Nepal and Bhutan News and discussion

svinayak · Post by **svinayak** » 16 Jul 2008 05:11

Paul wrote:As each day goes by, Nepal's problems and issues look more and more identical to India's problems....once India figures out a solution to it's problems, so will Nepal.

Abolition of the monarchy is a firm step to advance Indian interests in the Himalayan kingdom.

Abolition is the reason for anarchy and problems spilling over to India

Paul · Post by **Paul** » 16 Jul 2008 06:52

Acharya Saar, these problems have been there for the last 20+ years or before. The monarchy is a leftover of the rajwada minions of the Brits. They have retained bitter memories of the days when their cousins jagirs were abolished and left no stone untunrned to put India down.

On a related note...need to understand the Koirala family's background. This is a blackhole in understanding nepal.

Avinash R · Post by **Avinash R** » 19 Jul 2008 22:08

Nepal Assembly fails to elect Prez, Madhesi leader is new VP
Saturday 19 July, 2008

Nepal's Constituent Assembly has failed to elect the country's first president after a vote saw a vertical split in the House with the Nepali Congress candidate Ram Baran Yadav falling short of just four votes from the magic figure.

However, Madhesi People's Rights Forum leader Parmanand Jha was elected Vice President with 312 votes, riding on the support of Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist).

A last minute choice of the major parties to oppose the Maoist candidate for the President's post Ramrajraja Prasad Singh, who was the favourite till Friday, 60-year-old Yadav got 294 votes in the 594-member House, narrowly missing the mandatory 298 votes.

Maoist candidate Singh, 74, of Nava Janawadi Morcha, was close behind with 282 votes. He was earlier expected to win the election after Madhesi parties which have 86 parliamentarians had promised to back him.

But seeking to turn the tables, the Nepali Congress (110) and CPN-UML (103), the second and third largest parties respectively after the Maoists, today decided to forge an alliance with other groups to prevent the former rebels from getting the post of the first president of Nepal.

Saturday's election which saw a straight contest between the two candidates after CPN-UML's Ram Prit Paswan withdrew his candidature in the eleventh hour was expected to end the deadlock since the 10th April election and pave the way for a government led by Maoist chief Prachanda.

wamanrao · Post by **wamanrao** » 22 Jul 2008 15:39

Prachanda has decided not to participate in the coalition that is forming. This can only mean one thing. He is not the type to sit around and sulk for not getting a majority. In all probability, he's going to get his ragtag militia forment more trouble.

India didn't want to support the old monarchy because it was against the democratic process. But at least we can support the democracy against the Maoists. If nothing, it is a proxy blow to the ideological allies of these worthies.

Avinash R · Post by **Avinash R** » 22 Jul 2008 18:53

'Chairman' Prachanda and Maoists bite dust as Nepal elects first prez
Kathmandu

There was much dancing and slogan-shouting on Monday as Ram Baran Yadav of the Nepali Congress made history by becoming the first president of the new Himalayan republic, defeating the Maoists candidate.

This brought to an end the long standoff over the presidential election between Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala’s Nepali Congress and the Maoists.

Yadav, a 61-year-old former minister with Indian roots, garnered 308 votes and will replace ousted King Gyanendra as head of state.

A last-minute candidate after the Maoists refused to accept Koirala as president, Yadav defeated for the second time his Maoist-backed rival, 73-year-old former revolutionary Ram Raja Prasad Singh, who polled only 282 votes, two of which were later declared invalid.

Though the election was to have paved the way for a new government headed by the Maoists, it will now cast a cloud on future developments with senior Maoist leaders earlier warning that they would not sit in the government if they lost the election.

After winning a stunning victory in the April election, the defeat in the presidential contest will be a blow for the Maoists, showing up their lack of foresight and inability to carry the other major parties with them.

Yadav, who comes from Sapahi village in Dhanusha district along the India-Nepal border, is regarded as a national leader who had been resisting the polarisation of Nepalis into hill and plain communities.

His nomination was also backed by the third largest party, the Communist party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (UML), and the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF), the biggest party from the Terai plains.

Though Nepal held its first presidential election Saturday and Yadav emerged as the front-runner, a re-poll had to be ordered since he did not garner the simple majority — 298 votes — required by the constitution.

The Saturday election, however, elected MJF man Parmanand Jha as vice-president.

Madhesis, people from the Terai plains, had been the most neglected and underprivileged community for a succession of governments, with little representation in the bureaucracy, judiciary and army.

Now, in an irony of fate, two of the nation’s top jobs have gone to two Madhesis.

A stung Maoist chief Prachanda, who had his eyes on the presidency, called the opposition alliance “unholy” while the alliance said the politics of consensus had prevailed over the Maoists’ double-dealing.

The Maoists contributed to their own defeat by first forging a pact with the UML and then refusing to support the UML candidate.

After the spurned UML joined forces with Koirala’s party, the Maoists tried to woo the Terai parties.
However, in the end, the main Terai party went to the opposition alliance, resulting in Singh’s decisive defeat.

THE INDIAN CONNECTION
Yadav belongs to Madhesi community
Kathmandu : Nepal’s first president Ram Baran Yadav, a doctor-turned-politician had most of his education in India.

Hailing from the Indian-origin Madhesi community, Yadav received his MBBS degree from Kolkata and MD from PGIMER, Chandigarh, spending about 11 years studying in India.

After practising medicine for eight years, Yadav joined Nepali Congress after the 1980 referendum held to choose between party-less Panchayat system and multiparty system.

A three-time MP from Dhanusha, he entered Parliament as an NC candidate for the first time in 1991. He was re-elected in 1999 and elected to the Constituent Assembly in April 10 this year.

Paul · Post by **Paul** » 23 Jul 2008 05:36

Nepal Maoists refuse to form govt
22 Jul 2008, 1426 hrs IST,AFP

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KATHMANDU: Nepal's Maoists have announced that they will not form the country's first post-royal government after the defeat of their presidential candidate. The announcement has plunged the country into a new political crisis.

The former rebels' decision, seen as a blow to Nepal's peace process, came a day after rival parties in a constitutional assembly ganged up against the Maoists to elect a president allied to the main centrist party.

"The party's central committee meeting has decided not to form the government under our leadership," Maoist spokesman Krishna Bahadur Mahara said.

Elections to the assembly in April gave the Maoists the largest single bloc of seats, but not an outright majority. The Maoists had insisted that their choice of president should be elected and they form a new government.

But a vote on Monday saw Ram Baran Yadav from the Nepali Congress Party -- the Maoists' main rival -- anointed the country's first president.

"After the presidential election, it is certain that we do not have a majority. So we do not have any basis to form the next government," said Mahara.

The Maoists' continued involvement in mainstream politics is seen as crucial to the survival of Nepal's peace process, which ended a decade-long rebel uprising that killed at least 13,000 people dead.

See what happens to bad people...

wamanrao · Post by **wamanrao** » 23 Jul 2008 14:01

I wasn't able to wrestle my way into government, so it must be India's fault: Crybaby Prachanda

CPN (Maoist) chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal 'Prachanda' has claimed that "foreign reactionary forces" are acting behind the current political twist in Nepal politics, which could pose threat to national sovereignty and integrity.

According to him, reactionary forces had been trying since the Constituent Assembly polls to stop the Maoists from taking over the leadership of new government.

The Maoist strongman also revealed that his party had received pressure from New Delhi to accept Girija Prasad Koirala as the president of the country. Responding to a query from journalists, he denied infiltration of Indian spies into his party, but said all parties in Nepal have contacts and relations with Indian agents, and his party is not an exception.

He also stressed on the need for unity among all communists, (Karat-jee, how soon can you reach Katmandu? ) pro-republic forces and ethnic groups for safeguarding the national sovereignty and integrity.

satya · Post by **satya** » 23 Jul 2008 14:24

Seem like to some extent , GoI has been able to limit the damage . Maoists now stand on a backfoot as their previous threats of withdrawing from Govt. wont work as public sympathy isnt at same levels as before . Also with time , the Maoists will look like other political parties as they will now have to use same methods and words like other parties did to make their point and it make them loose their " party with difference " tag . They have tasted the fruits of being in power , they wont go back now atleast in the near future and even at a later stage they do so , they have lost their element of surprise in their tactics tht were used in the recently held elections and other political parties wont be blind-folded by Maoist's empty promises .
The decision of Maoists to play " constructive opposition" wont hold much ground since it also provided the ruling coalition issues against Moaists and they could be squarely blamed ( as they will be ) for disruption of public-welfare programs ( they can and will take the cue from Indian Parliamentary tactics ) .
For time being , Maoists have been cut down to their original size . Need to keep them under pressure so PRC's grand designs on Nepal bear no fruit .
It will be a security nightmare for India should Nepal fall in PRC lap coupled with fall of Peshawar to Tailbunnies ( as being pointed out by well-informed members on this forum ) .

wamanrao · Post by **wamanrao** » 23 Jul 2008 16:00

Prachanda will soon find how different politics in Katmandu is compared to guerilla warfare in jungles. Running a coalition is not something he finds palatable today, but sooner or later demands within his party will make him succumb to being part of one. That's when moderation will begin it's steady, inexorable creep into his rhetoric, then his party and finally the policy. The Maoists will find that re-election will be an even bigger challenge than the initial first rush.

All in all, a favourable ending.

Paul · Post by **Paul** » 25 Jul 2008 04:15

Political stasis in Nepal

Under normal circumstances, the election of Ram Baran Yadav, a Madhesi, as the first President of the Republic of Nepal should have been an occasion for celebration. That a member of a marginalised community was elected as the constitutional head of state would have been a fitting tribute to the inclusive nature of the struggle the Nepali people have waged for their democratic rights. Yet the manner in which the Nepali Congress (NC), the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), and the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) banded together to thwart the candidature of Ram Raja Prasad Singh, the Maoist nominee for President, is likely to have serious consequences for the political stability of the young republic. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the single largest party in the Constituent Assembly, has declared that it is no longer interested in forming the government. Its reasoning is that if the NC-UML-MJF combination was able to get Mr. Yadav of the NC elected President and Parmanand Jha of the MJF Vice-President, nothing will stop them from choosing a Prime Minister from their own ranks. Even if the Maoist leader, Prachanda, were to become Prime Minister, the three-party alignment will ensure that he will serve on their sufferance. This means Girija Prasad Koirala — the man who led his party to defeat in the Constituent Assembly elections and has submitted his resignation as Prime Minister to the new President — could re-emerge as Prime Minister. The more things change, the more they remain the same.As they say in eubonics, Prachanda is f*&%ked.

Politics in Nepal would not have come to such a pass had the NC and the CPN (UML) been more gracious in defeat and the Maoists more magnanimous in victory. To be fair to the former rebels, they dropped their initial insistence on holding both the presidency and the prime ministership; and declared that they were prepared to support any presidential candidate other than Mr. Koirala or Madhav Kumar Nepal of the UML. But these two parties refused to nominate a second leader from their own ranks, thus prolonging the stasis that has set in since mid-April, when the CA results were declared. It was only when the Maoists nominated Mr. Singh that the NC and the UML leapt in with Madhesi nominees of their own. The Maoists had proposed splitting the four top constitutional posts equally among Nepal’s hill, plains, tribal, and female population. By offering the vice-presidency to the MJF, the NC managed to wreck the Madhesi outfit’s compact with the Maoists. Forming a government without Maoist participation will be undemocratic as well as extraordinarily unwise: it will stand the verdict of the Constituent Assembly elections on its head and jeopardise the whole democratic exercise.

As I said before. Nepal's political landscape is becoming more Indian by the day.

With power distributed amongst different groups, it will be more easier for India to balance it's interests(Pakistan anyone?) as comapred to before where the King held disproprtionate power.

Congratulations to the Indian establishment for a job well done.

Paul · Post by **Paul** » 13 Aug 2008 19:06

9-Aug-2008

RISE OF MAOISTS IN NEPAL: IMPLICATIONS FOR INDIA

By B. Raman

(Paper presented at a seminar organised by the Asia Centre, Bangalore, on August 9, 2008)

The Prime Minister, Dr.Manmohan Singh, met Nepal's caretaker Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala on the margins of the summit conference of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) at Colombo on August 3, 2008, and reportedly assured him of India's continued support to Nepal's democratic transition. During the meeting, Manmohan Singh told Koirala that he was impressed by the steps taken by Nepal to usher in democracy, including the conduct of the Constituent Assembly elections on April 10.

2. At the time Koirala went to Colombo to attend the summit, an agreement on the formation of a new Government continued to elude the major political formations in the newly-elected Constituent Assembly. In fact, the decision taken by Koirala without allegedly consulting the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and the Communist party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist) to represent Nepal at the summit had become a matter of major controversy. The Maoists, who constitute the largest single grouping in the Constituent Assembly, and the CPN--UML felt that Nepal should have been represented by the newly-elected President Ram Baran Yadav and not by the caretaker Prime Minister, whose days in office were numbered. Ultimately, the Maoists and the CPN-UML had agreed to Koirala attending the summit after he reportedly apologised for not consulting them in the matter in advance. This controversy brought into focus once again the suspicion and distrust, which continued to mark the relations among the major political formations after the elections to the Constituent Assembly, with the Maoists smelling an Indian-inspired conspiracy to deny them the fruits of office.

3. However, after the return of Koirala to Kathmandu from Colombo, the main political parties agreed on August 5, 2008, to form a national unity Government led by the Maoists, who will be joined by the Nepali Congress, the CPN---UML and the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) that represents the people of the Terai region bordering India. The Maoists reached an agreement with the leaders of the other three parties to head the coalition after what was described as ``breakthrough'' talks by Jhala Nath Khanal, the General Secretary of the CPN - UML. According to Khanal, the leaders of the four parties agreed that the coalition will remain in office at least until the Assembly approved a new constitution, a process that may take two years to complete.

4. The talks on Government formation had gone through so many ups and downs during the last four months that any optimistic conclusion that the suspicions and distrust, which had dogged the talks till August 5, would now be a matter of the past could be misplaced. Before the controversy relating to Koirala's participation in the SAARC summit, there was another controversy caused by the election on July 24,2008, of Ram Baran Yadav, an ethnic Madhesi, as Nepal's first President defeating a Maoist candidate. Following this, the Maoists had withdrawn from the talks on Government formation in a huff. It took some time and efforts to cajole them back into the talks. The interim Government, which paved the way for the elections to the Constituent Assembly and the declaration of Nepal with a population of 26.4 million as a Republic on May 28, 2008, after ending 240 years of the monarchy, had earlier this year agreed to give the Madhesis greater representation in state and local administration in order to end 16 days of strikes and protests that paralyzed Terai and led to fuel and food shortages in Kathmandu. The Terai region is Nepal's agricultural heartland and, according to the Madhesi leaders, it accounts for 48 per cent of the country's population and 80 per cent of its commercial and industrial activities. It is the main transport link to India, Nepal's biggest trading partner.

5. If the latest agreement does not break down, Puspa Kamal Dahal, the Maoist leader known as Prachanda, is expected to lead the national unity government as Prime Minister for the next two years. The CPN (Maoist) holds 220 seats in the 601- member Constituent Assembly, double the number of its nearest rival, the Nepali Congress. With less than forty per cent of the seats, its role in policy-making----whether in relation to the new Constitution or in relation to Nepal's domestic and external issues--- should normally be limited. But what it lacks in terms of seats in the Constituent Assembly will be sought to be made good by it through its well-motivated and well-trained cadres, who would try to enable the party to have its way in matters relating to its agenda through muscle and street power when the voting power is found inadequate.

6. In the list of the irreducible minimum of its agenda is the integration of suitable members of its trained army into the Nepal Army, thereby giving Nepal for the first time an ideologically indoctrinated army. A People's Liberation Army (PLA) of Nepal will be the dream of Prachanda. Will the other three political formations be able to resist the Maoists' plans to reorganise the Army and make it the tool of the ultimate capture of total state power by the Maoists? That is the first question, which ought to be worrying Indian policy-makers.

7. In the new Government, which would guide the initial steps in Constitution and policy-making, the Maoists will be in the driving seat of power, but not yet in total control of it, but total control will be their ultimate aim. The Maoists have reached where they are now through a mix of the Chinese and Soviet tactics. Through Chinese-style armed peasant power, they established control over large parts of the rural areas, but when control of Kathmandu and the Indian-influenced Terai region eluded them, they joined the other political formations in a democratic street agitation, which gave them their present share of power. In Russia, the Bolsheviks led by Lenin rode to power piggy-back on the Mensheviks. After having got a share of the power and the exit of the Tsar, they kicked the Mensheviks out and established a dictatorship of the proletariat, which was to last for nearly 74 years. Is a similar scenario possible in Nepal? That is the second question which should preoccupy our policy-makers. Would such a scenario be in India's interest? If not, should India actively, but discreetly work to prevent it? Who could be its objective allies if it decides or is forced to do so?

8. Prachanda has taken pains to reassure India that it will have nothing to worry about due to the rise of the Maoists to power. Political equidistance between India and China, but not economic equidependence has been the central theme of his pronouncements. Nepal's economic links with India are so strong that there would be no danger of their dilution as a result of Nepal's closer relations with China, he says. He told Karan Thapar of the CNN-IBN in an interview on May 20,2008 when he was asked what sort of relations he would be looking at with India: " A new relation on a new basis. The new base has been laid down with the understanding from Delhi. A new unity with Delhi is already in process. A new relation means better relations, understanding and cooperation. We want to come closer to New Delhi on the basis of new relations. I always said that there is a special relationship with India, geographical and cultural, and therefore we should have a special relationship with New Delhi. No one can ignore this historical, geographical and cultural fact. What I am saying is that we will not side up with one country against the other. We will maintain equidistance in political sense and not in terms of cooperation and other things. The culture, history and geographical relationship that Nepal has with India will remain intact. It is a historic fact and we will have to strengthen this relationship."

9. However, there are two issues relating to India on which his heart and mind are set. The first relates to the re-negotiation of the 1950 Indo-Nepal treaty and a general review of all other bilateral agreements with India. He told Karan Thapar: " Our people have put forward this concern that they feel that the treaty (of 1950) lacks in equality and that it is not beneficial for Nepal. We thus want to review all the points of the 1950 treaty. And we want to revise it according to new necessity." When asked whether he wanted to drop the provisions for open border and the national citizenship status for the people of Nepal in India, he was evasive and said: " Not exactly right now. There are other provisions that we want to discuss in detail." He indicated that one of these provisions requiring re-negotiation would be the defence purchase provision which requires Nepal to consult Delhi and only then acquire arms. He added: "That also should be reviewed and should be made according to the necessity of the 21st century."

10. Karan Thapar then drew his attention to a statement made by Babu Ram Bhattarai, his party colleague, to the "Nepal Telegraph" on May 10, 2008, that it was only because of the open border that Nepal could not achieve economic prosperity and asked him whether he agreed with that. He was again evasive in his reply. He said: "In the transitional phase, right now with the processes going on, it (Bhattarai's view) is not correct." Prachanda added: " I want to have a general review on all the treaties. But specifically I want to review the 1950 treaty. We want changes in the 1950 treaty, others may be okay, or may be revised, but we want to generally review them. We want to strengthen relations by re-negotiating."

11. The other issue relating to India on which his heart and mind are set is the re-examination of the question of recruitment of Gurkhas to the Indian and other foreign armies. He told Karan Thapar:" We want to discuss this issue. We don’t want to stop it right now. We want to review the whole history of the development and the implication on both countries. What kind of relation is created through this institution is what we want to review. We want to review and discuss it. I think this will be debated in our Constituent Assembly. It is an important topic. Now we are about to draft a new constitution and that will guide us for Nepal’s vital interest. These are historical questions. We will have to review it in that perspective. Here in Nepal there was feudal autocracy as a political system. Now we are changing that into a democratic system, and we are looking at rapid economic development so that our youth don’t have to look for employment in other countries. We want to change the political and economic scenario."

12. What are the present ground realities regarding Nepal's relations with India and China? Nepal's exports to India constitute about 55 per cent of its total exports and its imports from India about 44 per cent of its total imports.There are over 265 approved Indian joint ventures in Nepal of which over 100 are operational, with a cumulative total Indian investment amounting to between 36-40 per cent of the total Foreign Direct Investment in Nepal. The total project cost of these 265 projects is around Rs.28.5 billion, with fixed investment amounting to Rs. 21.9 billion and the foreign investment component amounting to Rs. 7.427 billion. These joint ventures are in practically every sector, including tourism, infrastructure, consumer durables & non-durables and export oriented industries like garments and carpets. A number of Indian companies, including Dabur, Hindustan Lever, Colgate, etc., have established their manufacturing base in Nepal with the objective to export their finished products to India. It needs to be added that these statistics taken from the web site of the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu relate to the period till 2002-03. The figures must have further gone up since then.

13.The initial focus of India's economic assistance was on infrastructural projects, involving the construction of roads, bridges, hospitals and airports. While infrastructure continued to remain the priority focus, projects also began to include health, industrial estates and other sectors. About 80 per cent of the Mahendra Raj Marg, a highway that runs the entire length of Nepal (1024 kms.) from the east to the west along the southern terai, has been constructed by India. In addition, roads from Kathmandu to Dakshinkali, Trishuli, Balaju, Godavari and Raxaul via Hetauda, Sunauli to Pokhara, Rajbiraj to Koshi Barrage and the Janakpur town road are contributions of Indian assistance. India has also constructed a number of bridges on these roads and separately two bridges on the river Bagmati at Kathmandu and one on the river Mohana. The bridge on the river Sirsiya between the towns of Raxaul on the Indian side and Birgunj on the Nepalese side has also been completed and opened for traffic.Twenty-two other bridges were constructed with Indian assistance on the Kohalpur-Mahakali Sector of East West Highway.

14. The total value of trade (exports plus imports) between India and Nepal is about 48 per cent of the total trade of Nepal with foreign countries as against about 10 per cent only in the case of Nepal and China. The total number of Chinese investment projects in Nepal was 44 only till 2003-04 for which statistics are available as against nearly 300 in the case of India. Of these, 25 were operational, six under construction and the remaining 13 licensed. Chinese investments have been mainly in hotels and restaurants, electronics, radio paging services, readymade garments , nursing homes, hydropower, civil construction, etc. China has helped Nepal in the construction of 11 roads with a total length of about 600 Kms as against nearly 1500 kms in the case of India. China has also been helping Nepal in the construction of one hydel project, one irrigation project and two electrical transmission projects.

15.In 2001, China and Nepal signed a Memorandum of Understanding on Tourism Cooperation, including Nepal into the list of the tourism destinations for outbound Chinese travelers. Subsequently, the two countries signed an "Air Service Agreement", according to which, Air China opened a direct air link between China and Nepal in 2004, by the route of Chengdu-Lasha-Kathmandu. In addition, the China Southern Airline has also started operating an air service between Guangzhou and Kathmandu since February, 2007. Likewise, the Nepal Airline is operating air services between Kathmandu and Shanghai and Kathmandu and Hongkong.

16.Military-military relationship has been given increasing attention since 1998, when the the Nepal Army started sending officers and soldiers to study in Chinese military universities. In the academic year 2006/2007 , 21 officers and soldiers of the Nepal Army went to China for training. China has sent military officers to participate in the adventure trainings organized by the Nepal Army since 2002.

17. While China's relations with Nepal have been expanding over the years, they are nowhere near the multi-faceted relationship between Nepal and India. In terms of value and usefulness, Nepal's relations with India have been more significant than its relations with China. Nepal has benefited far more from its privileged economic relations with India than vice versa. If a Maoist-dominated Nepal tries for equidependence in its economic relations with India and China, it will be lifting a huge boulder and throwing it on its own feet. Prachanda gives the impression of realising this, but not many others in the CPN (Maoist). Bhattarai blames the open border with India for Nepal's backwardness. One does not know how sincere is Prachanda when he talks of the importance attached by him to Nepal's relations with India.

18. Pro-China intellectuals in Nepal make no secret of their dislike for India. Chinese officials and diplomats keep emphasising that China's relations with Nepal are based on the three principles of trust, equality and sincerity. They thereby hint that while China treats Nepal as an equal partner, India does not.

19. Addressing the Nepal Council of World Affairs at Kathmandu on August 5, 2008, the Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Zheng Xianglin said: "Nepal is situated in a favorable geographical position in South Asia, and is a passage linking China and South Asia." That is the reason for the Chinese interest in Nepal----as a passage to South Asia and as an instrument for strengthening the Chinese presence in South Asia. China has a Look South policy to counter our Look East policy. As we try to move Eastwards to cultivate the countries of South-East Asia, it is trying to move southwards to outflank us. China is not a South Asian power, but it already has a growing South Asian strategic presence----- in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. It is hoping to acquire a similar presence in Nepal with the co-operation of a Maoist-dominated Government. It has already acquired the status of an observer in the SAARC. Some in the SAARC would ultimately like to make it a SAARC member to counter the presence and influence of India. Nepal in the past refrained from joining those working for the inclusion of China in the SAARC. A Maoist-dominated Government may do so in future.

20. China has already given indications of its interest in strengthening the value of Nepal as a passage to South Asia by connecting the road network in Tibet with that in Nepal and by extending the railway line to Lhasa to Kathmandu. If China succeeds in concretising these ideas, the threats to our security will be enhanced. China has other reasons to welcome the rise of the Maoists to power in Nepal. It is hoping with reason that Nepal would stop the anti-China activities of the 1000-strong community of Tibetan refugees in Nepal. They have been in the forefront of the agitation against the Han colonisation of Tibet. Some of them are being used by the US Govt. funded Radio Free Asia for producing programmes directed to the Tibetans. China apprehends that if there is unrest in Tibet after the death of the Dalai Lama, these refugees might be utilised by the US----with the complicity of India--- to destabilise the Chinese presence in Tibet. It is hoping to pre-empt this with the co-operation of a Maoist-dominated Government in Kathmandu.

21. India will find itself in Nepal in a situation not dissimilar to the situation in Myanmar----all the time having to compete with China for political influence and economic benefits. Till now, India almost monopolised the strategic playing field in Nepal. Now, there will be a second player in China. In Myanmar, whenever the military Government had to choose between Indian and Chinese interests, it always chose the Chinese interests because of its fear of China and its gratitude to China for the support extended by it to the military junta in international fora such as the UN Security Council. In Nepal whenever there is a conflict between Indian and Chinese interests, a Maoist-dominated Govt. will choose Chinese interests not out of fear or gratitude but out of considerations of ideological affinity.

22. The relations of the State of Nepal with the State of Pakistan are miniscule and hence of no major concern to India at present. What is of concern to India even now and may be of greater concern in future are the activities of the Pakistani and Pakistan-based non-State actors against India from sanctuaries in Nepalese territory and the growing presence and activities of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) from Nepal. In the 1980s and the 1990s, the Khalistani organisations based in Pakistan used to operate through Nepal. So too the jihadi organisations in the 1990s and thereafter. Pakistan-based mafia groups like the one of Dawood Ibrahim have active supporters in the Muslim community in the Terai region of Nepal. After the Mumbai blasts of March, 1993, some of the perpetrators fled to Karachi via Kathmandu. Large amounts of black money from India are laundered in or through Kathmandu, which is also a nodal point for the pumping of counterfeit currency notes by the ISI into India. Some years ago, the Government of India reportedly came to know that a cable TV network, which was to come up in Nepal, was actually funded by Dawood Ibrahim. Timely intimation of the information to the Nepalese authorities resulted in the withdrawal of permission for the project. Nepalese co-operation in counter-terrorism, counter-money-laundering and mutual legal assistance are important for our intelligence and investigation agencies.

23. This co-operation and assistance were facilitated in the past by good police-to-police relations. Many of the old generation Nepalese police officers were trained in Indian police institutions. They networked well with their counterparts in India --- informally as well as formally. Under a Maoist-led Government, this co-operation is likely to become more and more formal and less and less informal. Over- formalised co-operation is often not very effective in the absence of the informal component.

24. Prachanda and others are yet to come out with detailed formulations on what would be Nepal's relations with the US under a Maoist-led Government. The US Embassy in Kathmandu is reported to have already established lines of communications with the Maoists. The first priority of the US would be to discourage the Maoists from moving too close to China. This would also be in India's interest. The first priority of the Maoists will be to have the name of the CPN (Maoists) removed from the list of terrorist organisations maintained by the US. This should not be difficult since the CPN (Maoists), unlike the LTTE of Sri Lanka, has not been formally designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organisation under a 1996 US law.

25. What impact will the decision of the CPN (Maoists) to give up its armed struggle half-way through and join the democratic mainstream have on the spread of Maoism across the tribal belt of Central India? Not much. The ideological and material dependence of the Nepalese Maoists on their Indian counterparts was more than the other way round. The Indian Maoists, while complimenting their Nepalese counterparts for their good performance in the elections to the Constituent Assembly, have at the same time been expressing their skepticism over the success of the experiment being attempted in Nepal. Indian Maoists seem to expect that the Nepalese experiment will not work and will come unstuck.

26. The Maoists have done well in the elections, which were widely perceived across the world as free and fair. The voters of Nepal have preferred them over other parties, which had failed to come up to their expectations in the past. A Maoist-led Government is the freely-expressed choice of the voters. India has no other option but to work with it so long as its policies do not take a blatantly anti-Indian dimension, which would be unacceptable to India. However, if the policies of the new Government do acquire such a dimension, India should have the courage and confidence to be able to have the situation rectified with the help of its well-wishers in Nepal. Despite all that has happened, there is still a large reservoir of well-wishers of India in Nepal. They should be nurtured and encouraged to be active---not for undermining the Maoists, but for preventing anti-Indian distortions.

(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. He is also associated with the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com)

The Chinese have switched their support to the Maosists from the monarchy.

Question - can the RNA be raised as a separate power structure center replacing the monarchy???

Paul · Post by **Paul** » 15 Aug 2008 11:08

Prachanda set to be elected PM
J HEMANTH

Prachanda in Kathmandu. (Reuters)
Kathmandu, Aug. 14: Maoist chief Prachanda is poised to be elected as the first Prime Minister of the Nepal republic in elections to be held tomorrow.

Prachanda filed his nomination papers for the polls after signing a seven-point power sharing agreement with the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist-Leninist (CPN-UML), the third-largest party in the Constituent Assembly, and the ethnic Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF), the fourth-largest.

Prachanda’s nomination was proposed by CPN-UML chief Jhalanath Khanal and seconded by MJF leader Upendra Yadav.

However, the Nepali Congress chose to contest the poll by nominating former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba as its candidate.

The election, however, is turning out to be purely symbolic in nature as none of the parties, except the Nepali Congress, are keen to support Deuba. The Congress, which is the oldest party in the Assembly, opted to stay out of the coalition government after several differences with the Maoists over the defence portfolio.

Now question is, what will Prachanda do?????

Paul · Post by **Paul** » 15 Aug 2008 11:13

CHINA Adjusts Fast to the Situation in Nepal: Implications.

By D.S.Rajan

The 240-year old monarchy in Nepal has ended; a new ‘Federal Democratic Republic’ of Nepal is born. The changes have apparently come about from the cumulative impact of three landmark events on the country’s domestic politics – dissolution of coalition government and seizure of power by the King (February 2005), restoration of parliament by the King (April 2006) and the victory of the Maoists in the elections to the Constituent Assembly (April 2008). In reality, however, the root cause for transformation has been the rise of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-Maoist) as a major political group, preferring now a parliamentary path in place of its 10-year old revolutionary line of capturing rural bases and encircling cities for attaining power. It is natural that all eyes are set on the responses to the developments coming from Nepal’s two powerful neighbours – China and India. This paper seeks to address China’s case and its implications for India.

Government-to-Government Relations

In analysing the evolution of China’s position on Nepal, the month of March 2006, appears to be the dividing line, as it is seen that prior to this period, Beijing had exclusively been relying on the King for peace and democracy in Nepal. In the view of Dr Jaya Raj Acharya, former Nepal’s permanent representative to the UN, such an approach was visible even during the cold war period of 60s, 70s and 80s. (1) In recent period, the King’s "Special and Important" role in promoting bilateral ties, came under the praise of Chinese President Hu Jintao himself1. Also, Beijing did not criticize the King’s February 2005 action, stating that it was only "an internal matter" of Nepal (2). As another evidence of China’s support to the King, Beijing during 2005- early 2006 period, reportedly offered arms- rifles and grenades and military aid (US$ 1 million) to Kathmandu, to fight the Maoist guerillas (2)

As second stage, signals that China is moving away from its exclusive dependence on the King started appearing in March 2006. Beijing’s new formula has been in favour of ‘reconciliation’ between the King and Nepalese political parties. Echoing the same, the visiting PRC State Councillor Tang Jiaxuan met in that month Nepal’s opposition leaders, marking first such official contact, and asked ‘all constitutional forces in Nepal to work through dialogue’. The spokesperson of the Chinese Foreign Ministry followed it up by welcoming King’s efforts ‘to realise political reconciliation’ in Nepal (2).

The post-April 2008 period has marked the third stage of development in China’s position; the same continues till today. Naturally, the King out of power, no longer figures in the Chinese calculations. As one China scholar puts it, the end of the monarchy in Nepal was a natural occurrence.(2) Beijing’s oft-repeated stand on Nepal2 now at the level of the Party, Military and Government is as follows:

" China will adhere to the principle of non-interference into the internal affairs of other countries and respect the choice made by the Nepalese people on their country’s social system and development road in light of its own national conditions. China is ready to make joint efforts with Nepal to promote bilateral friendly relations and cooperation".

Symbolic of the urgency felt by Beijing to forge close ties with the new dispensation in Nepal, a nine member Chinese official delegation, led by He Yafei, Assistant Foreign Minister, paid a visit Nepal soon after the elections.

Party-to-Party Relations

As seen in the case of government-level ties, the same period of March 2006, distinguishes the nature of relations between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the CPN (Maoists). Prior to this period, Chinese officials and organs under the Party and State, followed the practice of making no reference to CPN-Maoists by name, calling the latter only as an ‘anti-government guerilla- group’. The PRC envoy in Kathmandu accused the Maoists in Nepal of ‘misusing’ the name of Mao Zedong (2002) and described the nomenclature of ‘Maoist’ as aimed at ‘tarnishing the image of Chairman Mao’ (2003). The PRC Foreign Ministry went to the extent of declaring that China had nothing to do with Nepal Maoists and ‘felt indignant’ over the latter’s ‘usurping’ the name of Mao3.

The post-March 2006 period saw a beginning to a positive appraisal of CPN-Maoists by China. Most important has been the recent indication to the establishment of the CCP-CPN (Maoist) party-level ties by the PRC Ambassador to Nepal, Zheng Xianglin. He has mentioned the CPN-Maoist by name and remarked that ‘China is willing to develop friendly relation with all political parties in Nepal including the CPN-Maoist4. Authoritative think tanks and journals in the PRC, on their part, have argued simultaneously that the Maoists in Nepal are not ‘terrorists’ and that they represent the aspirations of the people, adding that the CPN-Maoist has emerged as a party qualified to conduct negotiations with the government on an equal footing, supporting now the path of reforms and opening up for Nepal. A Chinese advice to the CPN-Maoist and the CPN (UML) to merge so as to achieve the unity of communist movement in Nepal has also been forthcoming5. A strategic affairs journal has found that ‘Maoism’ of CPN-Maoist and ‘Mao Zedong thought’ of the CCP are both justified, considering the class character of the societies to which they were applied – the former under the ‘feudal monarchy’ and ‘Indian monopoly capitalism’ and the latter in a ‘semi-feudal colonialist era’.6

Also of interest have been the emerging personal contacts between the CCP and CPN-Maoist leaders. A top CCP International Department official Liu Hongcai, visited Nepal in November 2006, to be followed next year by the Chief of the same Department Wang Jiarui, who met various political leaders including the Maoists. Professor Wang Hongwei of the Chinese Academy of Social sciences, a veteran Nepal watcher of China, presumably a CCP intermediary, visited Nepal some time in 2008 at the invitation of CPN –Maoist Chairman Prachanda. Significantly, Wang took care to point out that his contacts with Prachanda have happened only after the CPN-Maoist party came out into open7. Other instances would include the visit of the son of Prachanda to Shanghai, Beijing and Shaoshan, Mao’s birthplace in 2007, at the invitation of the CCP. Prachanda has himself expressed a desire to visit Shaoshan and also to learn from China’s experiences in reforms and opening up.8

India factor- Chinese fears of ‘Sikkim-isation’ of Nepal

China has of late linked its relations with Nepal with the Sino-Indian ties. The PRC Ambassador to Nepal, Zheng Xianglin has said (11 August 2008) that ‘because of the continuous growth in China-India economic relations, Nepal, a country lying between the two nations, will attract attention’. This benevolent view has however been in contrast to other Chinese opinions in support of Beijing’s prevention of Nepal’s possible ‘Sikkim-isation’. Professor Wang Hongwei (see para above), has said9, "China knows very well India’s desire to turn Nepal into a second Bhutan or Sikkim. Moreover, Nepal may enter the process of ‘Sikkim-isation’. But China must not let this situation to occur. China will always lend its support to keep Nepal sovereign, free and united. But, time has not come for China to play an intervening role, as patriotism is still alive in Nepal". The question arises- is Beijing perceiving a potential for a Sino-Indian conflict over Nepal in future?

Secondly, China appears to be determined to use the possible CPN-Maoist led administration in Nepal, for fighting the ‘anti-China’ activities of Tibetans in Nepal. The Maoists are already fully backing China in this connection. Indicative of its concern over the impact of the free transit of India-based Tibetans to Nepal, taking advantage of the open international border, China has told the visiting Nepalese journalists in June 200810 that there is a need to regularise and control the movement across the Indo-Nepal border. Interestingly, the CPN-Maoist also seems to share the view. Its leader Babu Ram Bhattarai has alleged that the open Indo-Nepal border has stood in the way of Nepal’s economic prosperity.11

Implications

Both in the past and present, China’s strategic interests in Nepal have remained the same. In the main, China wants a ‘peaceful periphery’ as a guarantee for the success of its modernisation efforts and friendship with Nepal falls under this framework. Beijing also sees in Nepal a gateway to South Asia and needs Nepal’s support for China’s control over Tibet as well as ‘One-China’ policy. Beijing’s current drive to strengthen ties with the post-monarchy Nepal needs to be seen as part of such overall strategy of the PRC. What appears new however is the possibility of CPN (Maoist) leading the government in Nepal, which can usher in a more favourable strategic environment for China, than in the past. What can be expected immediately is further solidifying of China-Nepal economic and trade relations, which according to the PRC envoy in Kathmandu, remains ‘far from satisfactory’, in comparison to bilateral political ties.

What will be the future directions of a CPN (Maoist) led government in Nepal, will be the key question for India. Economic and trade relations and close political and military ties have so far been the two pillars of Indo-Nepal friendship. New Delhi may have reason to watch whether the new leadership in Nepal will allow China to challenge the existing supremacy of India in these fields. Prachanda’s opposition to the ‘unequal’1950 Indo-Nepal treaty seems to be receiving Beijing’s indirect support already; Chinese suggestions for movement curbs in the Indo-Nepal border, have been a case in point. Perhaps, instead of that treaty, New Delhi may have to evolve an alternate bilateral mechanism, so that it does not lose its strategic edge over China in Nepal. Secondly, India may have to closely scrutinize the motives behind Beijing’s resolve, conveyed through its well-connected scholars, not to allow any ‘Sikkim-isation’ of Nepal; Important can be the question whether China will accomplish this through military means- say by further supplying arms to Nepal.

Next, New Delhi should understand the implications arising from the Chinese justifications of armed struggle waged so far by the CPN (Maoist), for the situation concerning the Naxalite movement in India. It may have to examine whether China will support the Indian Maoists if they could seize power in a manner similar to what their counterparts did in Nepal. After all, not long time before, an ultra-leftist online website in China, with the blessings of the authorities, had expressed support to Indian Maoists. Yet, another point concerns the attitude of the CPN (Maoist)-led dispensation in Nepal to the Sino-Indian border dispute; the China-India- Nepal tri-junctions in northwest and northeast are yet to be formally defined. Lastly, there is a tendency in China, particularly among scholars12, to distort history and alienate the Nepalese from the Indian traditional cultural influence, in their attempts to drive home the point that geography, instead of ethnicity, should define the Nepal society. The Chinese experts have over-emphasized the Buddhist links between Tibet and Nepal, at the cost of traditional Indo-Nepal Hindu ties. Nepal’s formal dropping of its ‘Hindu’ identity was justified by them as a result of the unhappiness of broad masses including the Buddhists in Nepal, over the King’s caste based politics. India needs to realize the hidden political significance of such academic trends in China.

Paul wrote:
The Chinese have switched their support to the Maosists from the monarchy.

PRC has done this switch very successfully before in Bangladesh as well. They will be looking to open open more pain points on India in other places as Pakistan's utlilty goes down the tube.

Watch for more action heating up as the rivalry between the two asian giants starts gathering pace. They will work hard to turn Nepal into their third MUNNA in the subcontinent.

Paul · Post by **Paul** » 19 Aug 2008 09:14

Prachanda in new garb
- Oath to dress to trip, style changes in Nepal
J. HEMANTH AND AGENCIES

Prachanda after being sworn in Prime Minister in Kathmandu on Monday. (Reuters)
Kathmandu, Aug. 18: Maoist chief Pushpa Kamal Dahal, or Prachanda, was today formally sworn in the first Prime Minister of the Nepal republic.

While taking the oath of office from President Ram Baran Yadav at the Presidential Palace in Kathmandu, the 54-year-old former Maoist rebel indicated his intention to set new standards in Nepal.

First, Prachanda chose to take his oath in the name of the “people” rather than in the name of “god”.

Second, the former rebel wore a suit instead of the Nepali national attire — Daura Suruwal.

Finally, Prachanda decided to head for China in his first overseas trip to attend the closing ceremony of the Beijing Olympics on August 24. Prachanda’s decision is in stark contrast to his predecessors who had all made a beeline to New Delhi after assuming office.

Soon after the ceremony a smiling Prachanda, accompanied by his former Maoist security guards, met the ambassadors. “It is quite clear that the peace process has to be taken to a logical conclusion and it will be my priority to prepare a new Constitution,” he said in his new office.

Prachanda’s entire family, including father Muktiram Dahal, were present at the ceremony. Others who attended were the Vice-President, Parmananda Jha, Chief Justice Kedar Prasad Giri and Constituent Assembly chairman Subhash Chandra Nembang.

Conspicuous by his absence at the ceremony was outgoing Prime Minister and Nepali Congress chief, Girija Prasad Koirala, who had differences with the Maoists over power sharing in the new government.

Ambassadors from the US, India, China, Japan, Russia and UN representative Ian Martin were among the diplomats who attended the ceremony.

Earlier, Prachanda presided over his party’s central committee meeting and announced that he would restrict his cabinet to 20 members with five portfolios being allocated to the major constituents of the ruling coalition.

Prachanda was picked on Friday by the Assembly meant to write a new Constitution and double as an interim parliament.

Well...well well....the game is finally moving to the next stage. It will be interesting to see how GOI will manage this conundrum.

It must be noted that a vast majority of Nepalese voted for the Maoists and as B Raman said, we should respect their mandate. However Prachanda's hots for soya sauce needs to be dampened. This is a serious future problem for India of Himalayan proportions.

Avinash R · Post by **Avinash R** » 19 Aug 2008 17:37

RNA not happy with prachanda and his maoist thugs controlled by china.

Nepal PM Prachanda to be given PLA security
08/18/2008
Kathmandu, Aug 18
The CPN-Maoist has decided to depute the People's Liberation Army (PLA) for the security of newly elected Nepalese Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal, also known as Prachanda, local media reports said today.

The Maoist central committee meeting decided that along with the national army and the police forces, the PLA too would be involved in the security of the prime minister.

Earlier, 180 Nepal army personnel, more than double the normal security personnel for prime minister, were sent under the command of Lt Col for the security of the prime minister.

Yesterday, it was reported that there was an altercation between the army and the armed police force at the Prime Minister's residence. Girija Prasad Koirala has already left the official residence.

Prachanda will be sworn in as Prime Minister this afternoon.

The oath taking ceremony will be held at the president's office.

President Ram Baran Yadav will administer the oath of office to the newly elected premier of the Himalayan Republic. Indian leaders led by Sharad Yadav will also attend the ceremony.

Meanwhile, the three major political parties of the coalition government have not been able to sort out the differences over the allocation of ministerial portfolio. MJF has been demanding the deputy prime minister and foreign affairs portfolio.

The parties have decided that Maoists will have 9 ministries including defence and finance, UML 6 including home affars and MJF 4 including information and communications.

vsudhir · Post by **vsudhir** » 19 Aug 2008 18:09

Some knowledgable folks on BRF have appluaded the ousting of the Monarchy in Nepal (understandable) but I've always had concerns about what might replace the monarchy. The Maoists are about as bad as it gets, IMHO. What if tomorrow Prachanda were to sign a comprehensive 'security treaty' with PRC on the lines of the Warsaw pact. Would Delhi still be inclined to respect the Nepalese people's wishes?

Our cards in Nepal, substantial to begin with, have dwindled o little of late. If Nepal walks into the PRC's claws, we'll have no option but to split Nepal using the madhesi card. Even that would be suboptimal as Nepal may ultimatley endup going the Tibet way, voluntarily, thanks to the Maoist thugs in power currently.

The only other option is to get the RNA to stage a coup and do a Sikkim of sorts on the country. Unlikely and will meet immesne oppn from every member of the P5 for its own reasons.

We're going frm bad to worse in Nepal. And Praksh karat and Sitaram Yechuri have a direct hand in it - having helped prachanda while he was in hiding in India to warm upto the chicoms.

Avinash R · Post by **Avinash R** » 20 Aug 2008 15:55

Nepal seeks India's help to repair river barrage

Kathmandu, Aug. 20 (ANI):

Nepal's Ministry for Water Resource has approached the Indian Government for help in reconstructing the damaged parts of Koshi River embankment.

According to a report in The Himalayan Times,a letter to this effect has been sent to New Delhi.

"We have sent a letter to the Indian embassy through the foreign ministry seeking India's help," Xinhua and The Himalayan Times quoted Anup Upadhyaya, a spokesperson of the ministry as saying on Wednesday.

A meeting between Nepali and Indian officials is to be held in Biratnagar, some 240 km southeast of Kathmandu on Wednesday.

Deputy Director General of Department of Water Induced Disaster Khom Raj Dahal, Deputy Director General of Department of Irrigation Anil Pokhrel and Regional Director of Department of Irrigation Kamal Regmi have left Kathmandu for Biratnagar.

A team of Indian delegation is already in Biratnagar, according to the report.

The Indian embassy has stated that the Indian technical team is ready to undertake protective measures, adding that this would be possible only if the team received necessary cooperation from Nepali government and support from the local people.

Avinash R · Post by **Avinash R** » 22 Aug 2008 21:46

Nepal:New Maoists-led government agrees on a CMP

Friday, August 22, 2008

Kathmandu:The Maoists, CPN-UML and MPRF yesterday agreed on a common minimum programme (CMP) and code of conduct for the new Maoists-led government.

Under the CMP, the parties agreed to settle the issue of integration of the Maoist combatants with the Nepal Army within six months and to formulate a security policy by setting up a high-level security commission.

The parties also agreed to immediately form the Disappearance Commission and Truth and Reconciliation Commission as pledged in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.

Prachanda will leave for Beijing tomorrow leading a 10-member delegation to participate in the closing ceremony of the Olympics in Beijing and the government will take full shape after he returns home.

Avinash R · Post by **Avinash R** » 23 Aug 2008 13:49

Nepali PM 'Prachanda' stresses on nationalism, republic and Economic change

Kathmandu, Aug 23 (UNI) Newly appointed Nepali Prime Minister Puspa Kamal Dahal has said the new government will stress on the issues of nationalism, republic and socio-economic change. In an address to the people of Nepal after being appointed Prime Minister, Mr Dahal said that the Government will fulfill the aspirations of the people.

''First priority of Government is protection of national sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. If Nepal does not exist, then there is no meaning for anything else including the republic. All the political parties need to help the government,'' he said.

In his 25-minutes address to the nation, Mr Dahal said socio-economic issues such as poverty, unemployment will be the main challenge of the new government and it will encourage foreign investments in priority sectors including agriculture, tourism, water resources and infrastructure.

Mr Dahal who is widely known as 'Prachanda' said that the government will follow the principle of Panchsheel in building relations with other countries.

Mr Prachanda is leaving for China today to attend the closing ceremony of the Beijing Olympics. He is also scheduled to meet Chinese President Hu Jintao during his three-day visit to China.

Anabhaya · Post by **Anabhaya** » 24 Aug 2008 19:22

Now Nepal President demands scrapping unequal treaties

After Nepal’s newly elected Prime Minister, Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s strong worded remark against India calling the “1954 unequal agreement of Koshi” as “historic blunder”, blot of the blue came today August 20, 2008, remark from Nepal’s ceremonial President, Dr. Ram Baran Yadav’s demanding immediately scraping all the past unequal treaties signed between Nepal and India, in the past.

kshirin · Post by **kshirin** » 25 Aug 2008 17:55

His first maiden foreign visit to China?

Elevate China-Nepal ties to new high: Prachanda
— Photo: Xinhua

Cementing ties: Nepal’s Premier Prachanda with China’s President Hu Jintao.
BEIJING: China’s President Hu Jintao met Nepal’s Prime Minister Prachanda here on Sunday to exchange views on bilateral relations.
Mr. Hu welcomed Mr. Prachanda to the Beijing Olympics’ closing ceremony and expressed gratitude to Nepal for its support to the Games. Mr. Prachanda said the Beijing Games have turned over a new leaf in Olympic history and the Nepalese people feel proud for the Chinese.
Mr. Hu said: “The two countries have established a good neighbourly partnership and enjoyed friendship generation upon generation.” China respects the social system and path of development chosen by Nepal and supports its efforts in safeguarding sovereignty and territorial integrity, he added.
China is ready to continue to provide help in Nepal’s economic and social development and promote the long-term and stable development of the partnership, he said. Mr. Prachanda said he considers China as a reliable friend and expects more help from it to achieve peace and promote economic development in Nepal. He said the government is willing to cement cooperation with China and elevate bilateral ties to a new high.
Tibet issue
Mr. Hu thanked Nepal for adhering to the one-China policy and firmly supporting China on the Tibet issue.
Mr. Prachanda said Nepal would never allow any activity detrimental to China’s interests in its territory. “Nepalese Prime Minister has come to the Olympics’ closing ceremony within a week after being sworn in,” said Mr. Hu, adding: “This demonstrates the attention Nepal attaches to relations with China.” — Xinhua

Nayak · Post by **Nayak** » 26 Aug 2008 12:54

For all the a$$ kissing prachanda is doing to the chinks, Nepal will not get much help, except bigger villas for the commie idiots, more sub-standard arms and life-threatening drugs.

India did a good move by refusing to subsidise the petrol and should stop the supply totally.

G Subramaniam · Post by **G Subramaniam** » 29 Aug 2008 06:25

http://www.globalministries.org/news/sa ... hurch.html

Maoists and the church: Strange bedfellows in an emerging new Nepal

Written by W. Evan Golder
May 10, 2008
Maoist leader Prachanda (front row wearing garland) with Nepalis church leaders.

If pre-election promises made in the Himalayan kingdom of Nepal hold true, we can put away those mental images of Maoists as the bad guys inciting violence in that country.

On April 10, Nepal held elections for a new constituent assembly and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) won at least a plurality of the 601 seats. And who was its key ally? The National Council of Churches of Nepal. The NCCN is a new partner church of Global Ministries, the combined witness of the UCC and the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ).

Just a dozen years ago, such a partnership would have been unthinkable.

Last year, the Rev. Cally Rogers-Witte, Executive Minister of the UCC's Wider Church Ministries, and the Rev. James Vijayakumar, Global Ministries Southern Asia Executive, spoke to a Napalis audience of 350 local church leaders. They said that God created the whole world, that all persons are God's children, and that the Christian faith calls Christians to work for peace and justice and democracy.

One Maoist leader in a similar church gathering responded that 11 years ago he personally had ordered that a church be burned. At that time, he said, the Maoists were fighting capitalism, feudalism and imperialism – and he saw the church as a visible symbol of western imperialism. So he ordered it burned.

But now, he said, I see that the church is interested in human rights, poverty, human dignity and freedom of speech. These are our fundamental values, too.

Decades of widespread human rights violations and poverty had led to the rise of Maoism. The Maoists took up the cause of farmers and the rural poor and took arms against the national army.

Their 10-year insurgency cost 14,000 lives.

Besides targeting the 239-year-old royal dynasty, the Maoists also took aim at the church, which they saw only as other-worldly and uncaring about the country's social, political and economical issues. Many in the church did hold negative attitudes toward people of other faiths, and refused to cooperate on common issues.

But another group of Christians was beginning to plan for a peaceful future for Nepal. The NCCN had been formed in 1999, but only became fully operational in 2003 when Dr. K.B. Rokaya became General Secretary.

In 2006, under a UN-brokered peace deal, the Maoists surrendered their arms and entered the political realm, effectively ending the civil war. Among other things, they agreed to the election of a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution and create a parliamentary republic, thereby ending the monarchy.

After the cease fire, the NCCN played a major role in bringing all faith groups into the process of "building a new Nepal."

The Maoists' alliance with the church came about as they learned that the NCCN was concerned about working to alleviate poverty and defending human rights when abuses occur.

Will the peaceful efforts that led to the elections carry through to the rewriting of the constitution and the establishment of a new government?

Vijayakumar thinks they will. "This is a big revolution," he says. "The election is seen as a very positive thing by the church, as part of a growing awareness that the church needs to participate in the life of a new Nepal.

Critics note that although the Maoists say they do not want to go back to war, neither have they renounced armed struggle.

However, the former insurgent leader Prachanda, whose name means "the fierce one" in Napali, has pledged that the Maoists will be faithful to their mandate from the people "to consolidate lasting peace."

For More Information
James Vijayakumar
Area Executive
Southern Asia
700 Prospect Ave.
Cleveland,Ohio 44115

216-736-3228
Phone: 866-822-8224 ext. 3228
Fax: 216-736-3203
vijayj@ucc.org

G Subramaniam · Post by **G Subramaniam** » 30 Aug 2008 06:07

More collaboration between Prachanda and the Church

http://www.ucanews.com/2008/08/22/new-m ... hristians/

Bishop Anthony Sharma, apostolic vicar of Nepal, told UCA News on Aug. 19 he hopes the new government will bring about "positive changes ... the country had not been faring well in the hands of earlier governments and corrupt officials. Our good wishes and prayers are with the new prime minister so that he may meet the challenges ahead."

The Jesuit bishop also pointed out that "Prachanda took his oath of office in the name of the people, not in the name of God as is customary. For me, this means he will treat all people, irrespective of religion, alike."

As to whether the government of communists, known locally as Maoists, might adversely affect the local Catholic Church, Bishop Sharma said, "We have good relations with all Maoist leaders, so we don't have to worry about it."

Father Lawrence Maniyar, the Jesuit superior in Nepal, shares that positive view about the new prime minister. He told UCA News on Aug. 20: "We hope the new government under the leadership of Prachanda can change feudal Nepal. We also expect the Maoists to keep their promise of building a secular Nepal."

Rupesh · Post by **Rupesh** » 01 Sep 2008 14:08

Tempered By Democracy

While Delhi bends over-backwards to keep Prime Minister Prachanda happy, the man himself is already sinking in the quagmire of a political system called democracy. His real test begins now as he returns from Beijing...

YUBARAJ GHIMIRE
The Chief of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M), Pushpa Kamal Dahal aka Prachanda’s takeover as Prime Minister has already created a minor tremor in the domestic political scenario and the world of diplomacy. In Nepal, the politics of consensus that was not only a political commitment, but a constitutional dictate, has come to an end. The Nepali Congress (NC), the second largest party in the 601-member Constituent Assembly (CA), has not only decided to sit in the opposition, it is fast transforming into a bitter political adversary. The United States (US), which still has the CPN-M on its terrorist list, is trying to mend fences without actually knowing how. India is suspicious of the Maoists’ perceived proximity to China. And the European Union (EU) is cautiously watching how the Maoist-led government will deal with the human rights issues and promote the politics of pluralism, with the right of dissent as its integral part.

All this, of course, demands pragmatic balancing abilities on Prachanda’s part. It may be too early to come to any definitive conclusion within a week of his takeover as Prime Minister, but things do not appear smooth and rosy. On August 22, he failed to form the Cabinet at its desired size. The Communist Party of Nepal -- Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), part of the three-party alliance under Maoist leadership, chose not to join at the last minute. Prachanda was firmly reluctant to accept Bamdeb Gautam, a two-time Deputy Prime Minister in the past, as his number two, or to undermine the seniority of his long-term comrade and intellectual prop, Baburam Bhattarai, now his finance minister. The CPN-UML has threatened to walk out of the alliance, if Prachanda did not offer the number two position to Gautam. The appointment of Upendra Yadav of the Madheshi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) may be seen Prachanda attempt at accommodation, but if the NC and UML, the two major national parties, stay away from the government, Nepal will most likely be headed towards political instability and economic ruin. Moreover, the process of drafting the new Constitution, which calls for at least a two-thirds majority for adoption of each clause, will not be possible at all.

Prachanda’s real test will begin this week, when he returns from Beijing after attending the concluding event of the Olympic games. He apparently ignored India’s direct request to first visit Nepal’s southern neighbour, in keeping with past practice. "It’s a sports-related visit and not directed against India at all", C.P. Gajurel, head of foreign affairs of the party, clarified. But India will, perhaps, need more concrete assurances from the Maoists. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh not only sent a warm invitation to Dahal to visit Delhi at the ‘earliest convenient date’, he took all possible care not to annoy Prachanda. Dr. Singh said India and Nepal need to fight common enemies like hunger, scarcity and poverty, but omission of ‘terrorism’ was part of a deliberate effort of appeasement towards the Nepali Maoists, and demonstrates how important it is for Delhi to keep Prachanda happy.

Prachanda, of course, realizes that mere radical slogans are not going to keep the people mesmerized for long. The King and the monarchy are gone. The NC, which has ruled the country for nearly ten of the 15 years of democracy, is not part of the government. In other words, Prachanda’s government has no ‘cushion’ available, and the people’s wrath will fix directly on him. That is why his first address to the nation as a Prime Minister, just before his departure for China, was far more circumspect than earlier orations. For the first time, he made it clear that his government was totally committed to a multi-party democracy based on pluralism, that there would be regular elections, and that the rule of law would prevail.That was a veiled admission that, as Prime Minister, he would not be encouraging a parallel regime of the Young Communist League (YCL) and that of various other CPN-M organisations, including its Kangaroo courts.

Prachanda also pledged that his party would hold no grudge against the Nepal Army, much vilified in the past by the Maoists, and solicited all help from the Army, the Armed Police force, the para-military forces that were set up to fight ‘terrorists’ some five years ago, the Nepal Police and the government’s intelligence wing, the National Investigation Department. Invoking the ‘nation is under threat’ slogan, he said his topmost priority was to save the country’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. "If that cannot be saved, democracy and republic will lose all relevance," adding, further, that "one party, one man or one institution alone can not save this." Touching on this most emotive issue, Prachanda solicited individual and institutional support, but, at no stage, did he reveal where the threat emanated from. Many read this statement as an indication that Prachanda is in no hurry to integrate the Maoist People’s Liberation Army (PLA) with the Nepal Army.

As Prime Minister, Prachanda is certainly trying to dispel the impression at home that the Maoists, once in power, will establish authoritarian one-party rule. There are still fears in the public that, with the monarchy voted out in a captive CA that did not even allow a debate on the issue, the Maoists would target the Nepal Army, the judiciary -- mainly the Supreme Court -- and the Media, institutions that could create organized resistance to authoritarianism. Prachanda’s appeal will, however, still be seen more as a tactic than a change of heart and mission, since other senior leaders of his party have said that their war for a ‘people’s republic’ will continue from the government, CA and the street. All Prachanda’s pledges, including the one that his government would respect press freedom and human rights are, consequently, met with visible degrees of public distrust.

The Maoists are yet to return the property they ‘confiscated’ from individuals during the years of conflict -- something Prachanda pledged to do long ago, when he signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement way back in 2006. The YCL is presently lying low, but its military structure has not yet been dismantled. Prachanda will now be judged more on delivery than on rhetoric. In other words, he may not have a reasonable spell of what is called a ‘honeymoon period’ which any new government would normally enjoy. The reason is simple: either as an insider or an outsider, the CPN-M has determined the course of politics and major political decisions in the country ever since they joined the peace process in April 2006.

Apart from the law and order situation being at its lowest ebb, the country has been suffering from acute shortages of fuel and cooking gas for the past two years, mainly due to the huge arrears of the Nepal Oil Corporation against the Indian Oil Corporation, the sole supplier for Nepal. The country’s far-western and some eastern areas have already been declared scarcity hit, with starvation looming large. The government’s ability to deliver, or lack thereof, will largely dictate how people will view the new government. Further, the UML and NC decision to stay away from the government not only makes the Constitution writing process difficult, it also endangers the peace process.That will have a direct bearing on the prospects of the government.

But Nepal’s politics has an equal, if not greater, external component as well. India mediated and brought the Maoist and pro-democracy forces together in the anti-monarchy platform, getting them to sign a 12-point Agreement way back in November 2005, but is now sore over the Maoists’ perceived pro-China tilt, seeing Prachanda’s recent visit to Beijing as evidence.

Prachanda has, at times, shown scant respect for India’s security concerns, and is on record having supported a ‘plebiscite’ in Jammu and Kashmir and in India’s Northeast. As he moved closer to the power, however, he and his deputy, Baburam Bhattarai, have tried to convince Delhi that they would respect India’s genuine security interests and not allow Nepal to be used against its southern neighbour. In the same breath, however, they have also said that all the major treaties that Nepal has signed with India need a review, if considered necessary, may be scrapped. The first such treaty they have in mind is the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship, besides other agreements concerning hydro-projects. The day following his takeover, Prachanda said that the first ever hydro-power treaty that Nepal signed with India (the Kosi project) was a ‘historic blunder’ and that he would take the devastation caused by the Kosi flood on the Nepal side to the international community.

India’s Bharatiya Janata Party, mainly L.K. Advani, the party’s projected prime ministerial candidate for the 2009 elections, has accused the Manmohan Singh government of ‘outsourcing’ its Nepal policy to the Communist Party of India -- Marxist (CPI-M). Advani was equally critical of the world’s only Hindu kingdom being turned into a ‘secular republic’ without involving the people in this decision. The BJP’s possible return to power may not be the undoing of what has already happened in Nepal, but Prachanda has other reasons to fear the BJP’s return to power. Prachanda is likely to undertake a visit to India sooner than many think, as he also needs to address Delhi’s suspicion over his China visit.

There are other international players as well, who are cautiously watching developments in Nepal. The EU has raked up the issue of suppression of the ‘Free Tibet’ movement (the CPN-M and the UML are two parties that have ‘denounced’ the free Tibet movement as something that Nepal should not be encouraging). With Prachanda’s visit to China, and Beijing’s sensitivities on the subject, Kathmandu’s ruthlessness towards the movement is almost certain to increase. What is yet to be seen is how the EU will respond, and whether any future repression will have a bearing on the grants and assistance that Nepal receives from the EU. There is also the US, with the Maoists still stuck with the ‘terrorist’ tag, warning the new rulers to adhere to international standards of human rights and freedoms.

Balancing domestic and external compulsions will be a tough job indeed. It remains to be seen whether Prachanda’s party, which has not only survived and expanded on radical slogans and finally come to grab power, will allow the new government to be just a little more efficient, and forego their radical dream. But Prachanda’s chair will certainly start shaking the moment he gives more weight to his party’s programmes and policies. He will be equally vulnerable the moment he stops to listen to the EU and other liberal democratic constituencies. Prachanda is already sinking in the quagmire of a political system called democracy.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Yubaraj Ghimire is Editor, Samay and Newsfront, Kathmandu. Courtesy, the South Asia Intelligence Review of the South Asia Terrorism Portal

http://www.outlookindia.com/fullprint.a ... epal&sid=1

G Subramaniam · Post by **G Subramaniam** » 02 Sep 2008 02:45

Can we discuss the deliberate Nepal tactic to cause flooding in the kosi ,which affects bihar

gandharva · Post by **gandharva** » 02 Sep 2008 03:10

Nepal digs, Bihar drowns
- ‘Cut’ sends water rushing in, India ‘inaction’ blamed

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1080902/j ... 776670.jsp

krithivas · Post by **krithivas** » 04 Sep 2008 00:01

Maoists shut down Dabur factory in Nepal

Even as Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal sought more foreign investment and assured full security to industries, Maoists on Tuesday forced the closure of Indian ayurvedic giant Dabur’s subsidiary in Nepal.

http://www.hindu.com/2008/09/03/stories ... 090100.htm

Avinash R · Post by **Avinash R** » 08 Sep 2008 18:09

Maoists towards totalitarianism: Nepali Congress

Kathmandu, Sep 8 (UNI) Nepali Congress has accused the Maoists of continuing their coercive measures and inclining towards totalitarianism even after formation of the new government under their leadership, media reports said here today.

''The CPN (Maoist) seem determined to increase the influence of violence and armed combatants in Statecraft instead of promoting peace, friendship and reconciliation,'' Kantipur quoted NC spokesperson Arjun Narsingh KC as saying, after the conclusion of the Central Committee meeting of the party.

He said,'' Because of the totalitarian attitude of the Maoists, the NC has decided to play a strong opposition role in the Legislature-Parliament rather than collaborate with the Maoists in the government. As Opposition, we will check Maoists' attempts to impose their authoritarianism on all state organs.'' Mr Narsingh also urged the two major coalition partners in the Maoist-led government-- CPN-UML and Madhesi People's Rights Forum (MPRF)-- to play a proactive role in the government and democratise the Maoists.

The CWC meeting, however, concluded that CPN-UML and MPRF had failed to judge the possible situation and could not show maturity and farsightedness while deciding to join the Maoist-led government.

The Maoists were responsible for breaching past agreements to form a government based on national consensus, and politics of unity and collaboration, he said and urged the Maoists to implement their past pacts in true letter and spirit immediately .

The NC has strongly opposed the idea of reintegrating "politically indoctrinated" Maoist combatants in Nepal Army, police and other security agencies.

The party has also urged the Maoist-led government not to politicise the bureaucracy, judiciary and security forces, and said any attempt to interfere in such State organs would not be acceptable to it.

The NC, however, vowed to play a constructive role in facilitating the Constituent Assembly to write a new democratic constitution for the sake of people's sovereignty, constitutional supremacy, territorial integrity, human rights and freedom of expression, and to bring the peace process to a logical end.

Acting President Sushil Koirala said, ''We will support and oppose the Maoist-led government based on its merits and demerits.''

rajrang · Post by **rajrang** » 16 Sep 2008 06:22

PM of Nepal in India

http://www.hindu.com/2008/09/16/stories ... 900100.htm

Avinash R · Post by **Avinash R** » 17 Sep 2008 16:41

Nepal Minister takes Maoist help to capture land of rivals, angers Dy PM

Nepal's Deputy Prime Minister Bamdev Gautam, who is officiating as PM while Prachanda is in India, today warned of legal action against Land Reforms Minister Matrika Yadav who is leading an armed group to recapture land belonging to rival party supporters in Siraha district in the south.

Gautam asked the Maoist leadership to restrain Yadav who is being helped by armed Maoists who were supposed to be confined in designated cantonments under UN supervision.

With the Home portfolio also under him, Gautam issued a veiled threat that he would ask the administration to take necessary action against those involved in such a campaign. In short, he implied that Yadav could even be arrested if he did not behave.

But any such move may have serious political consequences. The Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists (CPN-M) and the Madheshi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) have been clashing in Siraha for the past nine days with the latter demanding that the land that the Maoists had illegally confiscated during the years of insurgency must be restored to the original holders. Two days after land was restored to the rightful owners, Yadav led a group of Maoists and "recaptured the land", said Home ministry sources said.

Yadav, in the meantime, warned: "We will not tolerate Bamdev using force against the people."

The Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) and the MJF have agreed to lodge a complaint with Prime Minister Prachanda when he returns from India and seek Yadav's ouster from the cabinet.

G Subramaniam · Post by **G Subramaniam** » 17 Sep 2008 17:37

Read kerenski and also the commie takeover of czechoslovakia in 1948 using united front tactics

Nepal is doomed

At best we may have a CPI-M dictatorship,
with regular rigged elections

Paul · Post by **Paul** » 20 Sep 2008 07:12

South Asians at Beijing Banquets

By Bhaskar Roy

Any one, who has been feted to the famed Chinese banquet by the Beijing Mandarins is unlikely to forget it for a long time – both literally and figuratively. A rather acrimonious western diplomat visiting Beijing was on his way to an official luncheon when he was left stranded and sweating in the height of Beijing summer by his official Chinese limousine driver. In contrast, a high level South Asian official returned from a China visit so blinded that he could only talk about how honest and reasonable the Chinese government was, and how obdurate his own country had been.

But in this banquet season in Beijing for some south Asian leaders it is Peking Duck and quail egg soup, followed by Ganbei with the finest Mao Tai wine, served by mesmerizing hostesses. This is a fact, and the Chinese know how to host their real friends – “time tested”. “lips to teeth”, “all weather”, and those who are waiting to be included in these categories.

The Chinese leadership, which includes the powerful People’s Liberation Army (PLA), has been watching with some consternation if not alarm, developments in the region which could challenge China’s supremacy. It started with the 2005 proposed India-US nuclear deal on civilian use, followed by the movement last year in Pakistan to oust President and COAS Gen. Pervez Musharraf, the democratic uprising in Nepal which ousted China’s loyal friend, the monarchy, and possible fall out influence in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Gradual Indian access in Myanmar also threatened China’s virtual control of the country’s military supply, infrastructure sector, and oil and gas assets compounded China’s strategic concerns.

It was natural for China to look at the calculus of the region from the strategic security point of view. A reemphasis in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka was, therefore, imperative.

The train of visiting South Asian leaders specially invited by China either on the guise of the Olympic games followed by the Beijing Paralympics spanned August and September, suggesting some urgency. Pak Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani and Nepal’s new democratic government Prime Minister and head of CPN (Maoist), Prachanda, were in China in August. September witnessed the visits of Pakistan’s new President and co-head of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), Asif Ali Zardari, and Bangladesh’s interim government’s Chief Adivsor (de facto Prime Minister) Dr. Fakruddin Ahmed. Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake will be in China in October. But China’s Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi made clear more than normal support to Sri Lanka during his September 9-10 visit following his not so happy India tour. To crown these would be the tour by a heavy weight military delegation to China headed by Army Chief Gen. Ashfaq Kayani, from September 22. All neatly stitched up. India is the exception from this bag, and no explanations needed.

Pak President Zardari’s China visit carries strong traditional relationship and alliance along with a potential American baggage. With the US decision to unilaterally take on Taliban terrorists on Pakistan’s soil, most opinion in the country including that of the army would lean towards Beijing, its tradition military and strategic weapons ally and Santa Claus. The ISI under severe US pressure would be delighted with these developments, and work even more to sabotage US counter-terrorism surge in Pakistan. Yet, on the other hand, Pakistan’s desperate economic situation with rock bottom foreign exchange reserves can only bailed out by the USA. Washington’s undeniable influence over the World Bank, the IMF, the London Club to name a few, need no emphasis. Although Pakistan’s armed forces are basically China armed, the US F-16 aircraft have become its plume of pride.

A critical aspect not generally discussed is Pakistan’s nuclear and nuclear capable missile arsenal. China supplied them with technology and manufacturing capability violating the international non-proliferation which has not stopped completely even today. This is not unknown, but tolerated by the US and the west for totally different reasons. Pakistan, generally, has emerged as China forward nuclear base against India. But this base can also be used otherwise in a future arrangement between the two.

Pakistani nuclear scientists have recently declared authoritatively that their nuclear establishments are secured with a 10 million dollars per year special assistance from the US. This is shocking news for China. Zardari will certainly be asked as to who will finally control Pakistan’s nuclear assets – Pakistan or the USA.

China sees the PPP led government as weak and susceptible to US pressure. The question, therefore, arises whether China will quietly support a return to army rule in Pakistan? The issue may be decided in the next two months or so depending on how Washington deals with Islamabad on the counter-terrorism issue.

India falls right into China’s unstated hegemonistic designs in the region. Beijing is disturbed that Washington’s strategy is aimed to enable India to envelop Pakistan in South Asia at the exclusion of China from the ombudsmanship of South Asia. They realize an India out of the bounds of South Asia cannot be excluded from enmeshing with the developments of South East Asia, where loud traces of ancient India is still espoused with reverence – whether temples of Indonesia, culture in Malaysia, and family names closeness with those of the Thais.

The urgency of China’s diplomatic and political initiative must be seen in the above context. Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi assured Sri Lanka of China’s commitment to secure its territorial integrity and security. Bangladesh’s Chief Advisor was committed China’s “all weather friendship” by President Hu Jintao, Premier Wen Jiabao, and Vice President Xi Jinping in turns – something not normal. China also committed to set up Bangladesh’s Ruppur nuclear power plant. Nepal has been alerted and assured China is aware of India’s plan of “:Sikkimization” of Nepal and China will not allow it.

Each of the Chinese statements and observations convey a strong message – that India must be countered through proxies, and the proxies have to be nurtured as they were done earlier to a substantial extent.

The developments bring into question the India-China strategic partnership for co-operation and development, the parameter for resolving the boundary issue, and the fast growing bilateral trade.

India may expect heightened pressure on the border issue. The signals from Beijing do not inspire confidence for a co-operative relationship in the Asian space. China may be working on a highly destabilizing strategy which may no longer remain with the boundaries of South Asia.

(The author is an eminent China analyst with many years of experience of study on the developments in China. He can be reached at grouchohart@yahoo.com)

At last, an official endorsement of my armchair arguement that the monarchy's ouster is a step advancing India's interests.

If India can ensure Prachanda commitment to not let Nepal territory be used for ISI activities, it will be a step forward from the days when the Hindu monarchy was ruling Nepal.

Keywords, my friends is ensuring Indian ( and thereby Hindu) interests are served.

Paul · Post by **Paul** » 20 Sep 2008 11:21

Aditi Phadnis: No more India baiting

PLAIN POLITICS
Aditi Phadnis / New Delhi September 20, 2008, 0:03 IST
Prachanda has shown extraordinary flexibility, and not just with India.

No prime minister from a neighbouring country has attracted as much attention as Nepal Prime Minister Pushpakamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’, when he came to India last week. Prachanda began life as a teacher but was involved in politics. As a Maoist, he spent 10 years underground of which eight he spent in India, mostly in Haryana. So little was known about him that lore in Kathmandu in the late 1990s went that Prachanda was just a nom de guerre for human rights activist and Maoist sympathiser Padma Ratna Tuladhar who ran the Maoist movement from Kathmandu but let it be known that Prachanda was here and there and everywhere to prevent capture by the (then Royal) Nepal Army.

The first time the world put a face to the name was in 2003, when the Nepal Army circulated the first set of pictures of a bearded Prachanda beside Baburam Bhattarai, his colleague and comrade and Bhattarai’s wife, Hisila Yami. So important was it for Prachanda to retain his anonymity that not only did he never use his real name, but when two rounds of negotiations were held between the government of Nepal and the Maoists, it was Bhattarai who conducted the talks. He remained underground, with the price on his head going higher and higher. Like the Shining Path guerillas in Peru, his Way came to be known as Prachanda Path.

Maybe the long spell underground shaped his beliefs because when Bhattarai proposed that the Maoists join other political parties to fight an overground battle to topple the King, Prachanda refused. This was the beginning of the development of two groups among the Maoists: One, a set of ‘hardliners’ led by Prachanda who was supported by his guru Mohan Baidya, the doughty organiser from Thabang and CP Gajurel (both leaders were arrested in Chennai on charges of carrying a false passport and were kept in jail as long as India maintained its ‘twin pillar’ — constitutional monarchy and parliamentary democracy — policy towards Nepal). Also supporting this line was military commander Ram Bahadur Thapa ‘Badal’ — now defence minister who will be winging his way to China on September 22 for a bilateral visit.

But the Battle of Khara intervened.

The first battle of Khara was an attack by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) on the Nepal Army in the mid-western district of Rukum in May 2002. More than 100 Maoists were killed in this battle. For reasons best known to the Maoist leadership — we can now surmise that it must have been at Prachanda’s insistence — decided to attack the Army at the same place again in 2005.

Presumably Prachanda thought this would be his great military victory, his Napoleonic triumph — for around the same time, Bhattarai and Hisila Yami were demoted by the politburo to the level of ordinary party members. Restraints were placed on their movements: by now Bhattarai had begun arguing at all Maoist fora that the military route was not the only way to toppling the monarchy and seizing state power. Bhattarai attacked his opponents as “those who consider feudal autocracy as more progressive than capitalistic democracy”.

But, in fact, the 2005 battle was a disaster for the Maoists. 350 cadres died. Bhattarai stood up, vindicated in his victory by the Maoist defeat.

But this is where Prachanda the statesman began surfacing. In November 2005, India helped Nepalese political forces agree to the Delhi Declaration, where the Maoists decided to join the overground movement for the overthrow of the monarchy. In June 2006, when Prachanda addressed the Hindustan Times Summit, a questioner asked if the Maoists had given up armed struggle. “Yes, we have,” Prachanda replied.

This is why Prachanda’s visit to India is so important. He has shown flexibility to an extraordinary degree and India, understandably, hopes to build on this. He has also resisted traditional India-baiting as a form of politics (in the old days, the Kosi disaster would have become a major diplomatic incident for political football in Nepal with India as the football — never mind that it is India who is as much the victim).

India must have shared its perspective on the changed Prachanda with the United States because despite being on the Terrorists Exclusion List, Prachanda goes to the United Nations General Assembly (with wife and son: he is a family man and never goes anywhere without his wife) later this month. Baburam Bhattarai, having just presented the budget, is preparing to travel to New York for a meeting with the World Bank.

It would be only too easy to crow over ‘defanged’ Maoists and sneer at how they’ve fallen in line. But they also have to be supported for they have — temporarily — given up their most vital belief, armed struggle, in the interest of peace and democracy. For this, Prachanda deserves to be congratulated as a statesman.

He has no dearth of problems: he has to run a coalition in which Maoist ministers are attacking the non-Maoists, Nepal’s economy is shot, he needs to run a party, rein in the Young Communist League, address the issue of nationalities in Nepal and somehow find the time to help draft a constitution. The people have high expectations: they demand to know how, despite Nepal’s hydroelectric potential, the country has to endure hours of load-shedding every day, there are long queues for petrol and diesel although there is no war on now, and there are no jobs. But at least now, Prachanda shows responsibility and promise. And he has shown that he cannot be baited.

can someone critique this?

Paul · Post by **Paul** » 27 Sep 2008 03:19

pioneer

Now walk the talk

Bhaskar Roy

India gave to Prachanda more than what he wanted. Now he has to deliver on the stated and unstated Indian expectations which includes moving away from Beijing

Now that Republic of Nepal's first Prime Minister, Pushpa Kamal Dahal aka Prachanda, has returned from a five-day India visit, it is time to take a hard look at where India-Nepal relations are headed. Prime Minister Prachanda is no stranger to India. He has studied in this country, has friends as well as detractors here. He has been in India both covertly and overtly, and would remember India's position during Nepal's democratic revolution that finally brought to an end the 256 years old monarchy. We will leave it to Prime Minister Prachanda to speak about his relations with India during the Maoists' struggle in his autobiography, whenever he decides to write it. There will be bad periods; periods of mutual suspicion and, at the end, there would be one good, decisive chapter to conclude.

One thing the new Nepalese Prime Minister would do well to recall is that during the darkest period of Nepal's democratic movement, i.e. the period that followed the dismissal of the Sher Bahadur Deoba government in March 2005, it was New Delhi which took the difficult decision to stop arms supply to the Royal Nepalese Army (RNA). The conflict had flowed to the streets. Though India had traditional good relations with the RNA, it refused to supply arms and ammunition that could be used to take the lives of ordinary Nepalese citizens, whom the Maoists claim to represent. Certain other countries, however, suffered no such qualms.

Much more was done to get the Maoists accepted by other political parties. Though New Delhi was not in the business of interfering in Nepal's internal affairs, it was also aware that whenever Nepal shakes the debris fall into India. India and Nepal are too closely connected geographically, historically, culturally and economically for either of the two countries to remain unaffected by each other's developments. Therefore, astute and well-considered political decisions are called for from both sides.

Such are the hallmarks of mature bilateral relations between two friendly countries that eschew hegemonism. On the other hand, when a large country imposes "all weather friendship", "a lip to teeth relations" and the like on a smaller and weaker country, it definitely smells of hegemonic intentions on the part of the big country – trying to make the small country a protectorate.

In the week leading to Prachanda's visit to India there was a media storm in Nepal over the possible outcome of the event. The main issues were the 1950 India-Nepal Friendship Treaty, the Mahakali Treaty, the Kosi river agreement, the outstanding border issues, the question of Nepali citizens working in India and other templates which have traditionally been in India's favour. There were also sane and reasonable voices asking Prachanda not to disturb the bilateral atmosphere unnecessarily.

One newspaper sarcastically commented that King Birendra played the China card against India and he died; King Gyanendra followed him and lost his throne; one will have to see what happens to Prachanda. If it was to convey that the Indian dark cloud hangs over Nepal, it is unfortunate and inspired by some seniors and the powerful and equally Machiavellian power centre.goes to show that previous rulers of Nepal were as anti-India as can be; also shows the nepali street sentiments

Prachanda returned from India with more than what he had asked for. The 1950 treaty will be reviewed by a joint task force. Any other treaty can be looked at similarly. At the same time, some top-level Nepali political leaders are of the opinion that the Mahakali Treaty is not as anti-Nepal as they had imagined. India has gone out to lift all export restrictions on food exports despite its own problem of shortages. New Delhi also promised immediate relief of Rs 200 million for flood relief and reconstruction of damaged roads, and agreed for a credit of Rs 1.5 billion for uninterrupted petrol and diesel supply to Nepal. No pressure has been put for payment for already incurred debts.

This is nothing to be trumpeted around. It had to come out in print for the sake of trespassing. There are more issues to be addressed. But no strings attached. Indian officials would be making a mistake if they ask for reciprocity in any way. There is, of course, the aspect of realpolitik. Nepal and India overlap each other because circumstances of nature. Tinker with or trying to, realign nature could lead to devastating results. The "fierce one" may like to consider nature's wrath both literally and figuratively.

Nepal's neighbours and those powers involved in the country must state that Nepal is a sovereign and independent state. It is for its people to decide its destiny. And that decision cannot be allowed to be influenced by force, whether from outside or inside the country. Even Unkil has not been able to get rid of Chavez in venezuels; Idia did well be respecting Nepali people's verdict who have selected the maoists to rule their country

Political parties and their leaders say something when they are in the Opposition, and quite another when they come to power. This is an accepted truism about politics.

Therefore, now in power, Prachanda the PM has the responsibility of clarifying certain things. It just won't do to just keep saying Nepal that will maintain equal distance between India and China at one time, and then emphasising the importance of India while in India. This does not reflect maturity on his part. He should refrain from playing either the India or China card. He made his first visit to China trying to play the China card. No one was fooled. It is understood the Chinese advised him not to play this game, at least for the moment.

It is, therefore, his responsibility to explain how he as the Prime Minister sees some comments from China that India plans to reduce Nepal to another Bhutan and Sikkim, and Chinese ambassador's assertion on Nepali soil that China would "protect" Nepal's sovereignty.

Of course, Prachanda has a long way to go before he learns the ropes of international diplomacy. For most of his political life he has been underground leading a movement he believed in. Now that he has succeeded, one would hope that a man of his intellect and intelligence would also understand the depths and soul of the India-Nepal relationship.

-- The writer is a former Joint Secretary with the Government of India

Give him some rope, he will do the rest. But in the short term, the nepali route for smuggling fake currency mustbe plugged ASAP.

Rye · Post by **Rye** » 27 Sep 2008 03:25

I believe Bangladesh is a larger source of fake currency now, not Nepal. Of course, I do not have a full list of all the interceptions to really support this claim. Read a link somewhere that said so (so it must be true...). Will try to find the link. Bangladesh is going the Pakistan way as we speak. Nepal and Bangladesh must not be allowed to collude against India, else the result will be no good for us, given China's interest in creating another card it can use for border negotiations in that region.

Paul · Post by **Paul** » 27 Sep 2008 03:34

The Nepali view of the BJP, the UPA goof up and the King's stupidity...but the pragmatic view prevails. If Gyandendra was not willing to come out and bat for Indian interests, why should the RSS/BJP come out to support him. If Prachanda does not display senstiity to India, he will be taken care of when/if BJP comes back to power in 2009.

BRFites bemoaning the Maoists coming to power need to consider the full picture.

It is better to have multiple power centers in Nepal so that you do not depend too much on one source.

MMS has done the right thing by giving Prachanda the respect due...thus preserving Nepali H&D.

The author seems to be pro-india in his outlook.

No longer a pariah

Lookback : Baleshwar Agarwal

Political diplomacy was taken to new heights last week when Nepal's prime minister Prachanda dropped in on BJP president Rajnath Singh, thereby assuring his Indian detractors that he was not such a Chinese toady after all

In the last week of August, the then just-installed Nepalese Prime Minister, Mr Prachanda, had created a flutter by choosing Beijing over Delhi as choice of first foreign visit. It has been a long tradition with heads of governments of Nepal to begin their terms with a trip to India – almost in the old Hindu tradition of starting a "subhkarya" with a walk to the nearest temple.

If any ill will was created in India over this, Prachanda worked extra hard to dispel them. During his five-day India sojourn last week, the Maoist leader with a shocking record of human rights abuses led a charm offensive at the head of a 44--member delegation that comprised ministers, other leaders and bureaucrats. Dressed in a smart business suit, the former guerilla leader embraced his Indian counterpart, Dr Manmohan Singh, and presented Nepal's attractiveness as an investment destination to heads of IT firms in Bangalore.

The most significant aspect of Prachanda's India visit was the political diplomacy he launched to win over the BJP's recognition, if not support. The senior-most BJP leader, LK Advani, called on him as Leader of the Opposition. That was protocol. But, afterwards, Prachanda took the unprecedented step of going to meet the BJP President, Rajnath Singh, at his residence. A large number of BJP leaders were present there. The man who was a pariah in India's Hindutva circles earlier, was transformed into a highly valued friend.

Clarity was never a strong point with the BJP, or for that matter the RSS', view of the post-2005 developments in Nepal. King Gyanendra blundered by dismissing the Sher Bahadur Deoba government and unleashing terror on political opponents. The BJP's love for democracy gradually came into conflict with India's national interest, which lay in keeping a China-backed Communist power within the confines of the dense jungles of Nepal. On the other hand, the Indian Communists were very efficient in maintaining their inglorious tradition of promoting world Communism even if it meant compromising India. They leveraged their power over the UPA government to ensure that the Maoist insurgents got safe hideaways in India. They brokered the 12 - pact agreement arrangements, Jana Andolan II and the eventual overthrow of the Monarchy.

Had the BJP put its foot down, the Constituent Assembly election could have been postponed till such time as the Girija Koirala government agreed to keep the twin pillars of the Nepalese State – Monarchy and Parliament – intact. As recently as July 2007, former Indian external affairs minister Jaswant Singh had written in Saturday Special that it would not be in India's interest to have a republican Nepal and that too one controlled by Communists. However, another sector within the BJP was uncertain about King Gyanendra's commitment to India. The atrocities committed by the King after sacking the Deuba government in March 2005 could not be balanced with the hyperbolic demand to choose between two evils. What further confused matters was the negative signal from the Kathmandu sector of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, whose head, Subedar Singh, was adamant about seeing the back of the Monarchy, even if it meant creating conditions for the Communists to occupy the vacuum.

In the end, the BJP was horrified to see that events had overtaken it. A last-ditch effort was made on the eve of the CA election to prop up a pro-India political party, but that did not work out. When the first results came out, the BJP could still use its influence to block Prachanda's assumption of the Prime Ministerial post. But the BJP did not act. Now, on the eve of Prachand's visit, it appeared as if the onus had shifted to the BJP to accept the fait accompli. Prachanda scored a huge point by making it look like the BJP was doing him a favour.

It must be admitted that Prachanda is doing his best to allay fears arising in Indian nationalist circles. He is deliberately keeping his cards close to the chest on where he stands in the tussle within the Maoist camp between those who want Nepal to be declared a "People's Republic" along the lines of China and the "Democratic Republic" wallahswho believe the Indian experiment can still work.

Within days of his swearing in, he was faced with a King-sized demand to implement the old Maoist demand of grabbing land and distributing it among the poor. Matrika Yadav, a leading member of the party who held the Land Management portfolio, resigned when asked to apologise by Prachanda for not only executing the erstwhile pious act of taking over Royal land, but also asking the dreaded Young Communist League (YSL) cadre to resist Home Minister Bamdev Gautam's attempt to evict the peasants who occupied it. Prachanda asked Yadav to apologise, but Yadav refused and resigned. To this Prachanda had no reaction, thereby sending the signal that like all good Communists, he is willing to abandon socialism after capturing power.

Under the prevailing circumstances, New Delhi has no choice other than encourage Prachanda to complete the transformation from Communist to gentleman. So, the Indian side has agreed to renegotiate the 1950 treaty because most Nepalese politicians see this as a touchstone of New Delhi's ability to preserve its smaller neighbours. Besides, he has gone soft on the King, promoting theories that a private deal may have been struck with the Royalists.

Still, India should not be complacent. Communist deception could still negate her best intentions. Prachanda is under tremendous pressure from sectors within his party which are threatening to return to insurgency. Sooner rather than later, Nepal will be embroiled in fresh internal strife which will give China a firmer grip on the handle. Next time round, New Delhi should be prepared to place its own national interest at the centre of its Nepal policy.

-- The writer is Secretary-General of Antar Rashtriya Sahyog Parishad and a commentator on Nepal since 1951

Rye · Post by **Rye** » 27 Sep 2008 03:42

So, the Indian side has agreed to renegotiate the 1950 treaty because most Nepalese politicians see this as a touchstone of New Delhi's ability to preserve its smaller neighbours. Besides, he has gone soft on the King, promoting theories that a private deal may have been struck with the Royalists.

Last I heard the ex-king was just quietly driving his car around and lurking in the background. I fully expect Prachanda to be a maoist in nature, i.e., untrustworthy with dictatorial aspirations -- he visited China before India for a reason, but running a democratic govt. is not going to be easy, and he cannot just override the interests of all the suibgroups.

I think the BJP was mistaken in its love for the "hindu monarchy" over allowing the situation to fall out as it has....they were never on India's side, nor was the Nepali Congress, even as it allowed fake currency to flow from there and allowed the hijacking of IC-814. The current Prachanda govt. has been cooperative so far in apprehending HuJI terrorists bringing fake currency via air into Nepal.

Since Prachanda has to obey the Nepali constitution, forcing the Nepalis to create their Nepali constitution has to be India's priority -- then India can ensure that Nepal democracy is preserved by ensuring that violation of the Nepali constitution and breakdown of democracy would be a threat to India's security, and the violating govt. can be held accountable.

Vipin_Upadhyay · Post by **Vipin_Upadhyay** » 28 Sep 2008 14:23

Communazi diactatorship of Nepal further imposes their Marxist "Shariah".

Sun, Sep 28 11:41 AM

Miss Nepal pageant cancelled over 'safety threat'

Kathmandu, Sep 28 (IANS) Nepal's oldest and best-known beauty pageant Miss Nepal, which was given a new lease of life by Indian sponsor Dabur Nepal, faces the threat of closure after the administration cancelled the programme on the plea that it posed a security threat.

The Chief District Officer Dhurba Sharma sent a note to the organisers, an event-management firm called The Hidden Treasure, hours before the show was to kick off at the Tribhuvan Army Officers' Club in Kathmandu Saturday, asking them to put it off since it threatened to create a law and order problem.

Nearly 20 contestants who had been training for the pageant for over two months now, with some of them coming from the outer districts, were close to tears.

This is the fourth time the pageant has been put on hold, raising grave doubts about whether it would be held at all. It also rules out the possibility of the winners being sent to international contests like Miss World and Miss Universe.

Miss Nepal came under serious threat this year after the Maoists won the April election and spearheaded the new government of Nepal.

The sister organisation of the formerly guerrilla party, the All Nepal Women's Association (Revolutionary), trained its sights on the pageant, saying it was an elitist event that degraded women by reducing them to merchandise for advertisers.

'If multinationals want to sell their products, why can't they use men?' Amrita Thapa Magar, leader of the association, told IANS. 'Let them have a Mister Nepal contest.'

Over 40 more organisations, mostly related to Communist parties and civil society, have also been supporting the anti-Miss Nepal drive.

The Hidden Treasure has been protesting in vain.

'All our participants are above 18 and join the contest with the approval of their parents,' said Subarna Chhetri, past president of the organisation.

'We pay tax to the government and are registered to hold the show. At a time the Maoist party says it will uphold human rights and democracy, the ban on the pageant severely hurts our rights.'

Questions are being raised about a deeper motive behind the opposition to the pageant.

While Miss Nepal has not been allowed to be held, other contests and fashion shows, however, have been staged without any opposition.

There is a strong possibility that the involvement of Dabur Nepal, Dabur India's wholly owned subsidiary and Nepal's biggest exporter, could have triggered the opposition.

Some of the organisers said the protesters had asked for the sponsor to be changed.

Last month, Dabur Nepal's factory in south Nepal was closed down by workers affiliated to the Maoists on the ground that the management had falsified profit figures, an allegation the multinational has rejected.

After 27 days' closure, the factory opened last week with the strikers emerging triumphant.

They rejected the management's demand that there would be no pay for the days when production had stopped and wrested a month's salary as bonus despite the closure.

Thapa Magar, however, denies there is a connection between the two.

'The labour strike was by a trade union,' she said. 'Moreover, we will eventually stop all other pageants that degrade women.

'However, the trend was started by Miss Nepal. So we decided to make an example of the biggest and best-known contest.'

Chhetri predicts darker days ahead.

'We are heading for a cultural revolution under the Maoists just as China did under Mao. The irony is, now China itself is holding beauty pageants with gusto

http://in.news.yahoo.com/43/20080928/87 ... -sa_1.html

Rye · Post by **Rye** » 28 Sep 2008 16:42

It is not surprising that the maosis do not like the pageant, but the problem is if they turn around and allow the chinese to run such pageants -- Prachanda needs to suffer personally if he tries such cr@p on India -- living off India's largesse and generosity -- while working with the chinese to screw over India.