree. Rasheed led off by announcing the formation of the Ansar al Aseer, defining its mission, and praising the Taliban for his release.

"The first purpose of this group is to make your release possible by all means," Rasheed said. "And the second purpose is to take care of you in jail, provide for your families, fulfill your needs and necessities and arrange finances for your trials. And finally the third purpose is to take revenge against the enemies."

"You should send us the names and addresses of those who serve the police, ISI, army, as well as those jail wardens, officers and their aides and spies, plus the names of those who dared to harass your families and your old parents and those who still treat you inhumanely," he continued. "We, the mujahideen in Khorasan, promise you that we will, Allah willing, take revenge against them."

He also warned the Pakistani security forces against harassing the families of jihadist prisoners, and said that they "are all on our hit list."

Rasheed is a Pakistani terrorist who was involved in the Dec. 14, 2003 assassination attempt against then-President Pervez Musharraf. A member of the Pakistani Air Force, Rasheed was sentenced to death for his role in the assassination attempt.

Rasheed worked for Amjad Farooqi, the Pakistani terrorist who engineered the two assassination attempts against Musharraf in December 2003 at the behest of al Qaeda leader Abu Faraj al Libi; Farooqi is suspected of involvement in other terror attacks as well. Farooqi was a member of the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan; the Harkat-ul-Ansar and its successor, the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen; Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami; and Jaish-e-Mohammed. He served as a close aide to Qari Saifullah Akhtar, the leader of the Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami. In addition, Farooqi served as the group's representative to al Qaeda's International Islamic Front.

On April 15, 2012, the Movement of the Taliban in Pakistan launched a successful operation to free Rasheed and nearly 400 prisoners, including an estimated 200 Taliban fighters and jihadists, being held at a prison in Bannu. The operation was directed by Hakkemullah Mehsud, the emir of the Movement of the Taliban in Pakistan, and Waliur Rehman Mehsud, the group's emir for South Waziristan. More than 150 fighters assaulted the prison. Rasheed was later featured in a videotape celebrating the jailbreak.

Next to speak on the videotape announcing the formation of the Ansar al Aseer is Abdul Hakeem, a previously unknown Russian operative in the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. Hakeem chastised the Muslim Ummah, or community, for doing nothing to further the release of prisoners.

"Our beloved brothers and sisters have had to live in captivity," Hakeem complained. "When they spit, they spit blood. Yet this 1.5 billion-strong Ummah is doing nothing about it."

Hakeem also claimed he was detained by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate, or ISI, and accused it of working in concert with the US.

"When I was in jail I witnessed how hypocritical the ISI agents were," he said. "This anti-Islamist institute of Pakistan fights against the Muslims standing shoulder to shoulder with the USA. When they interrogated us these two devils would work together."

Yassin Chouka praised jihadists who are in prison, but his statement takes a considerably more conciliatory position toward Muslims "who have not yet dedicated their love to the Muslim prisoners worldwide" than does Hakeem's.

"Look into your hearts and see whom you have dedicated your love to, whom you hate and whom you love," he advised. "Let me give you a piece of advice: Force your unconcerned soul to love the Muslim captives around the world."

Chouka, better known as Abu Ibrahim al Almani, is a German citizen originally from Morocco who, along with his brother Mounir, features frequently in the IMU's propaganda. In February 2011, Chouka released a report that described his travels from Europe to Pakistan, which included a stop in Yemen and several meetings with Anwar al Awlaki, the American-born terrorist who served as a senior ideologue and operational commander for al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula before his death in a Predator strike. Both of the Chouka brothers were added to the US's list of Specially Designated Global Terrorists in January 2012.



http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/ ... rm_ans.php

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby ramana » 13 Feb 2014 04:43

Good this thread is still there!!!

Jhujar wrote:As Part of the Same Banjabi plan to rule Pathanian
Pashtuns: thrown under the sharia bus?

By God, We/ TTP either Rule Pakistan or Divide Pakistan or Destroy It

When this odious mantra is spewed by the usual suspects — rightwing leaders, assorted clerics and media anchors that grew up on a steady diet of Pakistan Studies and Islamiat during General Ziaul Haq’s martial law — one might understand. However, when the voices that have served as Pakistan’s conscience join the chorus, one’s heart really sinks. One felt dejected reading one of Pakistan’s foremost progressives, the writers’ writer and a mentor to my mentors, the venerable Mr I A Rehman this past week. Rehman sahib wrote: “An issue on which complete clarity is required is the territorial limits of the bargain. The Taliban, if they can prove that they enjoy the trust of the population of FATA, may be free to discuss the system of administration appropriate for their special relationship with the state but they have no right to tell Islamabad how the rest of the country is to be governed...The creation of workable political, administrative and judicial institutions in FATA can be discussed but in that area too the government will have to take a stand that the basic rights of the vulnerable sections of society, especially women and minorities, cannot be compromised.” It felt like the distinguished human rights campaigner was not just considering ceding the Pashtun areas to the TTP hordes but was giving up on us as a people. I just hope that I misread the piece or read too much into it.
The narrative that the Pashtuns, especially the tribesmen, crave sharia has been mainstreamed in Pakistan to the extent that even the most knowledgeable and liberal are falling for it. Never mind that the venues of political and religious decision-making, the hujra and mosque, have traditionally been separate in Pashtun tribal society. The tribal jirga (court), which had lost its usual effectiveness a few decades ago, is being touted as the conflict resolution institution of choice in the second decade of the 21st century without realising that the Talibanisation imposed from above has decimated the societal structures that could support the jirga. More importantly, even at the turn of the 20th century, the jirga was not exactly the jury of peers it used to be in an egalitarian acephalous Pashtun tribal society that conceived it a millennium or so ago. The British, and then Pakistani governments had, as a policy, consistently tempered with the jirga system and handpicked Maliks who were awarded stipends and titles (maajab and lungi) to remain pliant.

Whether good or bad, those tribal elders were slaughtered wholesale by the Taliban. According to The New York Times reporters Carlotta Gall and Ismail Khan, 200 tribal elders were killed in the NWA in just 2005 to 2006. That violent spree has never ended. How could then one go about determining whether the TTP “enjoys the trust of the people of FATA” to grant them those hapless lands? Indeed, how could the tribal people let out even a whimper, let alone freely express their scorn for the TTP when the state, and sadly the intelligentsia, appear on the verge of abandoning them? The TTP’s relentless assault on the Awami National Party (ANP), killing its leaders and cadres, was a major factor in its electoral rout, as the state stood by idly. The ANP’s replacement by the pro-Taliban PTI has provided the TTP the same ideological, political and operational space as its antecedents enjoyed during the 2002-2007 rule of the religious conglomerate Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal. Mr Imran Khan continues to insist that the TTP respects the constitution despite the terrorist spokesman, Shahidullah Shahid, consistently deriding it on the record.

The TTP remains an ideologically anchored outfit keen to spread its brand of sharia across not just provincial but state boundaries as well. The tactical restraint the TTP and its allies have shown in Punjab helps it bide time till things become clearer in Afghanistan, ward off a potential military action and perhaps bag sections of FATA in the interim. However, in this sordid saga, the grand prize remains the Pakistani state, which the TTP may never get but, in its mind, deems imperative for helping and waging the global jihad. The Punjab-based rulers can try to encapsulate the TTP within the Pashtun lands but they are sitting on the powder keg of jihadism with assorted ‘jaishes’ and ‘lashkars’ headquartered in their province. The reprieve bought at the expense of the Pashtuns will run out in years, not decades.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Paul » 13 Feb 2014 16:46

^^^My thoughts too when I read this.

I would also say that the TTP are the second iteration of the Pakhtun independence struggle. Gaffar Khan leading the first and unsuccessful iteration. Without US drones to support them, this nightmare can only get worse for the pakis. The taliban focus will be here, not kashmir post 2014.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Prem » 13 Feb 2014 22:27

Maulana Fazalullah have ask for whole Pakistan but as a reasonable man n, he will settle for Pashtun only area for now. Lets not forget , he have been living in Afghanistan for long time, away from Home.
Karzai might turn out to be the biggest winner if Fazalullah wins this Battle with Banjabi Army.
After this Balochistan for Afghanistan to get Stragic Stretch to Sindhu.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby SSridhar » 14 Feb 2014 13:45

It is too tempting to limit TTP to just TSP alone or even to KP. But, I do not believe that to be the case. They have as wide a worldview as the AQ because they are part of it. We may, most charitably say that their first objective is KP, then Pakistan, then India followed by the wide wild world.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Aditya_V » 14 Feb 2014 16:55

YEs but if TTP get the rapes, they wont have the kind of interntional support the current rape enjoy and the WKK would have seen some thier friends bull cattled.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Paul » 14 Feb 2014 17:33

^^^^SSridhar what you say is correct. But by the time they complete the pakistan leg of their jehad, the Pakjabis would be running across the border with their tails tucked between their legs for succor from their sikh neighbours. In real world terms this means that the cross border openings would open further thus negating the Radcliffe line. But as you correctly put it, it is at best a double edged sword.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Prem » 14 Feb 2014 23:37

We should be confident of unleashing Kali on islamist Bakras. Fighting in Plain is different.Pooqarjabis have no mental toughness to face their Fourlegged four fathers.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby SSridhar » 15 Feb 2014 04:46

Aditya_V wrote:YEs but if TTP get the rapes, they wont have the kind of interntional support the current rape enjoy and the WKK would have seen some thier friends bull cattled.

The RAPEs have the same agenda too as the TTP. They are just a sophisticated face of the rabid dog. Yes, some of them will become cattle feed for the TTP but many of them will escape to carry out a more sinister campaign that would facilitate the AQ in India, the next step of their programme after take over of Pakistan. They will now say why the world powers must negotiate with the nuclear-armed Emirate of Pakistan. The international support will continue unabated. The WKK will continue too as usual. Let us be clear. Some of the WKK may also have a sinister agenda and it may not purely be naivety that drives them.
Paul wrote: the Pakjabis would be running across the border with their tails tucked between their legs for succor from their sikh neighbours. In real world terms this means that the cross border openings would open further thus negating the Radcliffe line.

Paul, the common folk Pakjabis would largely welcome the upcoming 'greener' force. The fact is that the Berelvis (who were not exactly 'moderates' themselves) are converting in droves across the country to Wahhabisim / Deobandism. So, why should they run away to India ? Why should they fear a Talibani rule ? There will be some attempted migration no doubt but it won't be anything like a huge exodus. The fundamentalist TSPA in the eastern border of the emirate (the emirate no longer needs any troops in the western border because the Durand Line would have been erased by this time as the area has become Akhand Afghanistan) would take care of these people, especially Hindus, Sikhs and Christians. The true Pakjabis if they ever come to India after the establishment of the Emirate would be a subversive force. They cannot change their spots. India should not allow them in.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby sanjaykumar » 15 Feb 2014 04:51

^^^Text error.
When this odious kalima is spewed by the usual suspects — rightwing leaders, assorted clerics and media anchors that grew up on a steady diet of Pakistan Studies and Islamiat during General Ziaul Haq’s martial law....

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Paul » 06 Mar 2014 15:06

X-post

Like I said, the narrative about the Pakhtuns is changing......the wheel is turning full circle. Only correction is that it was not Zia but the Brits who constructed the Pakhtuns as noble savages who were born to rule the lowly hindoos.

http://www.dawn.com/news/1090492/the-enigmatic-pakhtun

The enigmatic Pakhtun
NADEEM F. PARACHA
Share Email 79 Comment(s) Print
Updated
2014-03-02 11:02:35
Recently a Pakhtun friend of mine who is doing his doctorate in Anthropology from a European university emailed me the following: “Nothing has damaged us Pakhtuns more than certain myths about our character that were not constructed by us”.

We were exchanging views on how some self-proclaimed experts on Pakhtun history and character in Pakistan were actually using the stereotypical aspects of this character to deter the Pakistani state from undertaking an all-out military operation against religious extremists in the Pakhtun-dominated tribal areas of the country.

My friend (who originally hails from the Upper Dir District in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) also made another interesting observation: “You know, these myths have been engrained so deep into the psyche of today’s Pakhtuns that if one starts to deconstruct them, he or she would first and foremost be admonished by today’s young Pakhtuns. They want to believe in these myths not knowing that, more often than not, these myths have reduced them to being conceived as some kind of brainless sub-humans who pick up a gun at the drop of a hat to defend things like honour, faith, tradition, etc.”

But in his emails he was particularly angry at certain leading non-Pakhtun political leaders, clerics and even a few intellectuals who he thought were whipping up stereotypical perceptions and myths about the Pakhtuns to rationalise the violence of extremist outfits like the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) that has a large Pakhtun membership.

He added that in the West as well, many of his European and American contemporaries in the academic world uncritically lap-up these perceptions and myths. He wrote: “They are surprised when they meet Pakhtun students here (in Europe), who are intelligent, rational, and humane and absolutely nothing like Genghis Khan”!

There have been a number of research papers and books written on the subject that convincingly debunk the myths attached to the social and cultural character of the Pakhtuns.

Almost all of them point an accusing finger at British Colonialists for being the pioneers of stereotyping the Pakhtuns.

Adil Khan in Pakhtun Ethnic Nationalism: From Separation to Integration writes that in 1849 when the British captured the southern part of Afghanistan, they faced stiff resistance from the Pakhtun tribes there. The British saw the tribes as the anti-thesis of what the British represented: civilisation and progress.

This is when the British started to explain the Pakhtuns as ‘noble savages’ — even though in the next few decades (especially during and after the 1857 Mutiny), the colonialists would face even more determined resistance from various non-Pakhtun Muslims and non-Muslims of the region.

From then onwards, British writers began to spin yarns of a romanticised and revivalist image of the Pakhtuns that also became popular among various South Asian historians.

Adil Khan complains that such an attempt to pigeonhole the Pakhtuns has obscured the economic and geographical conditions that have shaped the Pakhtun psyche. What’s more, the image of the unbeatable noble savage has been propagated in such a manner that many Pakhtuns now find it obligatory to live up and exhibit this image.

The myths associated with the Pakhtuns’ character have most recently been used to inform the narratives weaved by those who see religious militancy emerging from the Pakhtun-dominated areas in the north-west of Pakistan as a consequence of the state’s careless handling of the traditions of the ‘proud Pakhtun tribes’ (which may have triggered the ‘historical’ penchant of these tribes to inflict acts of revenge). Interestingly, the same myths were once also used by secular Pakhtun nationalists.

One of the most popular architects of Pakhtun nationalism, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, banked on the myth of Pakhtuns being unbeatable warriors to construct the anti-colonial aspect of his Pakhtun nationalist organisation, the Khudai Khidmatgar.

Earnest Gellner in Myths of Nation & Class in Mapping the Nation is of the view that though the Pakhtuns are an independent-minded people and take pride in many of their centuries-old traditions, they are largely an opportunistic and pragmatic people.

When Pakistan became an active participant in the United States’ proxy war against the Soviet forces that had entered Afghanistan, the Ziaul Haq dictatorship — to whip up support for the Afghan mujahideen — used state media and anti-Soviet intelligentsia to proliferate the idea that historically the Pakhtuns were an unbeatable race that had defeated all forces that had attempted to conquer them.

One still hears this, especially from those opposing the Pakistan state’s military action in the country’s tribal areas. But is there any historical accuracy in this proud proclamation?

Not quite. The truth is that the Pakhtuns have been beaten on a number of occasions. Alexander, Timur, Nadir Shah, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, and the British, were all able to defeat the Pakhtuns.

In the 2008 paper, Losing the Psy-war in Afghanistan, the author writes: ‘True, the British suffered the occasional setback but they eventually managed to subdue the Pakhtun tribes. Had the British wanted they would have also continued to rule Afghanistan, only they didn’t find it worth their while and preferred to let it remain a buffer between India and Russia. The Russians (in the 1980s) too would never have been defeated had the Soviet economy not collapsed — and it didn’t collapse because of the war in Afghanistan — and had the Americans not pumped in weapons and money to back the so-called Mujahideen.’

The paper adds: ‘… while Pakhtuns are terrific warriors for whom warfare is a way of life, they have always succumbed to superior force and superior tactics. The Pakhtuns have never been known to stand against a well-disciplined, well-equipped, motivated, and equally ruthless force.’


With the TTP menace threatening to overturn the Pakjabi stranglehold over Pakistan, this myth about the Pakhtuns being invincible is being deconstructed by the Pakjabis. As payback the Pakhtuns are deconstructing the myth of muslim superiority of the Muslim over the Hindoo by taking on the invincible Kabilaa army.
Hence both are paying each other back in their own way.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby ramana » 06 Mar 2014 20:53

Paul, True. The rascal Olaf Caroe worte many of the modern myths about the Pashtuns.


..the Brits who constructed the Pakhtuns as noble savages who were born to rule the lowly hindoos

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Paul » 25 Apr 2014 14:37

X-post...as some one said here. It is best not to take sides in this war.

Martial ass Pashtuns paying the price for abandoning their mother religion

The local clerics, whose influence has steadily grown over the years, played on the religious sentiments of the tribesmen, calling on them to host these “mujahideen” out of a sense of brotherhood. Others, who were less idealistic, were lured with money. So the tribesmen welcomed these war-battered and defeated warriors and offered them shelter, believing that they would soon disappear back into the war-torn land of Afghanistan. But the hordes kept coming, first a trickle, then a flood.

Everyday there was a fresh convoy of militants of different castes, creeds and colour. Low key and ‘quiet’, tall and athletic, Al Qaeda militants of Morrocan, Egyptian, Algerian and Sudanese origin. The round-faced, flat-nosed and ruthless Uzbeks; the fair-skinned Chechens. The short Uighur Chinese with their thin scraggly beards. Muslim converts from America, Germany and France known collectively as the 'Gora Taliban'. Thousands of local jihadis joined their ranks, distinct because of their appearance and inability to speak Pushto, these were the long-haired and short-tempered Punjabi Taliban.


The resident pakhtuns must be having a hell of time protecting their women from these ruffians.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby Samudragupta » 31 May 2014 19:35

Taliban Infighting Escalating In Afghanistan and Pakistan

The Taliban organizations in Pakistan and Afghanistan are undergoing unprecedented divisions that pose both new opportunities and challenges for the two neighbors battling insurgencies.

Leadership disagreements and factional infighting have raised the specter of a far-reaching realignment among Taliban factions. In the vast theater spanning Afghanistan and Pakistan, hardline Taliban factions are now engaging in escalating infighting with moderate Taliban groups seeking an accommodation with Islamabad and Kabul.

This week a leading Pakistani Taliban faction formally announced that it was abandoning the umbrella group, Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The faction, led by Khalid Mehsud, who is also known as Khan Said Sajna, accused TTP leaders of involvement in criminal activities.

"[The TTP leadership] clique is involved in the heinous crimes of robbery, extortion, kidnapping for ransom and targeted assassinations," he said in a statement issued to journalists on May 28. "They have killed Islamic scholars and forced madrasas to pay them money and engage in orchestrating bomb blasts in public places after getting paid from outside the country."

The most revealing part of the statement said that the TTP "bothered the Punjabi Taliban and Al-Qaeda," and propagated certain "sectarian beliefs and ideology."

The TTP has not responded to the Mehsud group, but the division was inevitable after dozens of Taliban fighters were killed in clashes between the group’s members and militants loyal to erstwhile TTP leader Hakimullah Mehsud this month.

Their differences boiled over into open confrontation after Hakimullah’s supporters lobbied hard to prevent Khalid from assuming the TTP's leadership. Hakimullah was killed in a suspected U.S. drone strike in November.

In recent months the TTP has launched some major attacks and has negotiated with Islamabad, but internal disagreements now threaten its status as Pakistan's main militant adversary. Tens of thousands of Pakistani civilians and soldiers have been killed in TTP attacks and retaliatory military operations.

Across the border in Afghanistan a similar process is underway. Qari Hamza, a purported spokesman for the Afghanistan Islamic Movement, a Taliban splinter group locally known as Fidai Mahaz or "Sacrifice Front" in Pashto, labeled the Afghan Taliban as a Qatari militia.

"The spokesman of the Qatari militia cannot decide who are [the real] mujahedeen while they sit at a negotiating table with the crusaders," one of the group's recent statements said, in a mocking reference to the Afghan Taliban's political office in the tiny Gulf nation. "These people think of themselves as the Islamic Emirate and even claim to have a monopoly over Islam, but they really need to revaluate themselves before branding others as [good] Muslims or infidels."

This breakaway faction has claimed responsibility for some recent attacks and high-profile assassinations. Afghan officials believe it is an extremist Taliban splinter group now headed by Haji Najibullah, a close associate of former Taliban commander Mullah Dadullah, who was killed by NATO troops in 2007.

A rift among the top fugitive leaders of the Afghan Taliban is expected to further cloud its future.

Former Taliban military commander Mullah Abdul Qayum Zakir is missing after he was removed from his post as the leader of the Taliban military commission last month. The controversy around his removal has emerged as a major threat to the solidarity of the Quetta Shura, the Taliban leadership council based in Quetta, the capital of the southwestern Pakistani province of Balochistan near Afghanistan's border.

The Taliban has rejected Afghan government claims that Zakir was being held by Al-Qaeda linked Pakistani Taliban militants, and insisted that he "is free and is engaging in his activities."

But nothing has been heard from Zakir since he was sacked. A source close to Taliban leaders told Gandhara that Zakir has been absent from the meetings of the exiled Taliban leadership council for more than a year because of a power struggle with the de facto Taliban leader Mullah Akhtar Mohammad Mansur.

"The two men did not agree on the question of making peace with Kabul," the source said in early May. "Zakir wanted to push for a military victory after the withdrawal of the U.S. forces towards the end of this year, while Mansur favors the search for a settlement through negotiations."

Afghan officials claim that the Afghan Taliban recently appointed hardline commander Ibrahim Sadar to replace Zakir. They said that Taliban leaders blamed Zakir for failing to disrupt voting during the first round of the Afghan presidential polls on April 5.

But the appointment of hardline figures might foment more internal divisions, which would render the Quetta Shura ineffective and incapable of controlling its shadowy organization inside Afghanistan.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, an Afghan intelligence official told RFE/RL’s Radio Free Afghanistan that Sirajuddin Haqqani, the leader of the most powerful Taliban military faction, has ordered his followers not to obey the Quetta Shura’s orders.

Haqqani, whose father Jalaluddin Haqqani was a major anti-Soviet mujahedeen commander in the 1980s, is known for launching brazen attacks in major Afghan cities.

Afghan security affairs analyst Javed Kohistani said that fragmentation within the Taliban ranks has seriously undermined their capacity to pose a major military challenge.

"Factionalism, mistrust and disagreements afflict the Taliban [both in Afghanistan and Pakistan] and prevent them from utilizing their military capacity," he said. In addition, "[their main backer] Pakistan now feels that the Indian and Afghan intelligence agents have infiltrated the Taliban ranks and they cannot be trusted."

Kohistani said that the Taliban infighting presents a unique opportunity to Kabul, but that the government’s capacity to respond is compromised by the country’s prolonged presidential election. "Unfortunately, we are undergoing a political transition in Afghanistan and the government cannot make major strategic decisions," he said.


http://www.eurasianet.org/node/68422

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby arun » 12 Jun 2015 08:47

From The Nation, the American Magazine not the paper from the Islamic Republic of Pakistani:

Pakistan’s Neocolonial War

The Pashtuns of the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan are trapped between a brutal Taliban insurgency and a Pakistani government that treats them like colonial subjects.

Clicky

The Uniformed Jihadi’s of the Punjabi dominated Military of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan has much to answer for the crimes perpetrated on the Pathans aka Pushtun.

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Re: Pashtun Civil War

Postby arun » 20 Jun 2015 07:29

X Posted from the STFUP thread.

shiv wrote:


Hypocritical frauds


The Punjabi dominated elite of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan are indeed shamelessly hypocritical.

Slaughter of Pathans / Pushtun by the Uniformed Jihadi’s of the Punjabi dominated Military of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan continues unabated despite the commencement of the Mohammadden holy month of Ramazan / Ramadan.

The pious Mohammadden Pathan / Pushtun Freedom Fighting Mujhahideen it seems are ranked even lower than murderous criminals by the Punjabi Military dominated elites of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and not immune to slaughter during the Mohammadden holy months:

Air strikes kill 20 Freedom Fighting Mujahideen in Khyber Agency


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