People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby Agnimitra » 20 Jul 2013 10:06


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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby kish » 20 Jul 2013 17:14

Explosion heard at Beijing airport terminal: reports

A blast occurred at the Beijing International Airport on Saturday, witnesses and state-run media said. The explosion was heard in Terminal 3 of the airport, witnesses said.

State-run Xinhua news agency too reported the explosion though there were no immediate reports of
casualties.

A man in a wheelchair detonated explosives, state-run CCTV reported without giving further details.



The rumor doing rounds in Twitter is the man was beaten and disabled by Communist party.


Yifan Zhang ‏@yifanxxx 13m

Bomber Jin Zhongxing was running an unlicensed tuk-tuk service and was stopped and beaten and disabled in 2005, according to his letter.


Pics of that person

Image

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby chiragAS » 25 Jul 2013 14:14

don't know where t put this so putting it in this thread.
China is ready to invest about $160 billion :shock: in different sectors in Andhra Pradesh

LINK

What i worry is
Shoosan said his country would send 10,000 students to Hyderabad for education in various streams, according to the release.


Considering China's long tradition of spying using everyone of its citizens. this is scary.
Andra Pradesh is home to lot of strategic stuff.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby RamaY » 25 Jul 2013 21:41

^ I wouldnt worry. Given the quality and cost of education in AP, I think chinese will be screwed three times over. And there is a fair chance that the female chinese will get married in AP and settled down for they have better life here.

Bring it on China!

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby sanjaykumar » 25 Jul 2013 23:08

^

Hehehehe

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby kancha » 18 Aug 2013 15:08

China Zoo Accused of Trying to Pass off Fluffy Dog as African Lion

I kid you not... only in the land of fakes!

A zoo in the central China city of Luohe attempted to pass off a Tibetan mastiff as a lion, state media reported. The large, aggressive breed has a trademark bushy mane that gives it a lion-like appearance, but its vocalizations are more woof than roar.


The Beijing Youth Daily said Friday the zoo also had a dog in the wolf cage, foxes in the leopard enclosure and nutrias in the snake den. :rotfl:

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby Suraj » 23 Aug 2013 01:52

The Show Trial of Bo: Minxei Pei
His real crime: threatening the security of colleagues in China's Communist Party.

Show trials are normally not worth following. In such theatrical proceedings, the accused, pathetic and broken, profess their guilt and accept their punishment without any protest. The trials are not staged to ensure justice, but to underscore the supremacy of the winners in a power struggle and deter potential rivals.

The upcoming courtroom appearance of Bo Xilai, formerly the Communist Party of China's (CPC's) chief of Chongqing and a member of the elite Politburo, has all the classic features of a show trial. The judicial proceedings, likely to be closed to the public, will be pro forma. The party is apparently leaving nothing to chance and, in an attempt to gain credibility, originally scheduled in-person or videotaped testimony against Bo by his wife, who is serving a suspended death sentence for murder. Bo was reportedly outraged and threatened to divorce her. As a compromise, his wife's testimony will most likely be read to the court.

Since conviction is all but certain, Bo and his lawyers will be reduced to pleading for leniency, rather than contesting the government's charges and supporting evidence. When all this is over, Bo will receive a sentence predetermined by his former colleagues in the Politburo. Based on the CPC's aversion to executing Politburo-level officials, Bo could get either a 20-year term or a suspended death sentence, which will be commuted to life imprisonment later.

Although the dominant motive behind the CPC's decision to put Bo on trial is to warn members who may be tempted to imitate his tactics of self-aggrandisement, Beijing's rulers will nevertheless be thorough in destroying what little is left of Bo's reputation.
...
The most obvious question even a casual observer of the Bo Xilai affair would ask is how such an individual could have climbed so high in a system that is ostensibly known for its meritocracy and rigorous selection process. Before Bo was unceremoniously removed from power in March 2012, he was one of the 25 members of the Politburo and the party's choice for ruling a municipality of nearly 40 million people. His prior appointments included a stint as China's trade minister and governor of Liaoning province (a major industrial centre). Based on the official charges against Bo, he actually began to take large bribes and engage in multiple adulterous affairs nearly two decades ago, when he was the mayor of Dalian, a prosperous port city in northeastern China. There can only be two explanations. The party's much-vaunted anti-corruption watchdogs are totally incompetent and could not detect Bo's wrongdoing. Alternatively — and more likely — Bo's colleagues (and potential rivals) have known about his corrupt acts all along but had chosen to turn a blind eye to them.

The most Machiavellian and plausible answer is a variation of the second explanation. Of course, Bo's rivals were well aware of his sins and crimes, but such offences are common at the top of the regime. Building a case against Bo solely on his greed and lust would have produced a political contagion — his equally venal and lascivious colleagues would have been made to feel just as insecure. The smartest thing to do under these circumstances was to use Bo's wrongdoings against him only when he violated the unwritten cardinal rule set by the post-Mao leadership: the party will never allow another megalomaniac figure to terrorise it.

Unfortunately for Bo, his ambition was all too visible to reassure his colleagues. What he did during his tenure as Chongqing's party boss — reviving Maoist-era political symbols, launching mass campaigns against alleged organised criminal gangs, sending his political enemies to jail (one was executed) and unabashedly seeking the media limelight — was reminiscent of the worst excesses of the Maoist regime. Needless to say, Bo's political rivals could not help feeling a bit scared by his ruthless tactics. If he could do this as a mere Politburo member, they feared, he would be capable of anything once elevated to the Politburo standing committee and made politically untouchable.

So, despite the party's desire to maintain its façade of leadership unity, Bo had to be made to pay for his real crime — threatening the security of his colleagues. In retrospect, the Chinese political establishment probably could have blocked Bo's promotion to the Politburo standing committee last year without airing his sordid misdeeds. The party might have preferred to handle him that way. But once Bo's police chief attempted to defect to the Americans, his rivals smelt blood: they could use the incident to finish off Bo, once and for all. Sadly, even for the most powerful members of China's ruling elites, life could still be "nasty, brutish, and short", as Thomas Hobbes put it centuries ago.

Of course, the CPC wants to have it both ways. By locking up Bo for years, it is warning its members not to follow his example. By punishing one of its most senior leaders, the party attempts to reassure the Chinese people that it is serious about fighting corruption.

Fortunately, it now takes a lot more to dupe the Chinese public. The only conclusion they can draw from the Bo Xilai affair is that the one-party state is now rotten to the core. Putting the hapless Bo behind bars will not cure the endemic corruption and abuse of power inside the regime. To regain its lost credibility, the party will have to clean house, not stage show trials.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby Shaashtanga » 23 Aug 2013 05:30


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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby pankajs » 23 Aug 2013 20:59

China slams McCain's remarks on Diaoyu Islands - Xinhua
BEIJING - The Chinese Foreign Ministry has called on US lawmaker, John McCain to stop making irresponsible remarks about the Diaoyu Islands. The comment came in response to recent claims by the US Republican Senator that the Diaoyu Islands are Japanese territory.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Hong Lei says "relevant US lawmakers" should avoid making regional situations more complicated. Hong adds it is futile for anyone to deny the fact that the Diaoyu Islands are Chinese territory.

According to Kyodo news agency, the visiting US Senator described the Diaoyu Islands as "Japanese territory" during a news conference in Tokyo. He said China is violating Japan’s fundamental right to the islands and the recent rise on the number of patrol ships in waters near the islands does not bode well for a peaceful solution of the current situation.

McCain also says other nations feeling increasingly threatened by China’s maritime presence "need to act in closer coordination with each other".

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby pankajs » 23 Aug 2013 21:48

Home cooking fires, traffic tagged as pollution sources in China - UPI
BEIJING, Aug. 21 (UPI) -- Home cooking fires and city traffic emissions create 80 percent of the air pollution in China that spreads over large areas of East Asia, researchers say.

Home cooking with coal briquettes and byproducts of fossil-fuel combustion in vehicles is impacting human health and fostering global warming, a study reported in the journal Environmental Science & Technology concludes.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby pankajs » 26 Aug 2013 10:33

Do China a favour and stop calling them ‘Western values’
If you want to identify the most harmful idea in the world, it would be hard to avoid the phrase “Western values.”

From over here, it doesn’t sound so bad. In North America and Europe, the expression is simply a commonplace bit of chauvinism, a historically naive way to suggest that various good things – equal rights, multiparty democracy, the rule of law, open economies, freedom of speech – were the product of, or are uniquely held by, European-origin cultures. However historically and geographically inaccurate, we don’t mind the phrase because it represents a set of hard-won qualities we’re rightfully eager to possess and defend.

It becomes dangerous when applied in the negative: When autocrats on the other side of the world want to deny their people basic rights and freedoms, they can then use our chauvinism to spread the notion that these universal human assets are merely “Western” imports or incursions.

This sleight of hand is now taking place on a large scale in China. In April, the country’s new President Xi Jinping issued a memo, known as Document No. 9, that has been sent to Communist Party officials throughout the country for discussion and implementation. The document lists the “seven perils” that should be eradicated from Chinese society.

A copy of Document No. 9 seen and verified by The New York Times places “Western constitutional democracy” at the top of its list of perils, then follows with more “subversive currents” to guard against: “promoting ‘universal values’ of human rights, Western-inspired notions of media independence and civic participation (and) ardently pro-market ‘neo-liberalism.’” Across the country, cadres and mandarins are taking part in education sessions to fight against these threats.

This sort of language has long been a familiar part of the Chinese state-controlled media, whose opinion articles frequently contrast these dangerous “Western” values with the “Confucian values” of deference to authority, social order, harmonious co-operation, common endeavour and unquestioning loyalty. Eastern and Western values, in this popular formula, are fire and ice.

It helps that this notion has been embraced by many writers in the West, from Cold Warriors such as Herman Kahn to latter-day civilization dividers such as Samuel Huntington and Martin Jacques, who attribute China’s recent success to a completely different, anti-“Western” set of values and core beliefs.

This is, as anyone with larger historical or cultural knowledge is aware, an illusion. The values of the Enlightenment – the ones denounced in Document No. 9 – were never a strictly or primarily European thing; most of them emerged simultaneously in Europe and in the urbanized (and non-colonized) parts of East Asia, as modern accounts of the period by historians such as Robert B. Marks and C.A. Bayly make clear. The rise of human rights and democratic institutions was not a product of a particular culture – except a generalized revolt against religious and feudal cultures.

Rather, those values, everywhere, were a response to the emergence of new economies, technologies and institutions. Wherever urbanization, commerce, secularism and private property have occurred, those aspirations have eventually followed. Yes, some of those things came first to Europe, some of them waited a century before they gained a toehold in Asia, and some were force-imposed by colonial Europe on Asia, all of which has made the “East versus West” language easier to sell.

But they are not fire and ice; at most they are yin and yang – entwined parts of one another. The deferential “Confucianism” that has emerged in the post-Mao years is in large part a simplified, Rome-friendly version of classical Chinese thought created by Jesuit missionaries in the seventeenth century, which then was re-exported to China in the twentieth. But actual Chinese cultural traditions are equally given to revolt against authority, to individual rights and free expression, to liberal economies and the rule of constitutionally codified law: Those things can all be found in Confucius – who, after all, was an inspiration to Voltaire, Thomas Paine and other fathers of the Enlightenment. Many “Western values” were present in China before the West existed.

In fact, those “Chinese values” of deference and self-abnegation being imposed by Mr. Xi are in good part a product of the post-1949 rule of the Communist Party of China, whose “Socialism with Chinese characteristics” was almost entirely an import from the West, formulated by well-known Marxist thinkers in Berlin, London and Moscow. Those are the real imported “Western values.”

The values listed in Document No. 9 are as Chinese as they are Canadian. It’s time for everyone to stop pretending they’re “Western.”

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby pankajs » 26 Aug 2013 10:39

'You Must Confess': China's Red Campaign Against Multinationals
Beijing’s Maoist revival, roiling Chinese society and politics, is now beginning to poison China’s business environment as well.

On Wednesday, Reuters reported that in late July the powerful National Development and Reform Commission brought together representatives from about 30 foreign companies—including GE, Microsoft , IBM , Intel , and Qualcomm —and tried to force them to write confessions of violations of China’s anti-monopoly law. Chinese officials then, incredibly, showed the multinationals the “self-criticisms” of other companies as a means of pressuring them to follow suit.

NDRC officials, during the two-day meeting, also browbeat and threatened the foreign firms and warned them not to defend themselves. “The message was: if you put up a fight, I could double or triple your fines,” said one participant at the session, reporting the remarks of the NDRC’s Xu Xinyu, a division chief in the antitrust bureau.

Why should we care about the NDRC’s rough tactics? The demand for confessions comes on the heels of that agency’s recent moves against, among others, milk, automotive, and pharmaceutical multinationals. The discriminatory targeting of foreign business is reminiscent of the xenophobia of Mao’s era, and that may be no coincidence.

Xi Jinping has been conducting a series of Maoist-inspired “rectification” and “mass line” campaigns since he became China’s leader last November, and Marx is enjoying a Beijing-sponsored revival at the moment. China, unfortunately, is beginning to resemble the neighboring state run by the Kim family, and as a consequence Chinese netizens have started to call their own country “West Korea.”

West Korea, from all appearances, is becoming more “Red” by the day. Many have dismissed Beijing’s moves to the “left” as mere rhetoric and not signifying a lasting shift in Chinese politics. For instance, some China watchers say Xi is spouting ideology just to placate the extremist supporters of the charismatic Bo Xilai, once the country’s most openly ambitious politician and who is now on now trial for assorted crimes.

Others have actually interpreted Xi’s Maoist-Marxist campaigns as hopeful signs, believing these movements in fact lay the groundwork for significant economic reforms to be introduced at the Communist Party’s Third Plenum, expected for October. In fact, the questioning of gaige kaifang—reforming and opening up—is included as one of the “seven perils” in the otherwise reactionary Document No. 9, issued by the Party’s Central Committee in April. Deng Xiaoping, the great Chinese reformer, also had to protect his flanks from time to time by sponsoring campaigns against “bourgeois liberalization.”

So do these sunny arguments add up? Of course, we have to wonder about a political system that requires a new leader to first launch ideological binges just so that he can govern sensibly later on, but the Communist Party often works according to its own perverse logic.

Therefore, most anything is possible in the world of Chinese politics, but in this case China may actually be lurching left. For one thing, upbeat China watchers made the same arguments about Hu Jintao when he came to power in 2002. The Chinese now call his ten years at the top, marked by an anti-reform drift, “the Lost Decade.”

Xi, much more than the enigmatic Hu, looks like he actually believes the Party needs to base its legitimacy in its roots. His words, in short, are probably a good indication of what he really thinks, and in this vein Robert Elegant, the author of a pioneering biography of China’s communist leaders in the early 1950s, makes an overlooked point. “It is most unlikely that the head of state would level a public attack on a policy he intends to adopt,” he notes about Xi.

In any event, Xi’s Maoist-Marxist campaigns are altering the balance of power inside the Party. “Now the leftists feel very excited and elated, while the liberals feel very discouraged and discontented,” said Shanghai Normal University’s Xiao Gongqin, to the New York Times this month, commenting on Xi’s regressive campaigns. “The ramifications are very serious, because this seriously hurts the broad middle class and moderate reformers—entrepreneurs and intellectuals.”

As a consequence of these reactionary developments, hopes for reform in China, generated by the elevation of the new leadership team of Xi and Li Keqiang, have begun to fade in recent months. There is a growing appreciation of the notion that fundamental change cannot proceed in an atmosphere where liberal values are under attack, as they are in Document No. 9, which lists as perils such notions as constitutionalism, freedom of the press, universal values, and democracy. Moreover, as more and more observers believe, structural economic reform will never proceed without political reform to remove the opposition of entrenched interests, sometimes called the “Iron Quadrangle” of state enterprises, the security apparatus, the military, and Party reactionaries.

Yet it is what Xi and Li have in fact been doing that is confirming fears. That is why the harsh tactics of the NDRC, which reports to Li in his role as premier, are so important. The use of Cultural Revolution-style methods against multinationals suggests that Xi’s Maoist rhetoric is beginning to affect Chinese governance.

Reuters reports that the NDRC held a separate anti-trust meeting for domestic enterprises. Because the gathering of foreign firms was conducted in Chinese, language was not the reason for the separate sessions. And that raises concerns Beijing is blatantly violating its World Trade Organization obligations to provide “national treatment”—nondiscriminatory administration of the laws—to foreign companies.

Over time, China’s trade behavior has deteriorated, and this deterioration is accelerating. Xi Jinping has created an increasingly anti-foreign atmosphere in Beijing, something reflected in his Document No. 9. As xenophobia becomes even more evident, arrogant Beijing officials are making less and less pretense of honoring their international trade obligations.

Xi Jinping is busy painting the country Red, and none of the consequences for multinationals in China are good.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby pankajs » 26 Aug 2013 11:13

British shoppers banned from leaving China after argument about slippers
Two British tourists could be trapped in China for a year after they were arrested for "disturbing the peace" following an argument with a shopkeeper.

Mary Idowu, 59, and Esther Jubril-Badmos, 48, both Londoners, have not been charged with any crime but have been told they cannot leave the country until Chinese investigators finish looking into their case. The two women flew to the southern city of Guangzhou for a week-long shopping trip on June 16. Ms Jubril-Badmos had been before but for Ms Idowu it was a first chance "to see this big country which I had always heard about".

Things began to go wrong when Ms Jubril-Badmos argued with a shopkeeper about a deposit for slippers. She claims she was dragged out of the store by her hair and beaten so badly that Ms Idowu called the police.

At the police station, however, their situation unravelled further. After 32 hours of interrogation, the women were sent to a detention centre where Ms Idowu was held, sleeping on the floor in a 12-person cell, for six weeks. Ms Jubril-Badmos collapsed and was sent to a local hospital.

"The worst thing was the police trying to intimidate me to get me to sign forms in Chinese. I didn't know what I was signing," said Ms Idowu.

"They gave me tablets for my blood pressure. They kept increasing until I was taking 16 a day." Her two daughters came to China to arrange bail. A policeman that they named as Mr Chen advised them that prosecutors had not found any evidence.

"He said it was now a civil case, that the shop wanted to sue, and that we had to go and settle it out of court," said Ms Idowu's daughter Laura, a 20-year-old law student.

The shop accepted $7775 in settlement. But the police later said the women remained under investigation, a process which could take up to a year.

"I have a five-year-old daughter at home who does not understand why her mother has abandoned her," said Ms Jubril-Badmos. "My world has collapsed."

A UK Foreign Office spokesman said it was providing consular assistance.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby harbans » 26 Aug 2013 18:45

Indo-China Media meetup..good attempt to try and gag India's Media here: China daily

The peoples of China and India do not know each other well enough, according to Hu Xijin. “We always feel distant from each other. Only when forced to discuss border and territory disputes do we remember that we are neighbors with a range of issues to address.”


Yes that is natural. We were never neighbors and thus India and Chinese media should work to restore our original neighbor: Tibet. In addition to hand over Kaislah Mansarover to a joint management program between Tibet-Nepal and India. China must move out Northwest of the Tibetan borders where it belongs. The border discussions should be taking place that area. We and Tibetans understand each other very well and culturally blend without issues. Dharamsala for instance and ArP another.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby Suraj » 06 Sep 2013 09:29

Contrary to popular sentiment, it doesn't appear that even half the population of PRC is properly fluent in Mandarin:
China says 400 million citizens cannot speak Mandarin
BEIJING (Reuters) - More than 400 million Chinese are unable to speak the national language Mandarin, and large numbers in the rest of the country speak it badly, state media said on Thursday as the government launched another push for linguistic unity.

China's ruling Communist Party has promoted Mandarin for decades to unite a nation with thousands of often mutually unintelligible dialects and numerous minority languages, but has been hampered by the country's size and lack of investment in education, especially in poor rural areas.

Officials have admitted they will probably never get the whole country to be able to speak Mandarin, formally called Putonghua in China, meaning "common tongue", suggesting everyone should be able to speak it.

Ministry of Education spokeswoman Xu Mei said that only 70 percent of the country could speak Mandarin, many of them poorly, and the remaining 30 percent or 400 million people could not speak it at all, Xinhua news agency reported.

"The country still needs to invest in promoting Mandarin," it quoted her as saying, ahead of an annual campaign to promote Mandarin held every year since 1998.

"This year the ministry will focus on the remote countryside and areas inhabited by ethnic minorities," Xu said.

The promotion of Mandarin has long been a contentious issue in China, despite the practical benefits of having the entire population fluent in one tongue, and in some cases has lead to violent unrest.

Tibetans have protested against having to use Mandarin in schools, while in 2010 several hundred people took to the streets in the southern city of Guangzhou over fears the authorities were trying to marginalize Cantonese.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby kumarn » 06 Sep 2013 10:53

^^^ Last year I visited China for couple of week and talked to a variety of people, including chinese professors, western professors and entrepreneurs and expat managers from taiwan. Could not speak to any native workers, though.

What the westerners and taiwanese told me was that Mandarin or cantonese as one language was an illusion. Mandarin speakers from one state could not understand the mandarin spoken by people from other states. It is as if they have a 100 different languages, though all are called either mandarin or cantonese. Workers in factories formed groups based on where they came from, as they couldn't understand the language spoken by other groups. Frequent fights erupt in factories between these linguistic groups.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby Suraj » 06 Sep 2013 13:15

Thanks kumarn! Please post more anecdotes and interesting information you learned from your trips there.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby kumarn » 06 Sep 2013 14:24

Thanks sir!

The condition of factory workers are generally perceived to be very poor. Please look at this video:
China "automated" stamping plant chinese factory

This was shown to us by the guy who actually took the video on his mobile. Since, then it has been re-posted online by many others.

He is an aussie who ran his consultancy firm in china. He claims that since he took the video many things have changed. But the underlying callousness displayed towards laborers has not.

The daily wage figures he quoted for a factory worker (I do not remember exactly now) were very low. I remember telling him that from what he is saying chinese factory labour appears to be cheaper than indian labor.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby kumarn » 06 Sep 2013 14:34

Another thing I noticed was that whenever I spoke to a chinese, they always seemed to say something derogatory about india, but after prefacing it with some 'maskabazi'. It always appeared as if they have been tutored to speak from a similar script!

Without fail, all of them would show us ppts on what great things chinese government has planned for their country. And they would end up proclaiming their great faith in the government, and that when the govt has said something then they would definitely do it.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby kumarn » 06 Sep 2013 14:46

The financial market is rudimentary. There is no way for a small business to take loan from an official financial institution. Therefore, they resort to borrowing from unofficial channels with usurious rates. Money that foreigners like the aussie guy I mentioned, made in china had to be carried back to Macau/HK in suitcases!

In HK, people spoke freely, almost. Everyone seemed to be aware of the problems - The demographic time-bomb, the ghost cities, the fudged statistics, environmental degradation. But somehow, everyone (and that included both foreigners and chinese) had the unshakeable belief that the chinese government will be able to manage it!

Their faith is like that of the people in Delhi-NCR who have this unshakeable faith that real-estate prices will never go down!

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby anupmisra » 06 Sep 2013 15:52

Fudged growth data (and cooked books)!! - Just as suspected for a long time.

China admits to fudging of eco data in Yunnan

Chinese authorities are finally admitting what international experts have for long suspected about data doctoring by officials keen to show higher growth trajectory. The National Bureau of Statistics, which has launched a nationwide review of economic statistics, has released the first case of data fraud in China's Yunnan province.
managers of 28 companies and officials of a county more than doubled the figures of industrial output and overall development to come up with an impressive set of statistics
the organization has undertaken the stupendous task of reviewing statistics of 700,000 enterprises, which contribute about 80% of the country's gross domestic product
The 28 companies in the sample inflated their actual industrial output of $457 million to $1.03 billion in 2012. Emboldened, 25 among them hiked an output of $445 million in the first half of 2013 to $1.06 billion, the NBS said


:shock: And, some in India want to adopt the China model of growth. Well, here's the model.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby member_23692 » 06 Sep 2013 16:54

anupmisra wrote:Fudged growth data (and cooked books)!! - Just as suspected for a long time.

China admits to fudging of eco data in Yunnan

Chinese authorities are finally admitting what international experts have for long suspected about data doctoring by officials keen to show higher growth trajectory. The National Bureau of Statistics, which has launched a nationwide review of economic statistics, has released the first case of data fraud in China's Yunnan province.
managers of 28 companies and officials of a county more than doubled the figures of industrial output and overall development to come up with an impressive set of statistics
the organization has undertaken the stupendous task of reviewing statistics of 700,000 enterprises, which contribute about 80% of the country's gross domestic product
The 28 companies in the sample inflated their actual industrial output of $457 million to $1.03 billion in 2012. Emboldened, 25 among them hiked an output of $445 million in the first half of 2013 to $1.06 billion, the NBS said


:shock: And, some in India want to adopt the China model of growth. Well, here's the model.



That's right. The Chinese only "appear" to be the number two economy in the world because it fudges numbers. The Chinese only "appear" to have world class infra-structure because they fudge numbers. The Chinese growth is all an illusion created by those devils in Bejing. And moreover, it is the West, who is conspiring to perpetuate this theory of Chinese success, all to "keep India down". In actuality, it is us Indians who are number 2, hell, we could even be number one. Its just that we Indians dont lie and our government certainly never lies and our ministers and politicians - lying for them is out of the question. Because we Indians dont lie, the world doesnt realize that it is we Indians and not the Chinese who have the best infra-structure, the best economy, the best everything, 10% growth, a strong rupee, current account surpluses, trade surpluses, it is in fact our Indian goods in all the supermarkets and departmental stores in the world and it is indeed we Indians who are using our "jugad" to encroach into Chinese territory and secretly occupying it. The fact that no outsider sees and feels our greatness, or even we insiders dont, does not mean that we "actually" are not the greatest. To quote Mohommad Ali, we Indians are "the greatest of all time".

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby svinayak » 06 Sep 2013 19:27

Sh... Calm down


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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby svinayak » 17 Sep 2013 03:33

中国杀手 - This needs to be added to all Chinese forum

烈火中国杀手

烈火中殺手

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby pankajs » 19 Sep 2013 22:34

12 Are Killed in Raid by Security Forces in Western China
BEIJING — Security forces in China’s far western Xinjiang region last month shot and killed at least 12 men and wounded 20 others during a raid on what the authorities described as a terrorist facility, Radio Free Asia reported Wednesday.

The killings took place more than three weeks ago in a small village near the city of Kashgar, but details emerged only in recent days. Local officials told Radio Free Asia that the men had been building and testing explosives at a desert encampment in the village, Jigdejay; local police officers, reached by telephone Wednesday, declined to comment or said they knew nothing about the raid.

<snip>

The raid on the desert encampment followed another deadly raid three days earlier in nearby Yilkiqi township, where at least 15 Uighur men were shot and killed as they prayed together. The authorities described the dead as terrorists engaged in “illegal religious activities” and said they were training for an attack, although the only weapons recovered at the scene were knives and axes.

In recent weeks, the authorities have been announcing stiff sentences for those arrested during the latest spate of unrest. Last week, three Uighur men were sentenced to death for their role in a bloody clash in Lukchun township last spring that left as many as 46 people dead. In August, two other men were given the death penalty for another clash near Kashgar that killed at least 21 people.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby kmkraoind » 20 Sep 2013 12:02

Image

Its an 1932 US map of China. Hope it will become true at least in near future.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby eklavya » 22 Sep 2013 04:52

How long can the Communist party survive in China?

September 20, 2013 7:04 am
By Jamil Anderlini

Tucked away between China’s top spy school and the ancient imperial summer palace in the west of Beijing lies the only place in the country where the demise of the ruling Communist party can be openly debated without fear of reprisal. But this leafy address is not home to some US-funded liberal think-tank or an underground dissident cell. It is the campus of the Party School of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the elite training academy for the country’s autocratic leaders that is described in official propaganda as a “furnace to foster the spirit of party members”.

The Central Party School was established in 1933 to indoctrinate cadres in Marxism, Leninism and, later, Mao Zedong Thought, and past headmasters have included Mao himself, recently anointed president Xi Jinping and his predecessor Hu Jintao. In keeping with some of the momentous changes that have occurred in Chinese society, the curriculum has been radically revised in recent years. Students still steep themselves in the wisdom of Das Kapital and “Deng Xiaoping Theory” but they are also taught classes in economics, law, religion, military affairs and western political thought. As well as watching anti-corruption documentaries and participating in revolutionary singalongs, the mid-level and high-ranking party cadres who make up the student body are given lessons in opera appreciation and diplomatic etiquette.

A more significant change for an institution founded to enforce ideological purity is its relatively new role as an intellectual free-fire zone, where almost nothing is off-limits for discussion. “We just had a seminar with a big group of very influential party members and they were asking us how long we think the party will be in charge and what we have planned for when it collapses,” says one Party School professor who asked not to be named because he was not authorised to speak to foreign media. “To be honest, this is a question that everyone in China is asking but I’m afraid it is very difficult to answer.”

How long the heirs to Mao’s 1949 revolution can hang on to power has been a perennial question since the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre and the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Many dire predictions of imminent collapse have come and gone but the party has endured and even thrived, especially since it opened its ranks to capitalists for the first time a decade ago. These days the revolutionary party of the proletariat is probably best described as the world’s largest chamber of commerce and membership is the best way for businesspeople to network and clinch lucrative contracts.

In less than five years the Chinese Communist party will challenge the Soviet Union (69 or 74 years in power depending on how you count it) and Mexico’s Institutional Revolutionary Party (71 years until 2000) for the longest unbroken rule by any political party. Modernisation theory holds that authoritarian systems tend to democratise as incomes rise, that the creation of a large middle class hastens the process and that economic slowdown following a long period of rapid growth makes that transition more likely. Serious and worsening inequality coupled with high levels of corruption can add to the impetus for change.

All these factors now exist in China but some political ­theorists, including many at the Central Party School, argue that the country is culturally and politically exceptional and the wave of authoritarian collapse still surging through the Arab world will never reach Chinese shores. Others, including influential Chinese intellectuals, distinguished western sinologists and even liberal-minded senior party members, believe these are the final days of the Communist era and the party will be washed away if it does not launch serious political reforms soon.

“One thousand autumns and 10,000 generations”

Chen Shu is a professor of party history, “party-building” and Mao Zedong Thought at the Central Party School and his views reflect orthodox thinking within the upper echelons of the party. For all the intellectual ferment and free exchange of ideas that goes on inside the campus walls foreigners are still forbidden from entering without special permission, a rule that harks back to when the school’s very existence was a state secret. Chen has graciously agreed to meet the FT in a tea house across the road from the Summer Palace but he is impatient when asked what he thinks the future holds for the party.

“Those theories about a China crisis or China collapse are all completely western,” he says, in a tone that makes clear ­“western” is pejorative. “The more pressure placed on Chinese culture and the Communist party, the more united and cohesive they become and the more capable they are of producing miracles.”

Lin Zhe is a Central Party School professor who has spent the past two decades researching how the party tackles corruption in its ranks. At the same tea house she cheerfully predicts the party will celebrate its centenary in power in 2049 and says that it is preparing, as the Chinese saying goes, to rule for “one ­thousand autumns and 10,000 generations”. But both Lin and Chen also caution that the party’s legitimacy is threatened by endemic corruption that has spread to every level in the system. “This problem is very dangerous and, as China’s top leaders have said, it could lead to the demise of the party and the demise of the nation,” Lin says.

Authoritarian resilience

In his 1992 book, The End of History and The Last Man, Francis Fukuyama argued that western liberal democracy represents the final form of human government and the endpoint of ideological evolution. His argument was boosted by the dramatic expansion of democracy during the 20th century. In 1900, no nation in the world had competitive multi-party politics with universal suffrage and only about 12 per cent of humanity lived under a form of government that could be regarded as somewhat democratic, according to the American NGO Freedom House. By the dawn of the 21st century, 120 of the world’s 192 internationally recognised countries were governed by electoral democracies and 60 per cent of the world’s population lived under a democratically elected leadership.

Fukuyama, now a senior fellow at Stanford University, says he is convinced that China will follow the path of most other countries, probably through a gradual liberalisation that eventually yields democracy. But if that does not happen, he says popular uprisings of the kind seen in the Arab spring are also possible.

“China’s political model is just not sustainable because of the rising middle class – the same force that has driven democracy everywhere,” he says. “The new generation in China is very different from the one that left the land and drove the first wave of industrialisation – they’re much better educated and much richer and they have new demands, demands like clean air, clean water, safe food and other issues that can’t just be solved by fast economic growth.”

Estimates of the size of China’s middle class vary depending on the definition used but one thing is certain: it was virtually non-existent two decades ago and is now growing exponentially. The consultancy McKinsey says that what it calls the “upper middle class” – a segment of the population with annual household incomes of between $17,350 and $37,500 – accounted for 14 per cent of urban Chinese households last year but will account for 54 per cent of households in less than a decade.

China has often been held up as evidence to debunk Fukuyama’s theory, with critics arguing that the party’s process of constant reinvention is far more responsive to the needs and demands of its subjects than traditional authoritarian systems. Until a few years ago, David Shambaugh, director of the China Policy Program at George Washington University and a leading expert on China’s political system, was a strong proponent of this view. But he has changed his mind and now believes that the party is in a state of decline that echoes the dying days of Chinese dynasties throughout history.

The signs include a hollow state ideology that society does not believe in but ritualistically feigns compliance with, worsening corruption, failure to provide the public with adequate social welfare and a pervasive public sense of insecurity and frustration. Other signs include increasing social and ethnic unrest, elite factionalism, over-taxation with the proceeds mostly going into officials’ pockets, serious and worsening income inequality and no reliable rule of law.

Shambaugh says a powerful indicator of just how little faith exists in the system is the number of wealthy Chinese elites with offshore assets and property, offshore bank accounts and children studying in western universities.

“These individuals are ready to bolt at a moment’s notice, as soon as the political system is in its endgame – but they will remain in China in order to extract every last Renminbi possible until that time,” he says. “Their hedging behaviour speaks volumes about the fragile stability of the party state in China today.”

The mummy in the crystal coffin

Hanging directly above Tiananmen – “the gate of heavenly peace” – at the south entrance of the Forbidden City, a giant portrait of Mao Zedong stares out across the eponymous square to the imposing mausoleum where his mummified corpse lies draped in a Communist flag. Every morning of the week except Monday, long lines of Chinese tourists snake across the square as they wait for a glimpse of the great helmsman in his crystal sarcophagus.

A decade ago it was common to witness loud emotional outbursts and swooning pilgrims dropping to their knees in the presence of China’s dead “red emperor”. But on a recent weekday, the dominant sentiment among onlookers seemed to be indifference or mild disappointment. “I waited in line for an hour for that?” said one middle-aged man with a regional Chinese accent. “I’m pretty sure that was just a wax dummy; what a waste of time.”

This subtle change in attitudes over the past decade represents a deeper shift in Chinese society that is hard to quantify but increasingly obvious. “The party’s ideological foundation is really very hollow,” says Perry Link, a professor at the University of California Riverside and one of the most well-respected western experts on China. “People join the party these days to make connections and get ahead rather than for any kind of socialist ideals.”

Probably the most important stimulus for heightened cynicism and questioning of authority has been the rise of mass internet communication. China’s online censorship regime is one of the most restrictive in the world, with Twitter, Facebook, YouTube and countless other online sites and services blocked because of the party’s fear that these could be used to organise political opposition. But an explosion of government-controlled domestic alternatives, in particular the Twitter-like “Weibo” microblogging sites, has still allowed people to partly circumvent party control of public discourse in a way that has never been possible before.

As the Chinese economy slows and anger grows at a host of problems stemming from a lack of political inclusion, it is this loss of control over thoughts, ideas and messages that the party really worries about.

“Seven things that cannot be spoken of”

Shen Zhihua is a professor at East China Normal University who specialises in the Soviet Union and is the son of People’s Liberation Army officers who served alongside Mao in the revolution. He spent two years in prison in the early 1980s after he was falsely accused of spying for the CIA. In September 2009, Shen was among a small group of trusted scholars summoned by former Chinese president Jiang Zemin to discuss the fall of the Soviet Union. “Gorbachev betrayed the revolution,” Jiang told the group as he asked them to identify the specific elements that led to the Soviet collapse.

Jiang’s view is the accepted orthodoxy among China’s leaders including president Xi Jinping, according to Shen. In a speech to party members soon after he was made head of the party and military late last year, Xi said that the Soviet empire had crumbled “because nobody was man enough to stand up and resist”.

“I cannot over-emphasise enough the fact that the CCP [Chinese Communist party] ­leadership continues to live under the Soviet shadow – they are hyper-conscious of the reforms Gorbachev undertook and absolutely refuse to go down that path,” says Shambaugh from George Washington University.

Xi’s display of machismo fits with the more assertive stance he has taken on the international stage as China continues to grow into its role as the world’s “second superpower”. But as the new administration flexes its muscles abroad, most prominently in simmering territorial disputes with neighbours to the east, south and west, it paradoxically appears ever more anxious and uncertain at home.

“China has a lot more power militarily, diplomatically and economically than it did in the past and it can tell countries like the UK and US to back off in a way it couldn’t before,” says Prof Link. “But for all this new external power they seem a lot more fragile at home, a lot more concerned about how long they can stay on top of this bubbling cauldron.”

Since his ascension, Xi has presided over a series of harsh crackdowns on dissidents, free speech, ethnic separatists and civil society and has shown absolutely no sign that he is the covert political reformer that some had hoped. “Document Number Nine”, a secret memo that was distributed to cadres in April and leaked through overseas Chinese media, shows how worried the new leadership is about perceived threats to party rule. “Western hostile forces and domestic dissidents are constantly infiltrating the ideological sphere,” the document says. “In order to preserve the party’s grip on power, attention should be paid to the ­mistaken ways of thinking, positions and actions.”

According to the document, the party is engaged in a “fierce” struggle involving seven grave threats that are now referred to in Chinese academic circles as the “seven things that cannot be spoken of”. First on the list is “western constitutional ­democracy” followed by other taboos such as advocating human rights, an independent judiciary, media independence and criticism of the party’s past.

“Many people are extremely disappointed by [Xi’s] words and his actions,” says Shen Zhihua. “But there are some who defend him and say once he has consolidated his power and stabilised the political situation then he will push through reforms.” By this logic, Xi’s authoritarian lurch is more tactical than strategic, a way of rallying the party faithful for the tough reform agenda ahead.

“The more pessimistic, and frankly more realistic, interpretation is that Xi has no fresh ideas so he just quotes Mao and tries to hold on tight to power,” says one reformist “princeling” son of a former senior Chinese leader, who knows Xi well but asked not to be named for fear of political repercussions. “If that is the case, then China has no hope and eventually the anger in society will explode into a popular uprising.”

No more miracles?

In the three decades since Deng Xiaoping launched market-­oriented reform and began opening China to the world, the ­country’s economy has grown by an average of about 10 per cent a year. This spectacular performance has lifted hundreds of ­millions of people out of poverty and led some to argue that China’s “market Leninism” has defied the theory that societies democratise as they get richer. But according to Liu Yu, an ­associate professor of political science at Tsinghua University in Beijing, and Chen Dingding from the University of Macau, ­writing in The Washington Quarterly last year, “those who argue for Chinese exceptionalism overlook the fact that it is too early to tell whether China has proved or disproved modernisation theory.”

China’s per capita GDP was about $9,200 in purchasing power terms in 2012 but, according to Liu and Chen, this has not yet reached the level where countries with similar cultural and ­historical backgrounds began transitioning to democracy. In 1988, democratising South Korea and Taiwan had per capita purchasing power GDP of $12,221 and $14,584 respectively (in 2010 dollar terms), according to Liu and Chen. The levels for the Soviet Union and Hungary in 1989, as they began their political transitions, were $16,976 and $11,257 respectively (2010 dollars).

These numbers suggest continued rapid economic growth in China will put it on the cusp of its own political transformation within just a couple of years. By this logic, the party’s main source of legitimacy since abandoning Maoism – its ability to provide rapid growth and rising living standards – is the very thing that will eventually lead to its loss of absolute political control.

But there are now strong signs that China’s investment-heavy, export-oriented, state-dominated economic model is running out of steam and that growth could slow more sharply than Beijing expects. China’s nominal year-on-year GDP growth rate has slowed from 17 per cent in the fourth quarter of 2011 to about 8 per cent in the second quarter of this year and last year’s growth was the slowest in 13 years. Most economists expect the pace to moderate further over the next few years.

By most measures, Communist China now has one of the most unequal societies on earth, with most of the wealth concentrated in the hands of a small, politically connected elite. If the current slowdown were to morph into an economic crisis or trigger widespread unemployment, most analysts believe the government would quickly face some sort of popular uprising. “In the past two centuries, the last 30 years has been the only extended period without war, famine or mass persecution, a period in which everyone’s lives have been getting better and better,” says Mao Yushi, the 84-year-old economist regarded as the godfather of modern Chinese macroeconomics. “The legitimacy of the regime comes mainly from the success of economic reform but the big problem is that expectations are now very high.”

The old economist was purged repeatedly during the Maoist era. He spent 20 years on and off doing hard labour in the country­side and enduring beatings and humiliation. After his political rehabilitation he went on, in 1993, to found the Unirule Institute, an ­independent economic think-tank, and he remains highly influential among reformers within the party and government.

Mao predicts China will face an “unavoidable” financial crisis in the next one to three years thanks to a huge build-up of bad debt and an enormous property bubble but he thinks this could in turn push the country toward democracy. “I think a financial crisis could actually be good for China as it would force the government to implement economic and ­political reforms,” Mao says. “That is the best-case scenario but the worst case would be a violent uprising followed by a long period of unrest and ­economic decline, like we see in Egypt.”

The negative example of Egypt is constantly invoked these days by both Chinese and western political analysts. Like the former Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak, the Communist party has been highly successful at squashing any organisational force in society before it can take root.

“The current Chinese system will definitely collapse at some point – it could be months, years or decades but when it collapses everyone will say of course it was bound to happen,” says Prof Link. “The question that really worries me is what will come next. The party has wiped out any group it doesn’t control or which doesn’t see the world like it does and there is nothing to take its place.”

The Olympic curse

It is surely just a cute coincidence of history that no authoritarian regime except Mexico’s has lasted more than a decade after hosting a modern Olympic games – think Berlin in 1936, Moscow in 1980, Sarajevo in 1984 and Seoul in 1988. Five years from now the Chinese Communist party, which saw the 2008 Beijing games as its “coming out party” on the world stage, may not only have defied this Olympic curse but also surpassed the life cycle of the Soviet Union and helped debunk democratisation theory.

But even the party’s most ardent defenders concede that China’s leaders cannot rule indefinitely without addressing the demands for political inclusion from a growing middle class that cares more about clean air, clean water, clean government and safe food than GDP growth rates.

After three decades of stellar economic expansion, China’s growth model is starting to run out of steam and if it were to face an abrupt slowdown the party would lose its most convincing source of legitimacy. If the new Chinese president, Xi Jinping, were to seize the initiative and launch meaningful political reforms then China might follow the example of Taiwan and South Korea in the late 1980s and 1990s and orchestrate a peaceful transition to a more pluralistic and democratic system.

On the verdant campus of the Central Party School, some professors are already studying how such a feat could be achieved. But so far Xi has shown no inclination to do anything except tighten the party’s grip on power and punish those who question perpetual one-party rule.

Many people inside and outside the party worry that by trying to suppress growing popular discontent using the same old tools of repression, the new administration may wake up one day to find the masses in the streets. “Xi Jinping and this administration provide the last chance for China to implement a social transformation [to a more liberal political system] that comes from within the party and within the system,” says Shen Zhihua. “Without these reforms there will certainly be a social explosion.”

Philip
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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby Philip » 25 Sep 2013 03:28

The shape of things to come? China has already set out an ambitious plan to create a huge SEZ "Chinatown" in Mauritius.Large swathes of the land of poor nations may fall in similar fashion so that the ever-increasing population of China can be fed .

China 'to rent five per cent of Ukraine'
Ukraine has agreed a deal with a Chinese firm to lease five per cent of its land to feed China's burgeoning and increasingly demanding population, it has been reported.


http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldne ... raine.html


By Alex Spillius
24 Sep 2013

It would be the biggest so called "land grab" agreement, where one country leases or sells land to another, in a trend that has been compared to the 19th century "scramble for Africa", but which is now spreading to eastern Europe.

Under the 50-year plan, China would eventually control three million hectares, an area equivalent to Belgium or Massachusetts, which represents nine per cent of Ukraine's arable land. Initially 100,000 hectares would be leased.

The farmland in the eastern Dnipropetrovsk region would be cultivated principally for growing crops and raising pigs. The produce will be sold at preferential prices to Chinese state-owned conglomerates, said the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corp (XPCC), a quasi-military organisation also known as Bingtuan.

XPCC said on Tuesday that it had signed the £1.7 billion agreement in June with KSG Agro, Ukraine's leading agricultural company. KSG Agro however denied reports that it had sold land to the Chinese, saying it had only reached agreement for the Chinese to modernise 3,000 hectares and "may in the future gradually expand to cover more areas".

Any sort of "land-grab" deal can be highly sensitive politically. Madagascar was forced to scrap a plan to lease 1.2 million hectares to South Korea in 2009 after angry protests against "neo-colonialism". The Philippines has also blocked a China investment deal.

"This reminds us of a colonial process even when there is no colonial link between the two countries involved," said Christina Plank, co-author of a report by the Transnational Institute on "land-grabbing".

With its current population of 1.36 billion predicted by the UN to rise to 1.4 billion by 2050, China is among the leading renter of overseas farmland in Africa, South America and Southeast Asia, though the XPCC deal would make Ukraine China's largest overseas farming centre.

China consumes about one-fifth of the world's food supplies, but is home to just nine per cent of the world's farmland, thanks in part to rapid industrialisation.

"As urbanisation speeds up, consumption has led to greater food demand and domestic grain prices have stayed above global prices," Ding Li, a senior researcher in agriculture at Anbound Consulting in Beijing, told the South China Morning Post. "Therefore, China has been importing more and more grain."

Apart from China, India, South Korea, the Gulf states and western European corporations began taking tracts of land, especially in Africa, after global food prices spiked in 2008.

XPCC however is making the first such major foray into continental Europe. It has a country that was known as the "bread basket as the Soviet Union" but which has progressed slowly since the fall of the Iron Curtain.

"The special thing about Ukraine is that there is so much land and so much food left, so there is not a danger of shortage. They already export a lot of grain that they cannot consume on their own," said Ms Plank.

Campaigners are however concerned about major land deals pushing smaller farmers off the land, causing unemployment and blocking long-term rural development.

The Dnipropetrovsk transaction comes with considerable side benefits for the region. The Chinese firm said it would help build a motorway in the Crimea and a bridge across the Strait of Kerch to connect the Crimea with the Taman peninsula in Russia.

Cultivation methods in the area controlled by the Chinese would be modernised.

"On the one hand you can say this is good because you have these technological innovations and more efficient production, but then you have got to ask 'is it sustainable'?" said Ms Plank.

Philip
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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby Philip » 26 Sep 2013 16:26

China too has its own powerful families whose children run amok.

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/s ... pe-beijing
Chinese general's son jailed for gang-rape of woman in Beijing hotel

Li Tianyi gets 10 years after refusing to repent or compensate victim in case that turned spotlight on China's wealthy elite

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby rsingh » 26 Sep 2013 18:41

Philip wrote:The shape of things to come? China has already set out an ambitious plan to create a huge SEZ "Chinatown" in Mauritius.Large swathes of the land of poor nations may fall in similar fashion so that the ever-increasing population of China can be fed .

China 'to rent five per cent of Ukraine'
Ukraine has agreed a deal with a Chinese firm to lease five per cent of its land to feed China's burgeoning and increasingly demanding population, it has been reported.


http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldne ... raine.html


By Alex Spillius
24 Sep 2013

It would be the biggest so called "land grab" agreement, where one country leases or sells land to another, in a trend that has been compared to the 19th century "scramble for Africa", but which is now spreading to eastern Europe.

Under the 50-year plan, China would eventually control three million hectares, an area equivalent to Belgium or Massachusetts, which represents nine per cent of Ukraine's arable land. Initially 100,000 hectares would be leased.

The farmland in the eastern Dnipropetrovsk region would be cultivated principally for growing crops and raising pigs. The produce will be sold at preferential prices to Chinese state-owned conglomerates, said the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corp (XPCC), a quasi-military organisation also known as Bingtuan.

XPCC said on Tuesday that it had signed the £1.7 billion agreement in June with KSG Agro, Ukraine's leading agricultural company. KSG Agro however denied reports that it had sold land to the Chinese, saying it had only reached agreement for the Chinese to modernise 3,000 hectares and "may in the future gradually expand to cover more areas".

Any sort of "land-grab" deal can be highly sensitive politically. Madagascar was forced to scrap a plan to lease 1.2 million hectares to South Korea in 2009 after angry protests against "neo-colonialism". The Philippines has also blocked a China investment deal.

"This reminds us of a colonial process even when there is no colonial link between the two countries involved," said Christina Plank, co-author of a report by the Transnational Institute on "land-grabbing".

With its current population of 1.36 billion predicted by the UN to rise to 1.4 billion by 2050, China is among the leading renter of overseas farmland in Africa, South America and Southeast Asia, though the XPCC deal would make Ukraine China's largest overseas farming centre.

China consumes about one-fifth of the world's food supplies, but is home to just nine per cent of the world's farmland, thanks in part to rapid industrialisation.

"As urbanisation speeds up, consumption has led to greater food demand and domestic grain prices have stayed above global prices," Ding Li, a senior researcher in agriculture at Anbound Consulting in Beijing, told the South China Morning Post. "Therefore, China has been importing more and more grain."

Apart from China, India, South Korea, the Gulf states and western European corporations began taking tracts of land, especially in Africa, after global food prices spiked in 2008.

XPCC however is making the first such major foray into continental Europe. It has a country that was known as the "bread basket as the Soviet Union" but which has progressed slowly since the fall of the Iron Curtain.

"The special thing about Ukraine is that there is so much land and so much food left, so there is not a danger of shortage. They already export a lot of grain that they cannot consume on their own," said Ms Plank.

Campaigners are however concerned about major land deals pushing smaller farmers off the land, causing unemployment and blocking long-term rural development.

The Dnipropetrovsk transaction comes with considerable side benefits for the region. The Chinese firm said it would help build a motorway in the Crimea and a bridge across the Strait of Kerch to connect the Crimea with the Taman peninsula in Russia.

Cultivation methods in the area controlled by the Chinese would be modernised.

"On the one hand you can say this is good because you have these technological innovations and more efficient production, but then you have got to ask 'is it sustainable'?" said Ms Plank.


Stupid Xoxoli (as Ukranians are lovingly knowen in Russia). This is the most fertile land in the world. Humus layer can be up to 8 m deep (compare it to 15cm in Punjab). I have personally visited these places.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby RamaY » 26 Sep 2013 18:50

Philip wrote:The shape of things to come? China has already set out an ambitious plan to create a huge SEZ "Chinatown" in Mauritius.Large swathes of the land of poor nations may fall in similar fashion so that the ever-increasing population of China can be fed .

China 'to rent five per cent of Ukraine'
Ukraine has agreed a deal with a Chinese firm to lease five per cent of its land to feed China's burgeoning and increasingly demanding population, it has been reported.


http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldne ... raine.html



This is how the world will evolve. India and China will have to migrate to the less populated regions of the world. There is no other way.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby krishnan » 26 Sep 2013 22:03

its just the beginning , wait till china grabs the entire place, farmers will start moving in, they will setup a base which will expand

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby KrishnaK » 26 Sep 2013 22:39

RamaY wrote:
Philip wrote:The shape of things to come? China has already set out an ambitious plan to create a huge SEZ "Chinatown" in Mauritius.Large swathes of the land of poor nations may fall in similar fashion so that the ever-increasing population of China can be fed .

China 'to rent five per cent of Ukraine'
Ukraine has agreed a deal with a Chinese firm to lease five per cent of its land to feed China's burgeoning and increasingly demanding population, it has been reported.


http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldne ... raine.html



This is how the world will evolve. India and China will have to migrate to the less populated regions of the world. There is no other way.

No it won't. The CPC is looking to grab land and resources at any excuse possible. We're not. As India grows more prosperous, it'll be others wanting to migrate to India.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby SSridhar » 28 Sep 2013 18:14

Suraj wrote:
Anujan wrote:http://www.openthemagazine.com/article/nation/playing-at-war
Nixon and Kissinger’s most perilous covert gambit was the overture to Mao’s China— already on poisonous terms with India. Kissinger believed that Zhou Enlai was somewhat unhinged when it came to India, and the deployment of Chinese soldiers could easily have sparked border clashes.

This is interesting, if somewhat off topic. Would someone better informed on the topic be able to explain what Zhuo Enlai's beef with India was, so much so as to be characterized as unhinged ?

Suraj,

The reason for the 'unhinging' of Chou-en-Lai with respect to India has its origins in his personal rift with Nehru, I would think. There are several reasons. I would assume that the rift started in c. 1955 itself, though Chou had it even earlier but masked it up until that time.

1954 was a turning point in India-China relationship when two agreements were signed, the first one, "Agreement on Tibet" in April 1954 when India implicitly ceded Tibet to Chinese control and withdrew from there. This was followed in June that year with the (in)famous Panch Sheel agreement. Both were meant to consolidate the Chinese occupation of Tibet. In c. 1955, the Bandung Non-Aligned Nations' conference was held and India insisted on the participation of China much against the wishes of most Afro-Asian nations. It is ironical that an Indian aircraft Kashmir Princess ferried Chou-en-Lai to Indonesia. The Chinese leadership, especially Chou was very envious of Nehru's influence over the NAM and the Afro-Asian countries. Mao & Chou openly expressed an ambition to lead the Third World. I think this is where Chou began to have a personal antagonism to Nehru and India.

Soon, the Communists took over power in Kerala. The Chinese openly supported the Communist Party of India (CPI) and Nehru saw contradictions between the 'non-interference' clause of the Panch Shila and the Chinese behaviour, especially Chou who claimed a right to interfere in India through the CPI so as to 'influence' Indian masses over the Tibet situation.

Another great irritant for Chou was the Dalai Lama and the support he got in India. The PLA violently unleashed itself on the eastern Tibetans in early 1956 and Mao announced 'democratic reforms' :) for Tibet. The Dalai Lama who came to India coinciding with the visit of Chou-en-Lai to New Delhi refused to go back until the democratic reforms were stopped. Nehru arranged for a meeting between the two in the Chinese embassy and an embattled China agreed to postpone the 'reforms' by another five years. Only after that promise, the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa. For Chou, this was a loss of face and a perceived victory by Nehru.

In 1958, the border situation between India and China worsened. China published new maps which claimed vast Indian territories as their own. An angry Nehru wrote a letter to Chou claiming that even during their 1956 summit meeting, they had agreed to abide by the McMahon Line temporarily until a solution was worked out. Chou sent a reply as much as accusing Nehru of lying and claiming that they had no such agreement.

In December 1959, when Chou-en-Lai suggested a summit meeting between himself and Nehru, the latter rejected that outright and announced in the Indian Parliament not to meet Chou when there was no scope for any forward movement in the wake of a hard stance by China contrary to historic Indian border claims.

So, there were a number of reasons for Chou to be personally annoyed and angered with Nehru and by extension India.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby svinayak » 28 Sep 2013 18:25

SSridhar wrote:Another great irritant for Chou was the Dalai Lama and the support he got in India. The PLA violently unleashed itself on the eastern Tibetans in early 1956 and Mao announced 'democratic reforms' :) for Tibet. The Dalai Lama who came to India coinciding with the visit of Chou-en-Lai to New Delhi refused to go back until the democratic reforms were stopped. Nehru arranged for a meeting between the two in the Chinese embassy and an embattled China agreed to postpone the 'reforms' by another five years. Only after that promise, the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa. For Chou, this was a loss of face and a perceived victory by Nehru.


Can you share some links for this period with these details
thanks in advance

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby Suraj » 29 Sep 2013 02:21

Thanks, SSridhar!

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby Arihant » 29 Sep 2013 18:05

SSridhar wrote:Suraj,

The reason for the 'unhinging' of Chou-en-Lai with respect to India has its origins in his personal rift with Nehru, I would think. There are several reasons. I would assume that the rift started in c. 1955 itself, though Chou had it even earlier but masked it up until that time.

1954 was a turning point in India-China relationship when two agreements were signed, the first one, "Agreement on Tibet" in April 1954 when India implicitly ceded Tibet to Chinese control and withdrew from there. This was followed in June that year with the (in)famous Panch Sheel agreement. Both were meant to consolidate the Chinese occupation of Tibet. In c. 1955, the Bandung Non-Aligned Nations' conference was held and India insisted on the participation of China much against the wishes of most Afro-Asian nations. It is ironical that an Indian aircraft Kashmir Princess ferried Chou-en-Lai to Indonesia. The Chinese leadership, especially Chou was very envious of Nehru's influence over the NAM and the Afro-Asian countries. Mao & Chou openly expressed an ambition to lead the Third World. I think this is where Chou began to have a personal antagonism to Nehru and India.

Soon, the Communists took over power in Kerala. The Chinese openly supported the Communist Party of India (CPI) and Nehru saw contradictions between the 'non-interference' clause of the Panch Shila and the Chinese behaviour, especially Chou who claimed a right to interfere in India through the CPI so as to 'influence' Indian masses over the Tibet situation.

Another great irritant for Chou was the Dalai Lama and the support he got in India. The PLA violently unleashed itself on the eastern Tibetans in early 1956 and Mao announced 'democratic reforms' :) for Tibet. The Dalai Lama who came to India coinciding with the visit of Chou-en-Lai to New Delhi refused to go back until the democratic reforms were stopped. Nehru arranged for a meeting between the two in the Chinese embassy and an embattled China agreed to postpone the 'reforms' by another five years. Only after that promise, the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa. For Chou, this was a loss of face and a perceived victory by Nehru.

In 1958, the border situation between India and China worsened. China published new maps which claimed vast Indian territories as their own. An angry Nehru wrote a letter to Chou claiming that even during their 1956 summit meeting, they had agreed to abide by the McMahon Line temporarily until a solution was worked out. Chou sent a reply as much as accusing Nehru of lying and claiming that they had no such agreement.

In December 1959, when Chou-en-Lai suggested a summit meeting between himself and Nehru, the latter rejected that outright and announced in the Indian Parliament not to meet Chou when there was no scope for any forward movement in the wake of a hard stance by China contrary to historic Indian border claims.

So, there were a number of reasons for Chou to be personally annoyed and angered with Nehru and by extension India.


SSridhar: Good analysis. A somewhat different, but interesting, factual correction: Chou En-Lai was supposed to fly on Air India's Kashmir Princess, which blew up mid-air due to a device planted by an agent of the KMT in Taiwan. Chou was the target, but according to one account, he found out and decided not to travel on the Kashmir Princess but chose not to inform the Indians about the plot.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby SSridhar » 29 Sep 2013 18:23

Arihant, thanks for the correction. I was under the wrong impression that the plane was blown up on the return leg from Bandung back to China. I stand corrected.

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Re: People's Republic of China, Dec. 27 2011

Postby SSridhar » 29 Sep 2013 18:27

Acharya wrote:Can you share some links for this period with these details
thanks in advance

Acharya, sorry for the delayed response. This is a good source though Google might offer several more.


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