Virupaksha wrote:
[...]
The balance of power as shown by Congress presidents (if they are not dummies like how Gandhi made later) at that time was with the collaborators, The president in 1915 was Lord Baron Sinha (one of the authors of 1919 reforms against which Jalianwala Bagh took place) and 1916, east bengal zamindar, Ambica Charan Mazumdar. It was not until around 1919 that the overt collaborators were sidelined from prominence. It wasnt until 1929 that overt collaboration became at least semi non-grata in congress.
Baron Sinha was a member of the Sadharan Brahmo Samaaj and close to the Thakur family.
As for MKG, we shoud forever remember the immortal arguments in favour of contextual violence - as long as it helps the empire : (this was 22nd June, 1918)
The Government at present wants half a million men for the army. They will certainly succeed in raising this number somehow. If we supply this number, the credit will be ours, we will be rendering a service and the reports that we often hear of improper methods adopted by recruiting agents will become things of the past. It is no small thing to have the whole work of recruiting in our hands. If the Government have no trust in us, if their intentions are not pure, they would not recruitment through us. The foregoing argument will show that by enlisting in the army we help the Empire, we qualify ourselves for swaraj, we learn to defend India and to a certain extent regain our lost manhood.
I admit it is because of my faith in the British people that I can advise as I am doing. I believe that, though this nation has done India much harm, it is to our advantage to retain connection with it. Their virtues seem to me to outweigh their vices. It is painful to remain in subjection to that nation. The British have the great vice of depriving a subject nation of its self-respect, but they have also the virtue of treating their equals with due respect and of loyalty towards them. We have seen that they have many times helped those groaning under the tyranny of others. As their partners, there is much we can receive and much that we can give and our connection with them based on that relationship is likely to benefit the world. If such was not my faith and if I thought it desirable to become absolutely independent of that nation, I would not only not advise co-operation but would on the contrary ask the people to beware, advising them to rebel, and paying the penalty for doing so. We are not in a position today to stand on our own feet unaided and alone. I believe that our good lies in becoming and remaining equal partners in the Empire and I have seen it throughout India that all those who demand swaraj are of the same view. I expect from Kheda and Gujarat not 500 or 700 recruits but thousands. If Gujarat wants to save herself from the reproach of effeminacy, she should be prepared to contribute thousands of sepoys. These must include the educated classes, the Patidars, the Dharalas, the Vagharis and I hope they all will fight side by side as comrades. Unless the educated classes or the elite of the community take the lead, it is idle to expect the other classes to come forward. I hope those among the educated classes who are above the prescribed age but who are able-bodied will be eligible to enlist themselves. Their services will be utilized, if not for actual fighting, for related purposes and for looking after the welfare of the sepoys. I hope also that those who have grown-up sons will not hesitate to send them as recruits. To sacrifice sons in the war ought to be a cause not of pain but of pleasure to brave men. Sacrifice of sons at this hour will be a sacrifice for swaraj.
To the women, my request is that they should not be alarmed by this appeal but should welcome it. It contains the key to their protection and their honour.
There are 600 villages in Kheda district. Every village has on an average a population of over 1,000. If every village gave at least twenty men, Kheda district would be able to raise an army of 12,000 men. The population of the whole district is seven lakhs and this number will then work out at 1.7 per cent, a rate which is lower than the death rate. If we are not prepared to make even this sacrifice for the Empire, for the sake of swaraj, no wonder that we should be regarded unworthy of it. If every village gives at least twenty men, on their return from the war they will be the living bulwarks of their village. If they fall on the battle-field, they will immortalize themselves, their village and their country, and twenty fresh men will follow their example and offer themselves for national defence.
If we mean to do this, we have no time to lose. I desire that the fittest and the strongest in every village should be selected and their names forwarded. I ask this of you, brothers and sisters. To explain things to you and to answer the many questions that may be raised, meetings will be held in important villages. Volunteers will also go round.
It summarizes almost all of the key self-justifications used in congrez thinking of the period to bolster elements of collaboration. Note that similar justifications about the violence/bravey/sacrifice of life etc woud not be applicable to Indians if they applied violence against the Brits.
Subsequently this line would never again be so strongly expressed openly. In the WWII case, the formal resignation from ministries, was done on the logic that the VR had declared India's partcipation in the war without consulting the congrez and its legislative representatives - not because war was immoral/non-violent.
