Nepal and Bhutan News and discussion

[ricky_v]

https://www.dw.com/en/nepal-approves-us ... a-60936983

Nepal's Parliament on Sunday approved a controversial $500 million (€444 million) aid grant from the United States that critics say undermines the Himalayan nation's sovereignty.

The government was able to convince enough lawmakers to approve the proposal following a brief debate, Speaker Agni Sapkota said. While the session was ongoing, protesters against the measure clashed with police outside the parliament building.

Power and road projects can now proceed
The grant was agreed in 2017 by the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), a US aid agency, to provide funds for a new electricity transmission line and road improvement project.

The aid does not need to be repaid and Washington says it comes with no strings attached.

Opposition to the aid package came mainly from Communist parties, two of which are part of the coalition government.

The parties also have close links to Beijing, which the US says is behind a smear campaign against the project.

Opponents say they believe the aid would undermine Nepal's laws and sovereignty as it will not have sufficient control over the projects.

They say it's part of Washington's Indo-Pacific strategy, which has military components that could bring American soldiers to Nepal.

https://thediplomat.com/2022/02/nepals- ... on-making/

The Compact has divided the nation as few issues have. Local elections are due in two months, but debate over the MCC has overshadowed all other issues. It could lead to the collapse of the ruling Nepali Congress-led coalition.

The Americans have not helped their cause either. Some U.S. officials have said that the MCC is a part of the Indo-Pacific Strategy. Critics of the deal have picked up on such statements to argue that the U.S. will place its military in Nepal under the MCC.

Again, the U.S. might have only worsened the situation when its Assistant Secretary of State Donald Lu threatened that Nepal-U.S. relations would be reviewed if Nepal fails to ratify the MCC (which the U.S. denies).

https://www.trtworld.com/magazine/analy ... -bri-55162

However, the MCC is now “run as a business model under a CEO”. To qualify for funding, countries must compete “by qualifying on the basis of those criteria mentioned above”. This “gift” comes with numerous strings. Under the revised guidelines, an MCC contract can be terminated if the US government “finds issues with the ‘progress’ on those criteria”.

[ricky_v]

https://www.mcc.gov/news-and-events/rel ... bright-ceo

Alice Albright Sworn In as Millennium Challenge Corporation CEO
For Immediate Release

February 16, 2022

You might spend half a day listing the achievements and job titles of Madeleine Albright, and you might never think to list “mother”—which is both a title and an achievement. But along with being the US’s first woman Secretary of State and the Ambassador to the United Nations, she also raised three very accomplished daughters.

In the latest episode of the Aspen Institute podcast The Bridge, Alice Albright—Chief Executive Officer of the Global Partnership for Education—joins her mother in a conversation about the working lives of women, the challenges of being a working mother, and their impressions about the life they shared as Alice and her sisters grew.

[ricky_v]

https://english.nepalpress.com/2022/03/ ... agreement/

1. Agreement on economic and technical cooperation

2. Technical assistance for the feasibility study of China-Nepal cross-border railway project in Nepal

3. Agreement on the feasibility study of China-Nepal power grid interconnection

4. Agreement on exporting healthy grasses from Nepal to China

5. Agreement on on duty-free treatment for 98 percent of imported goods in China

6. Agreement on handing over certificate of Araniko Highway maintenance project

7. Minutes of 7th meeting on enhancing cooperation in Railway sector

8. Delivery and acceptance certificates of China aid COVID-19 vaccines to Nepal

9. Agreement on sending a Chinese medical team to serve at the BP Koirala Hospital in Chitwan

https://kathmandupost.com/national/2022 ... one-on-bri

None of the agreements signed on Saturday is related to the Belt and Road Initiative.
Nepal signed up to the BRI Framework Agreement in May 2017 but not a single project has taken off due to several constraints including finalisation of the text of the project implementation agreement.

Officials were expecting some breakthrough on the project implementation agreement but due to some differences between the two sides, the plan has been shelved, according to government sources.

During negotiations, the Nepali side insisted on grants and that if a loan had to be taken, it should be a “soft loan” or “concessional loan”.

A soft or concessional loan comes with minimal interest rate, while Beijing often offers loans under the BRI at a higher interest rate with a short payback period.

“And we have also set a cap,” said a senior Finance Ministry official. “Soft loans for the projects financed under the BRI must not have an interest rate more than 2 percent. Similarly, the repayment time should be as per the international standard or as per the interest rate imposed by the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank and others.”

The Nepali side has also maintained that projects under BRI should be open to all for execution, meaning the right to bid cannot be reserved exclusively for Chinese firms.

Ganesh Prasad Pandey, secretary at the Ministry of Commerce, held talks with his Chinese counterpart Sheng Qiuping on Saturday where the Nepali side raised the issue of restrictions imposed by the Chinese at two entry points—Tatopani and Rasuwagadhi.

Since the pandemic, only a few cargo trucks have arrived in Nepal via the two border points while exports from Nepal have been halted, given Beijing’s strict Covid-19 protocol

They underscored the need to fully operationalise the Tatopani-Zhangmu and Rasuwagadhi-Kerung border ports for two-way movement of goods between Nepal and China.”

https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/fa ... ial-media/

Besides the nine agreements signed between Nepal and China during his visit this week, a bigger takeaway was Wang Yi’s talks about China’s ‘Three Supports’ for Nepal:

1) Supporting Nepal in pursuing a development path suited to its national condition

2) Supporting Nepal in pursuing independent domestic and foreign policies

3) Supporting Nepal in participating in the Belt and Road cooperation to a greater extent

[SRajesh]

https://www.thehindu.com/news/internati ... epage=true
Here we go another one of the neighbours succumbing to the 'chinese virus'
Forex troubles in Nepal
Dont know when they go the SL way!!
Burma/BD just about holding
If all of them fold, imagine influx into India
Will be very difficult to stop the hordes pouring in!

[Aditya_V]

https://www.thehindu.com/news/internati ... epage=true
Here we go another one of the neighbours succumbing to the 'chinese virus'
Forex troubles in Nepal
Dont know when they go the SL way!!
Burma/BD just about holding
If all of them fold, imagine influx into India
Will be very difficult to stop the hordes pouring in!

Unlike the Island nation, UPI and related remittances from India will keep this nation afloat.

[Bart S]

Nepal going bankrupt has a much bigger impact on India than SL. Unlike SL the interchangeable currency, visa free travel and work rights etc make it much more of our problem than just containing Chinese influence.

[g.sarkar]

https://thediplomat.com/2022/04/as-nepa ... a-worries/
As Nepal Turns to the Indo-Pacific, China Worries
Nepal has shifted more toward India and the United States under the Deuba government, sparking concern from Beijing.
Shrey Khanna and Aarthi Ratnam, April 14, 2022
On March 27, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi concluded his three-day trip to Nepal. During his visit, he held meetings with the country’s top leaders while also taking the time out for a hiking trip to Shivapuri. In his meeting with Foreign Minister Narayan Khadka on March 26, Wang outlined China’s “three supports” to Nepal. These include Chinese support in “blazing a development path” suited to the country, help in “pursuing independent domestic and foreign policies,” and participation in “Belt and Road cooperation” to “speed up [Nepal’s] development and revitalization.” Similarly, in his meeting with Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, Wang reiterated China’s support to safeguard Nepal’s “sovereignty and national dignity, exploring a development path suited to its national conditions, and pursuing independent domestic and foreign policies.”
Wang’s insistence on safeguarding Nepali sovereignty comes on the heels of a prolonged – and ultimately unsuccessful – campaign against the United States’ $500 million Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) grant.
As the deadline for MCC ratification approached in February 2022, protests in Nepal against the U.S. grant intensified. Leading from the front against the MCC were two members of the ruling coalition – the Nepal Communist Party-Maoist Center (NCP-MC) led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Socialist (CPN-US) led by Madhav Kumar Nepal. Both the parties saw the MCC as a part of the United States’ anti-China Indo-Pacific strategy. They argued that its ratification by the Nepali parliament would undermine the country’s sovereignty. Further, a spectacular misinformation campaign was unleashed in Nepal, making wide-ranging claims from an impending U.S. invasion to alleged collusion between the CIA and Nepali elites backing the MCC. Nonetheless, after prolonged deliberations, Deuba convinced his allies to support the MCC ratification to safeguard coalition unity.
Before the MCC ratification, China had adopted a low-key approach to the MCC, preferring to work behind the scenes with the pro-Beijing elites to shape public opinion in Nepal against the United States. Thus, when Washington accused China of having “actively fomented or encouraged or funded or facilitated” a misinformation campaign against the MCC, an article in the Global Times termed the American criticism “totally groundless.” However, after the MCC was ratified on February 27, China increased its criticism of Nepal’s decision.
In his press conference the next day, China’s foreign ministry spokesperson, Wang Wenbin, noted the developments in Nepal and stressed that international development cooperation should not follow “political strings” or “coercive diplomacy.” Soon after, an editorial in China Daily cautioned that the ratification would have “far-reaching consequences economically and geopolitically” for China and asked Nepal to “stay out of the US’ geopolitical games.”
.....
Gautam

[g.sarkar]

https://www.sundayguardianlive.com/worl ... operatives
Nepal, once a haven, is now a death trap for ISI operatives
Abhinandan Mishra, October 1, 2022
The recent killing of Lal Mohhamad, allegedly linked to Pakistan’s ISI, has been described as ‘suspicious’.
New Delhi: On 20 September, Lal Mohhamad, a resident of Manohara, Kathmandu, was shot dead by unidentified gunmen on a motorcycle. He was someone who was on the radar of India sympathetic groups for his alleged links to the Fake Indian Currency Note (FICN) racket for which Nepal, for a long time, was used by Pakistan’s intelligence agency as a “second home”. The 58-year-old Mohhamad, who was in prison for nine years for his role in a murder, was released on a Presidential Amnesty in July 2017. After being released, he, officials say, started a garment business, but also resumed his anti-India activities, something that was confirmed by the Armed Police Force, Nepal.
Kathmandu, for long, was considered as one of the most hospitable cities by Pakistan’s intelligence assets, owing allegiance to its intelligence agency, the ISI, to coordinate and launch anti-India operations. Porus international borders with India, similar cultures, gullible officials, a poor economy which made bribing high-ranking officers an easy task and a flourishing formidable criminal network in Uttar Pradesh, all led to Nepal becoming the “launch-pad” of the ISI. During the 1990s, according to officials, almost 70-80% of Fake Indian Currency Notes (FICN) and illegal weapons for terror use, were entering India from Nepal. During the 1980s and 1990s and the early years of the next decade, many Indian officials, private individuals who were in influential positions, would make multiple trips to the casinos of Kathmandu and to the hill town of Pokhara, where they would be trapped by the ISI through money and honey traps. Those who were compromised or found themselves in a position to not say no to hosting ISI operatives included elected people representatives. Such was the acceptance of the ISI’s presence in the Himalayan country that in February 2000, the then foreign minister late Jaswant Singh, while speaking in Parliament, said that this issue was being discussed at the highest level of government of the two countries.
“The government is aware of and concerned about Pakistan’s Intelligence agency, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), misusing the territories of Nepal and Bangladesh for activities inimical to India’s interests. The issue relating to the curbing of ISI activities in Nepal has also been taken up at the highest level,” Singh had said. However, things started changing when it was revealed that the Pakistan Embassy in Kathmandu facilitated the hijackers of Indian Airlines flight IC-814.
This was an incident that jolted Indian agencies and the Nepalese government into an action mode which was not even seen during the Mumbai blast of March 1993, during which many of the pre- blast and post-blast activities were coordinated from Nepal.
Policy decisions, involving different offices that deal with India’s strategic interest, were undertaken at Delhi, asset allocations to execute actions needed to protect these strategic interests increased and, among other similar steps, it was decided to give a message to the Pakistan deep state that Nepal will no longer be allowed to act as a background of the ISI.
As of today, no senior ISI operative can walk into Kathmandu without their presence being registered by an intelligence gathering mechanism that is operated by officials of the National Investigation Department (Nepal’s Intelligence agencies) in coordination with their Indian counterparts.
On 6 April 2017, Lt. Col. (Rtd) Habib Zahir, a retired Pakistani officer, went missing from Lumbini after he had gone there to attend what the Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affairs claimed on 18 September 2019 was a job interview with the United Nations. It has been more than five years since Zahir went missing. In August 2013, Yasin Bhatkal, the founder of the Indian Mujahideen (IM), which emerged as the most potent arm of the ISI in India during the 2010s, was arrested by agencies from Pokhara in Nepal. The fact that Bhatkal could have easily went to Lahore, as many of the terror module members had done during that time but chose to stay in Nepal, is a testament of how safe Nepal was at one time considered for the ISI and its associates.
.....
Gautam

[ricky_v]

https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/10/20/in ... -agnipath/

The remittances Gurkhas send home have given Nepal an economic cushion during difficult times. Their contribution to Nepal’s GDP is comparable to that of the country’s fishing or transport sectors, at around 3.7 percent in 2015. The salaries and pensions of Gurkhas serving in India alone total more than Nepal’s own defense budget.

Earlier this month, Nepal’s government said that it would temporarily halt recruitment of Gurkhas to the Indian Army. Nepal holds parliamentary elections in November and its new government will make the final call. Nepal’s reluctance to get on board with India’s new military scheme could be another setback in the already complicated relationship between these two neighbors. It has also resurrected a longstanding debate about whether Nepali citizens should even be fighting for other countries in the first place.

With Nepal delaying its decision on Agnipath, India is mulling redistributing the Gurkha vacancies among other regiments, a move that could imperil the already complicated ties between the two countries.

Panag says India must protect the unique political clout it has in Nepal through the Gurkhas and not impose Agnipath on them, especially since Nepali soldiers make up only a fraction of the entire Indian armed forces. “There should have been no debate on this issue. India should have made an exception,” he said. “If India really thinks like a great power, it should maintain its special relationship with Nepal.”

It really is simple, for India to take a domestic decision, it must:
1) take wider consensus of its neighbouring countries
2) special considerations of these countries must be met first, India's own citizens must come last
3) the other country reserves the right to outright reject or dictate to india to modify any such odious policy
4) the other country is free to let other countries utilise its soil for anti-india activities, india must not object, as the other country is a free nation
5) international observers are free to criticise india's domestic policy, and its stupid, stunted, anaemic growth, and to tell india to increase gdp, hunger, happiness, ppp of neighbouring countries first, indian citizens obviously come last in all avenues, even our domestic policies should be prepared for other nationalities' comfort first

its a special feeling being indian..

[chetak]

b0!!0(k$

If elected, will bring back our territories from India, says Nepal's ex-PM & pro-China communist leader KP Sharma Oli.

https://zeenews.india.com/world/will-br ... 31269.html

[chetak]

https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/10/20/in ... -agnipath/

The remittances Gurkhas send home have given Nepal an economic cushion during difficult times. Their contribution to Nepal’s GDP is comparable to that of the country’s fishing or transport sectors, at around 3.7 percent in 2015. The salaries and pensions of Gurkhas serving in India alone total more than Nepal’s own defense budget.

Earlier this month, Nepal’s government said that it would temporarily halt recruitment of Gurkhas to the Indian Army. Nepal holds parliamentary elections in November and its new government will make the final call. Nepal’s reluctance to get on board with India’s new military scheme could be another setback in the already complicated relationship between these two neighbors. It has also resurrected a longstanding debate about whether Nepali citizens should even be fighting for other countries in the first place.

With Nepal delaying its decision on Agnipath, India is mulling redistributing the Gurkha vacancies among other regiments, a move that could imperil the already complicated ties between the two countries.

Panag says India must protect the unique political clout it has in Nepal through the Gurkhas and not impose Agnipath on them, especially since Nepali soldiers make up only a fraction of the entire Indian armed forces. “There should have been no debate on this issue. India should have made an exception,” he said. “If India really thinks like a great power, it should maintain its special relationship with Nepal.”

It really is simple, for India to take a domestic decision, it must:
1) take wider consensus of its neighbouring countries
2) special considerations of these countries must be met first, India's own citizens must come last
3) the other country reserves the right to outright reject or dictate to india to modify any such odious policy
4) the other country is free to let other countries utilise its soil for anti-india activities, india must not object, as the other country is a free nation
5) international observers are free to criticise india's domestic policy, and its stupid, stunted, anaemic growth, and to tell india to increase gdp, hunger, happiness, ppp of neighbouring countries first, indian citizens obviously come last in all avenues, even our domestic policies should be prepared for other nationalities' comfort first

its a special feeling being indian..

this is the crux of the demented gujral doctrine.

[S_Madhukar]

So to be a great power India must be accommodating of interests of small countries… wonder why the need for great power status then? Nehruvian consensus taken to nth level

[chetak]

So to be a great power India must be accommodating of interests of small countries… wonder why the need for great power status then? Nehruvian consensus taken to nth level

This is needed for the UNSC membership.

Once in, you can lie, cheat, plunder, rape, pillage, invade, destabilize, regime change to suit your convenience and genocide at will.

The big boys play by different rules.

[Malayappan]

Nepal's ruling alliance wins 90 seats, all set to form govt

The pro-India Nepali Congress has emerged as the single largest party with 57 seats votes under FPTP. Its allies CPN (Maoist Centre) has won 18 seats, CPN (Unified Socialist) 10, Loktantrik Samajwadi Party (LSP) 4 and Rastriya Janamorcha one. The five-party coalition has won 90 House of Representatives (HoR) seats out of 165 under the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system.

The vote count is still on for the 110 proportional representation seats and though the opposition CPN (UML) has bagged the highest number of votes, the combined votes of the five-party alliance are much more.

Under the proportionate voting system, the CPN-UML has received 29.91 lakh votes. The Nepali Congress has got 26.66 lakh votes and its allies CPN-MC 11.63 lakh, RSP 11.24 lakh votes.

[Manish_P]

So to be a great power India must be accommodating of interests of small countries… wonder why the need for great power status then? Nehruvian consensus taken to nth level

This is needed for the UNSC membership.

Once in, you can lie, cheat, plunder, rape, pillage, invade, destabilize, regime change to suit your convenience and genocide at will.

The big boys play by different rules.

+1

Just that the big boys make the rules to play to, then break and change them if they dont suit them or when the minors catch up.

Case in point -

Switzerland preps to ban use of electric vehicles in case of energy shortage

[sanjaykumar]

I am not sure India has the metier to stay the course.

Recently, some Pakistanis have been hinting that 'we have the same skin' onlee. Funny how that works when India is sitting on $650 billion and is the fastest growing economy, now the skin is the same.

I notice the use of trigger words. Two most powerful trigger words I have noticed being used are dharti, where zamin, watan, mulk will do, and unbelievably, pavitr. Not pak but pavitr. Watch for these developments.

I predict a joint Indo-Pakistani film where the Hindu bride converts and goes to Pindi to live with the sasurals happily ever after, to much lusty cat calling and whistles at the shows in India.

[Malayappan]

Nepal Elections: How Machiavellian Moves By Beijing’s Proxy In Nepal Backfired And Prompted Its Rivals To Close Ranks

Facing a setback in the recently concluded Nepal elections, K P Sharma Oli has only himself to blame for overplaying his hand.

Alienating both the Maoists and the NC and driving them back into each others’ tight embrace, Oli has been done in by his own schemes and ambition.

Some details on the results too in that piece.

[Rupesh]

The commies are back in power in Nepal.

[Haresh]

Christian missionaries target the birthplace of Buddha in Nepal

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-64235873

[sanman]

I feel like anyone who joins PLA should be sanctioned in Quad countries. Chinese Gorkha regiments could be used against more than just India. Remember, British Gorkhas were also stationed in Hong Kong. Any Nepali who joins China will be stuck clinging to one-and-only China Daddy.

[ricky_v]

https://www.fpri.org/article/2023/12/gr ... -in-nepal/

Nepal’s geographical and topographical attributes have endowed it with a newfound significance in the foreign policy realm, where nations strategically pursue power and influence. This significance is particularly pronounced in hydropower development, where the confluence of ambitions between China and India has transformed Nepal into a focal point of their intricate power play.

Nepal endows immense hydropower potential with its 6,000 rivers. According to our interviewed policymakers and recent studies, Nepal’s hydropower potential is 42,000 megawatts (MW). Its rivers hold the promise of a substantial energy source that could address the country’s own energy needs and create a surplus for export. In 2023, the hydropower sector produced 10,536 GWh, of which 9,358 GWh was consumed domestically, 1,346 GWh was exported to India, and 1,665 GWh was a wasted surplus. This potential has prompted both China and India to view Nepal’s hydropower resources as a means to secure their respective energy futures, shape regional dynamics, and assert dominance.



The United States should closely monitor these dynamics to balance its regional interests and support Nepal’s development goals, considering the challenges uncovered in our interviews, such as political instability, bureaucratic red tape and underdeveloped infrastructure.

For many in Nepal, and certainly among the policymakers and stakeholders we spoke to, the economic future of Nepal hinges on hydropower development. As one interviewee passionately emphasized, “Nepal can make money out of exporting hydropower is what Saudi Arabia can make selling oil. So, it’s a huge potential.”

a bit ultra-optimistic i would say, india purchases hydropower from nepal, bhutan and bangladesh to foster economic interdependence, its not an absolute necessity to purchase it, weaning off fossil fuels can also be accomplished by nuclear plants

However, among plenty of run-of-the-river projects financed predominantly by the Nepali private sector, there is only one high-dam associated with a reservoir, the Kulekhani Dam. The common response we received when inquiring about the scarcity of reservoirs for off-peak water storage was that high dam projects are prohibitively costly and carry substantial risks, making them unattractive to the private sector. Therefore, according to the majority of our interviewees, the government needs to do it, but they do not have the money or capacity to undertake such big infrastructure projects. The Kulekhani Dam was financed by the World Bank, the Kuwait Fund, the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) Fund, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), and the Overseas Economic Cooperation Fund (OECF) of Japan and the Nepalese government. Apart from this example, foreign donors have not made any sizable investment commitments. Political instability and red tape were often-cited explanations for the lack of additional investments in high dams in Nepal.

Nepal faces an additional challenge of navigating India and China’s geopolitical rivalry. Both powers assert their influence in Nepal through infrastructure investment and the hydropower sector is one prime example. In recent years, India has scaled up hydropower imports and investment in Nepal’s hydropower sector due to its growing demands for energy and water, as well as motivations to counter China’s presence. According to the Nepal Electricity Authority’s annual report for 2022–2023, Nepal’s total export to India soared to 1,346 GWh in FY 2022–2023 compared to the previous year’s 493 GWh. China has yet to import electricity from Nepal due to the technological challenge of constructing transmission lines across the Himalayan border. Additionally, in May 2023, India secured ten contracts to operate hydropower plants in Nepal, surpassing China’s allocation of just five contracts. As Nepal’s only large importer of hydropower, India is increasing its control over the sector as Nepal becomes eager to utilize its 42,000 megawatts of hydroelectric resource potential.

While India makes strides by gaining new project contracts and establishing long-term power trade agreements, many experts view this trend as threatening Nepal’s resource ownership and political relations with neighboring countries. Some hold passionate opinions on the subject, with one expert expressing, “Exporting all of the energy [to India] and depriving the economy of Nepal is colonization.” A reason for this extreme rhetoric seems to stem from Nepal officials’ dissatisfaction with the pricing system where the Indian private sector buys Nepalese power through a bidding system, resulting in Nepal earning less. To rectify this disadvantage, the Nepal Electricity Authority now trades electricity in the day-ahead market, allowing greater price flexibility.

news from 2022


https://kathmandupost.com/national/2022 ... m-contract

The Nepal Electricity Authority has scrapped its plan to sell 200MW of electricity to India under a long-term power purchase agreement.

Citing legal complications after one of the bidders quoted “unsatisfactory” prices, the state-owned power utility was mulling over abandoning its plan to sell electricity under a five-month-long power purchase agreement (PPA).

In early May, the NEA had invited bids from Indian companies to sell a total of 200MW for five months. As per the plan, it would sell electricity from July 1 to November 29, as part of a strategy to diversify risks because of volatile prices in the Indian Energy Exchange Limited (IEX), an electronic power trading platform.

Manikaran Power Limited quoted INR4.86 (Rs7.77) per unit for 100MW, the highest rate offered by any bidder, and INR3.68 (Rs5.88) per unit, for another 100MW, the fifth highest among the total of six bids received.

The NEA is seeking India’s approval for exporting power from more hydropower projects of Nepal, including the 456MW Upper Tamakoshi Hydropower Project. The country entered into the phase of excess power availability in the monsoon after the Upper Tamakoshi project started producing power in July last year.

Officials at the NEA said that they were expecting higher bids from the Indian companies considering the energy crisis that has gripped the world, including India.

back to regular programming

Additionally, experts expressed their opinion about the intentional inefficiency of Indian dam development—Indian companies stall construction to maintain long-term ownership of dams in Nepal, especially in border areas where India claims Nepalese rivers and hydropower dams as their own. Nepal’s southern neighbor has delayed signing negotiated hydropower trade agreements, causing Nepalis to fear that India will not follow through with its promises.

India’s political dominance impacts Nepal’s external affairs as well. Experts argue that India’s hesitancy to form multilateral hydropower trade agreements hinders Nepal’s opportunities to sell energy to neighbors like Bangladesh. For Nepal to export power to Bangladesh, the transmission lines must pass through Indian territory, and India remains reluctant to permit neighboring countries to negotiate trade on their separate terms.

An ongoing military conflict over the two giants’ border territory has resulted in Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi implementing harsh conditions on India’s hydropower imports, refusing to purchase power from any Nepalese dams financed or constructed by the Chinese.

According to the Nepal Electricity Authority annual report, 37.5 percent of the domestic consumers consume less than 20 kWh of electricity per month. This low consumption is because electricity is primarily used to power domestic lighting. To increase the domestic electricity consumption from hydropower sources, public and private sector experts favor initiatives that promote electric stoves and the widespread use of electric vehicles.

The 2021 Nepal census reports that 51 percent of households use wood/firewood, 44.3 percent use liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), and 2.9 percent use cow dung as the primary source of fuel for cooking. Meanwhile, only 0.5 percent of households use electricity. Though the Nepal Electricity Authority provided 180 GW of free energy in 2023 by subsidizing usage of less than 20 kWh at 5 Amperes, irregular electricity supply due to lack of infrastructure has deterred many people from using electricity or transitioning to electric stoves, requiring Nepal to import fuel rather than consume electricity produced through own hydropower. Recently, Nepal signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to expand the construction of a cross-border oil pipeline with India. At the same time, the Nepal Electricity Authority inaugurated over fifty electric vehicle charging stations. Experts argue that government policy is inconsistent and that a holistic approach to hydropower development requires the government to invest in the necessary infrastructure for electrification, not fuel.

the rest of the article is inflated self-importance and the nepali version of the world-famous paki geostrategy / economics, what have you. thinking of playing off multiple entities solely on the position of your physical location without much else to add seldom pays off, the nepalis still have this delusion of low cunning mixed with a heady dose of insecurity, and will thus continue to remain in suspended animation if current policies hold fast

[ricky_v]

Why China’s BRI has failed to take off in Nepal

video summarised from Google's bard-ai, seems to be a good alternative to chatgpt

Here is a summary of the YouTube video "Live Webinar - ‘Why China’s BRI has failed to take off in Nepal’" by The Democracy Forum:

Key points:

Nepal signed up for the BRI in 2017, but six years later, there is little to show for it.
The initial agreement included 35 projects, but this was later reduced to nine.
Nepal's complex diplomatic relationships with China, India, and the United States have contributed to the BRI's stagnation.
Nepal's lack of internal reforms and the unclear funding modality of the BRI are also cited as reasons for its failure.
The high interest rates and short repayment periods associated with Chinese loans make them less attractive than grants or loans from other countries.
Nepal is seeking to maintain its sovereignty and avoid becoming reliant on any one country for its infrastructure development.
Panelists:

Andrew Ross
Samir Sharma
Kamal Dev Bhattarai
Pranti Pia
Additional information:

The video is 1 hour, 32 minutes, and 27 seconds long.
It has 359 views and 3 likes.
The Democracy Forum is a not-for-profit organization founded in 2009.
Their website is democracyforumlimited.com
Overall, the video provides a comprehensive overview of the challenges facing the BRI in Nepal and the complex geopolitical landscape in which it operates.

[ricky_v]

https://menafn.com/1107483082/Factors-U ... t-In-Nepal

The veteran Nepalese journalist Yubaraj Ghimire put it pithily.“Nepal has had a change of Prime Ministers every 11 months. The only thing transparent in governance has been corruption. The only thing that has been de-centralized in the federal structure is corruption. Internationally-backed NGOs that are meant to serve the poor have only enriched the elite.”

Adding to the deep concern caused by these factors is the“massive” conversion to Christianity by internationally funded NGOs. Unchecked proselytization has given rise to a Hindu revivalist sentiment presently highlighted by the pro-monarchy movement.

Many Nepalese are harking back to the monarchy which was explicitly based on Hinduism. At one time, Nepal prided itself on
being the“only Hindu country in the world.”

The anti-conversion sentiment gets mixed with Nepalese nationalism because the Western powers, headed by the US and the EU, insist that Nepal must not only adopt secularism but explicitly allow religious conversion under the fundamental principle of Freedom of Religion and Worship.

The pro-monarchy movement that one sees today has been around for quite some years, coming out now and then whenever there is a national crisis and disillusionment with the existing system.

On Thursday, the police baton-charged, tear-gassed and used water cannons to scatter thousands of protesters demanding the restoration of the monarchy. The“Citizens' Campaign” protesters said that governments in place since the monarchy was scrapped, had failed to live up to their commitment to develop Nepal, one of the world's poorest countries. On Friday, scores of supporters of the monarchist campaign were arrested from Tinkune for staging a protest at a public place without taking permission from the administration

An important factor that is playing a behind-the-scenes role in the Nepalese pro-monarchist movement is the geopolitical clash between India and the US on the one hand and China on the other.

Although the Congress government in India had backed the pro-democracy movement in Nepal, the current Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government is in favor of a Hinduistic constitution for Nepal. It is said that India had informally told Nepalese leaders that if Nepal could not be declared a Hindu State, it should at least avoid identifying itself as a“secular” State.

When Prime Minister Prachanda came to India the last time, he was pressed to attend some functions at a Hindu shrine to give the impression to the world that he was a Hindu (and a 24-carat Brahmin at that, as Ghimire put it).

For Delhi, Prachanda had been a tough nut to crack as he was a Maoist fighter for years and had been pro-China too. He had once publicly told a semi-official forum in New Delhi during one of his earlier visits, that Indians should keep in mind that Nepal is a sovereign country. He meant that India should not expect Nepal to be a vassal of India.

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eir boundary have not prevented Beijing from continuing unsanctioned construction activity in North Bhutan's Jakarlung Valley.
Satellite images of this region, the sharpest to be released so far, suggest that Thimphu may have no option but to accept the fait accompli presented by the Chinese in this area which lies 50 kilometres from Bhutan's Eastern border with Arunachal Pradesh.

''Jakarlung adjoins the Beyul Khenpajong, which is an important cultural and religious area for the Bhutanese. So this case represents China making a very recent, doubtful claim about an area that is of great cultural significance to a far less powerful neighbour, knowing that neighbour has few if any options as to its response.''

The images in this report from Maxar show how China has scaled up its physical presence in the Jakarlung Valley over two years. Images from December 7, last week, show ongoing construction of at least 129 buildings which appear to be residential quarters in one settlement and at least 62 buildings in a second enclave a short distance away. Earlier images from August 2021 of the same area show that none of these buildings had been constructed.

Significantly, in his interview to The Hindu, Tshering did not reject the possibility of Beijing and Thimphu agreeing to a land swap - where territory in areas including Jakarlung, described in this report, could be exchanged if China were to give up its claim to the Doklam plateau which lies further to the south. In November, Bhutan's King Jigme Khesar Nangyel Wangchuk visited India on an official visit. While details of the ongoing border negotiations were not spelt out in the joint statement which was released, both sides ''held discussions on the entire gamut of bilateral cooperation and regional and global issues of mutual interest.''

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Unlike in the past, he did not spend much time inquiring about the domestic politics of Nepal, but stated that the ruling alliance would complete its full term, according to a leader.

But his visit was not free from controversy.

The renewal of the agreement on the implementation of High Impact Community Development Projects (HICDPs), formerly known as “small development projects” has sparked debate, with a section of political leaders and civil society members expressing concerns about allowing India to invest up to Rs200 million per project through ‘lax vetting process’.


“We have allowed the per project budget increase from Rs50 million to Rs200 million as it will benefit the country. The guidelines, modality, and the terms of reference remain the same as those prepared by the 2019 Oli government,” said Saud.

The then Oli government amended some provisions of the “small grant project” in 2019 as the constitution of Nepal bars local and provincial units from directly seeking funds and projects from donors.

But UML Deputy General Secretary and former foreign minister Pradeep Gyawali argued that the HICDP agreement goes against the spirit of the constitution, which says local or provincial governments cannot seek direct foreign assistance.

“This kind of arrangement would foster a rent-seeking mentality among our local units, leading them to queue up at the embassy for assistance,” he said.

Besides extending the deal on HICDPs, Nepal and India during the joint commission meeting formalised a long-term power trade. The agreement will pave the way for Nepal to export 10,000 megawatts of electricity to India in ten years. The agreement will be valid for 25 years and will be automatically renewed every ten years.

“Ensuring the access of Nepali energy in the Indian market is a good decision. India’s decision to import power from Nepal produced by Indian and other investors is commendable too. We have to take advantage of the Indian market. But the government’s decision to give India a free hand to invest up to Rs200 million [in small projects] is akin to allowing it to run a parallel government in Nepal,” said Thapa while addressing a press conference in Surkhet on Friday.

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Prime Minister Dahal clarified that such assistance is spent in a transparent process and must be endorsed by the sectoral ministry and finance ministry, but not as reported in media that the embassy can fund the projects of its likings without the involvement of the host government.

The program, initially known as the Small Development Project (SDP), allowed the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu to select and invest in projects independently. The then Prime Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa first approved such a project in 2003, allowing direct investment in projects worth up to Rs 30 million.

Subsequently, during Baburam Bhattarai's tenure as the prime minister, the amount was increased to Rs 50 million. A cabinet meeting held on December 23, 2019, changed the name of the Small Development Project Program to High Impact Community Development Project.

Originally contracted until August 5, 2023, the HICDP's deadline was extended for another three years during a cabinet meeting on August 1, 2023. Consequently, India can continue the program until August 5, 2026 as per the agreement signed between the Ministry of Finance and the Indian Embassy in November 2003.

Former prime minister and senior leader of CPN (Unified Socialist) Jhalnath Khanal alleged that the agreement is a game against the sovereignty and sovereign rights of the Nepali people. Issuing a statement on Friday, former PM Khanal said, “An unimaginable anti-national agreement has been reached to allow foreign embassies to directly implement plans worth Rs 200 million.

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A fresh set of satellite images, less than a month old, indicate the staggering pace at which China continues to illegally carve into northeast Bhutan by constructing townships along a river valley in Beyul Khenpajong, a region with deep cultural significance.

Satellite imagery experts NDTV has spoken to describe images of the construction activity published here as "large format settlements capable of housing hundreds." NDTV has counted more than 200 single- and multi-storey structures, though it is believed the final number will be significantly larger since construction of three enclaves visible here is still not complete.

Earlier images from November 2020, published here as a point of reference, show that large-scale construction activity in the region had not begun then. Since November 2020, the Beyul Khenpajong has been entirely transformed, and valleys and hillsides carved into, in order to accommodate a significant road network linking the enclaves.

Since then, Chinese workers have carved into Bhutanese territory to build three villages along the Amu Chu river valley, which lies to the east and directly adjacent to Doklam. New Delhi sees China's land grab in Bhutan to be a part of a process to extend its presence south in order to threaten the Siliguri corridor, the narrow strip of land that connects the northeast with the rest of India.

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The Emir of Qatar Sheikh bin Hamad Al Thani, whose Nepal visit was postponed in November, is scheduled to arrive on April 24 for a two-day visit. The official announcement of the visit will be made later, foreign ministry officials said.

Officials told the Post that at least nine agreements will be signed during the visit focussed on development cooperation between Nepal and Qatar. An amended labour agreement, a memorandum of understanding for imparting training to Nepali diplomats, an agreement in education, cultural cooperation between Nepal and Qatar, cooperation between Nepali and Qatari youths and their sporting activities, protocol related to publication and information, cooperation between the office of the attorney generals of Nepal and Qatar are on the cards. Nepal is also seeking assistance from the Qatar Fund for Development with regard to sending Nepalis as domestic and other workers to the country.

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Nepal Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal "Prachanda" won a vote of confidence in parliament. His Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre)'s decision to ally with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) - known for its Beijing ties - and move away from the New Delhi-leaning Nepali Congress, marks a significant shift in the country's politics.

Nepal's Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Narayan Kaji Shrestha is set to visit China next week for a five-day trip. He will meet Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and other senior officials, with the signing of the agreement expected during the visit.

Nayak from IDSA says the aim of Shrestha's China visit is to ensure the Nepalese government rectifies the plan along the lines of the US Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) agreement between Nepal and India.

"Chinese are putting pressure on the Nepalese government that they should rectify the Belt and Road Initiative and also at the same time accept the Global Security Initiative and Global Development Initiative which have been recently proposed by the Chinese side to counter the Indo-Pacific strategy in the region," he said.

Although signed in 2017, the text of the belt and road agreement has not been made public, nor has it been tabled in parliament for discussion. The same question was raised by the ousted Nepalese Congress party in the House of Representatives on Wednesday.

Last September, China and Nepal signed 12 agreements, including seven MoUs, to boost cooperation in trade, road connectivity and information technology.