Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

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Kashi
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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby Kashi » 18 Nov 2019 09:17

Since when did China start saying "Please.."?

kit
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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby kit » 18 Nov 2019 09:23

Kashi wrote:Since when did China start saying "Please.."?


i don't think they did!., Toi let did

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby A_Gupta » 20 Nov 2019 07:51

China signs defense agreement with South Korea as U.S. angers Seoul with demand for $5 billion troop payment

https://www.yahoo.com/news/china-signs- ... 03276.html

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby A_Gupta » 20 Nov 2019 21:02

The Asahi Shimbun reports:
http://www.asahi.com/sp/ajw/articles/AJ ... 90037.html

Chinese officials have warned Japan and South Korea that their relations with Beijing will deteriorate if they allow the United States to base intermediate-range missiles on their soil, several sources said.

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Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby Peregrine » 22 Nov 2019 02:04

The Pressure on China - George Friedman

The Chinese People’s Liberation Army has begun minor operations to try to quell the unrest in Hong Kong. This is a step that the Chinese hoped to avoid. For one thing, they wanted to portray the unrest as minor, not requiring their intervention. For another, they did not want issues raised about Chinese human rights violations, which inevitably emerge in such interventions. At a time when China is trying to portray itself as the global alternative to the United States, it doesn’t want other countries, particularly those in Europe, noticing human rights abuses.

This strategy took another huge blow with the leak over the weekend of government documents describing in detail a broad Chinese assault that has been underway for several years on the ethnic minority Uighur community in the western province of Xinjiang. The documents gave detailed accounts of massive detention camps for “retraining” purposes and the separation of families on a scale that is startling even for China. Beijing clearly wants to break the back of Islam in the province.

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Chinese detention of Uighurs is not new. We have been hearing about this for over a year. What is startling is the leak of documents so sensitive that they validate claims of mistreatment that the Chinese long denied, for obvious reasons. This raises a key question: Who released the documents? They might have been leaked by Chinese officials, appalled at what is going on in Xinjiang. They might have been released by the Chinese government as a warning to other dissident groups. They may have been released by senior members of the Chinese government who have become disillusioned by President Xi Jinping, hoping to force him out.

All three are possible, but to understand the events in Xinjiang, we need to also consider what’s happening in Hong Kong. The Xinjiang detentions predate protests in Hong Kong by quite a while but demonstrated a turn of the Chinese government away from liberalization. Xi had already taken that turn during his massive anti-corruption purge, which obviously was a cover for a systematic purge of real and potential opponents. The demonstrators in Hong Kong watched the purges and the events in Xinjiang, and realized that the fairly radical extradition bill, which sparked the initial protests, was the cutting edge of an attempt to force Hong Kong to submit to the Chinese framework and to Beijing’s power.

That is what is happening in Xinjiang, a province that is formally part of China but not Han Chinese, the majority ethnic group in China. Han China is surrounded by four buffer states: Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang. Its eastern coast is dotted by former European enclaves, such as Hong Kong and Macao. Over the years, the Chinese struggled to retain these buffers. Japan seized much of Manchuria in World War II, with less than unanimous opposition. There have been uprisings and resistance in Tibet. Xinjiang was rumbling with Islamist sentiment. And while Macao accepted mildly the redefinition of its status, Hong Kong exploded at what it saw as an attempt to redefine its status prior to negotiated dates.

Tibet’s resistance, led by the Dalai Lama, remains. Manchuria and Inner Mongolia are pacified. But Hong Kong and Xinjiang are the real dangers. They cannot be left to fester, lest Islamist terrorism spread to Chinse cities, or Hong Kong serve as an inspiration to other cities in eastern China. The efforts needed to pacify them, however, carry costs outside of China. The Belt and Road Initiative could turn from being an ambitious Chinese project into a symbol of Chinese repression. This is not an image China wants to project.

For months, riots on the streets of Hong Kong have been broadcast on global television and discussed over social media. Those who have been paying attention have known about the repression of Uighurs in Xinjiang for a while, but it had not entered the global zeitgeist. Until now. Xi, who came into office as the central power that would modernize China and make it a great power, is now facing three domestic problems. The first is the fading memory of the anti-corruption purges. The second was the festering repression in Xinjiang now made virally public. The third is the riots in Hong Kong. In the first two cases, China is made to seem Stalinist and fascist. In the last case, it appears inept, unable to bring the matter to a close. To put it another way, the Chinese clearly wanted Hong Kong to settle down without action from Beijing to drive home the message that China is modernizing despite the Xinjiang affair and the purges. But Hong Kong may not fade away and the PLA might have to enter Hong Kong in force.

China needed to present itself to the world as a burgeoning economic power and a benign political power, overseeing a united mass of people moving forward in history. The purges raised eyebrows but could be dismissed as what they were claimed to be: an anti-corruption campaign. Xinjiang was far away and, for most people, out of focus. But Hong Kong is not far away or out of focus. It forces us to see the other two issues in a different light. Now we see China not as a symbol of progress, but as a fearful nation struggling to repress discordant elements.

This brings us back to the question of who leaked the documents. There are three possible explanations for the leak. First, Xi’s team might have leaked them to show his determination. Second, they might have been leaked by someone in the government who was appalled by what they saw. Finally, they could have been leaked by an emerging anti-Xi faction in the Central Committee, appalled by Xi’s handling of the United States and Hong Kong and using the documents to weaken him. Of the three, I favor the third explanation. Too many important things are going wrong in China for such a faction, however small at this point, not be forming.

Xi’s incompetence is manifest. The major task of the Chinese president is to handle the American president, and Barack Obama, George W. Bush and Bill Clinton were handled. He failed to bring Donald Trump under control with promises of future meetings and postponed studies. As a result, China is in a trade war with its largest customer. In addition, quite apart from the trade issue, the Chinese financial system is unstable and growth is slowing. Now, Hong Kong is out of control, and the global talk is of Chinese concentration camps. This is not what was expected from Xi.

The Central Committee is the ultimate arbiter of what China does, particularly if the president weakens and loses his way. There must be some in the Central Committee who remember Xi’s inauguration and have concluded that China’s evolution has not gone the way they expected and Xi promised. The Central Committee is usually opaque, as it is now, but if there is opposition developing to Xi, and it is hard to imagine there is not, then release of these documents merely turns a known event into a global event, further showing Xi’s incompetence.

All of this is framed by a primordial fear. Before Mao’s victory, regional conflicts tore China apart and allowed the Japanese to seize major parts of the country. Regional conflicts in the future are the single biggest threat that China does not want to face again. The Chinese are suppressing the threat in Xinjiang, and now maybe in Hong Kong. But China does not want to have to suppress regional threats. Xi, however, is doing just that and he also came in suppressing political threats with the purges. Between that and mishandling the Americans, many nerves are being touched. I would bet that the leak came from the Central Committee, and that Xi has enemies.

Cheers Image

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby Prasad » 22 Nov 2019 11:20

Interestingly Xinjiang wasn't a single homogenous land earlier. Southern Tarim basin was populated by muslims while the northern Dzungaria was populated by steppe dwellers who were buddhists. The Tianshan separates the two regions. And even earlier, prior to the islamification of CA, the entire region was buddhist. Look at the two maps below - See how contiguous Xinjiang and Tibet were/are.
Image

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby SSridhar » 24 Nov 2019 17:48

CPEC not a burden; relations with China will never fray: Pakistan - ANI
Pakistan on Saturday rejected United States' notion of Beijing being the sole benefactor of its China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and asserted that its relations with China within the purview of the project will never fray.

Addressing a press conference two days after US Acting Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs, Alice Wells, strongly criticised China's international development projects and lending practices under its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Pakistan's newly appointed Minister for Planning Asad Umar said that CPEC would not prove to be a burden for the country but help in providing a strong basis for industrial growth for the coming years.

Dawn reported Umar as saying that Pakistan "has always recognised that this (the CPEC) is not an aid" and "this government has always maintained that it wishes to move past the initial scope of the arrangement."

"The aid that Pakistan received in the past did not really contribute in real terms towards the country's progress and she was right to point out that we must stand on our own two feet," Umar said.

"We have said this on many occasions in the past [...] that both countries have benefitted [from CPEC]. Chinese firms got business as their machinery was exported and came to Pakistan. The lack of infrastructure in Pakistan, especially in the power sector, was where a lot of the country's needs were met," he added.

In her address at an event in Washington, Wells had deemed CPEC a form of financing ensuring guaranteed profits for Chinese state-owned enterprises, and pointed out that the multi-billion dollar project is certain to take a toll on Pakistan's economy at the time of the repayment of the debt and dividend in the coming years.

She had raised concerns over the lack of transparency in the project, saying that it could foster corruption and increase the project cost, thereby resulting in an even heavier debt burden for Pakistan.

The CPEC is a multi-billion dollar development project, with a planned network of roads, railways and energy projects linking China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region with Pakistan's strategic Gwadar Port on the Arabian Sea.

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby vishvak » 24 Nov 2019 23:23

Wells had deemed CPEC a form of financing ensuring guaranteed profits for Chinese state-owned enterprises
..
She had raised concerns over the lack of transparency in the project

Chinese are very diligent in looting those who are getting looted willing ly. How does it matter more to Chinese than those willing to be looted in multi billion $$ cpec.

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby kit » 25 Nov 2019 15:30

vishvak wrote:
Wells had deemed CPEC a form of financing ensuring guaranteed profits for Chinese state-owned enterprises
..
She had raised concerns over the lack of transparency in the project

Chinese are very diligent in looting those who are getting looted willing ly. How does it matter more to Chinese than those willing to be looted in multi billion $$ cpec.


Their problems are of the east india lore., people willing to sell out their country, they don't realise it's their children's future.

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby vishvak » 25 Nov 2019 19:44

Yes if you do 1+11 you may realise that
* Chinese loot big
* Chinese lack transparency
* Chinese use their own labour, AND laws
* China do fancy project calculations that few in pakilands have clarity on finance part

Or the other way round.

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby Rony » 26 Nov 2019 04:24

Defecting Chinese spy offers information trove to Australian government

A Chinese spy has risked his life to defect to Australia and is now offering a trove of unprecedented inside intelligence on how China conducts its interference operations abroad.

Wang “William” Liqiang is the first Chinese operative to ever blow his cover. He has revealed the identities of China’s senior military intelligence officers in Hong Kong, as well as providing details of how they fund and conduct political interference operations in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Australia.

Image
Wang Liqiang in Sydney.

Mr Wang has taken his material to Australia's counter-espionage agency, ASIO, and is seeking political asylum – potentially opening another front in Australia’s challenging bilateral relationship with China.

A sworn statement Mr Wang provided ASIO in October states: “I have personally been involved and participated in a series of espionage activities”. He faces certain detention and possible execution if he returns to China.

Mr Wang is currently at an undisclosed location in Sydney on a tourist visa and seeking urgent protection from the Australian government – a plea he says he has passed on in multiple meetings with ASIO.

In interviews with The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald and 60 Minutes, he has revealed in granular detail how Beijing covertly controls listed companies to fund intelligence operations, including the surveillance and profiling of dissidents and the co-opting of media organisations.

He has given previously unheard details about the kidnapping of five booksellers from Hong Kong and their rendition to the Chinese mainland. His testimony shows how Beijing’s spies are infiltrating Hong Kong’s democracy movement, manipulating Taiwan’s elections and operating with impunity in Australia.

ASIO has repeatedly warned that the current threat of foreign interference is “unprecedented” and that the number of foreign intelligence officers currently operating in Australia is higher than it was during the Cold War. ASIO has never publicly named China as a primary source of its concerns, as the government grapples with how to balance public awareness with the risk of diplomatic and economic retaliation.

However, on Friday, former ASIO boss Duncan Lewis said the Chinese government was seeking to "take over" Australia's political system through its "insidious" foreign interference operations.

Among his key revelations, Mr Wang said he had met the head of a deep-cover spy ring operating with impunity in Australia.

Mr Wang said he was part of an intelligence operation hidden within a Hong Kong-listed company, China Innovation Investment Limited (CIIL), which infiltrated Hong Kong’s universities and media with pro-Chinese Communist Party operatives who could be activated to counter the democracy movement. He says he had personal involvement in an October 2015 operation to kidnap and abduct to the Chinese mainland a Hong Kong bookseller, Lee Bo, and played a role in a clandestine organisation that also directed bashings or cyber attacks on Hong Kong dissidents.

His handlers in China issued him a fake South Korean passport to gain entry to Taiwan and help China’s efforts to systematically infiltrate its political system, including directing a “cyber army” and Taiwanese operatives to meddle in the 2018 municipal elections. Plans are underway to influence the 2020 presidential election - plans that partly motivated him to defect to Australia.

Mr Wang said the Chinese Communist Party under Xi Jinping “infiltrates all countries in areas such as military, business and culture, in order to achieve its goal.”

“You shouldn’t underestimate our organisation ... We were cultivated and trained by the organisation for many years before taking up important positions”. The Chinese Communist Party “wants to ensure no one threatens its authority”.

Hong Kong’s Mr Big

Mr Wang claimed his cover in Hong Kong was as a businessman working for CIIL, which he described as a front company used by various Chinese intelligence agencies and Communist Party officials. His boss, Xiang Xin, was a senior intelligence operative, he said.

Mr Wang’s main task was coordinating the relationships between his organisation and other intelligence agencies and “collecting information related to pro-independence” activists. He took instructions from Chinese military intelligence officials.

A key area of operations, he said, were Hong Kong universities. Mr Wang claimed his organisation had “infiltrated into all universities, including student associations and other student groups and bodies.” He had responsibility for recruiting mainland students using scholarships, travel grants, alumni associations and an education foundation.

“I influenced them with patriotism, guiding them to love the country, love the Party and our leaders, and fight back strongly against those independence and democracy activists in Hong Kong.”

His organisation directed cyber and physical attacks on independence movement leaders.

“We sent some students to join the student association and they pretended to support Hong Kong independence,” Mr Wang said. “They found out information about those pro-independence activists … and made public all their personal data, their parents’ and family members’.”

He said he personally helped to organise the infamous kidnapping to the mainland of Causeway Bay Bookshop owner Lee Bo. Mr Wang says one of the aims of his intelligence work and the targeting of dissidents was to spread fear: “to make all troublemakers in Hong Kong terrified.”

A spokesman for CIIL said Mr Xiang did not want to answer questions from The Age, the Herald and 60 Minutes over the phone, because he had never spoken to the journalists who were calling, and when questions were emailed to Mr Xiang, the spokesman said Mr Xiang would not answer because he could not verify that the email was not sent covertly by the Australian government in order to obtain intelligence.

After the story was initially published, an email response from a man called Edison Li said, "Anyone with a little common sense will know that these problems are ridiculous and untrue, and the accuser very likely did this for economic purposes. We will refer the matter to the lawyer."

Infiltrating the media

Mr Wang claimed his organisation had infiltrated Hong Kong media outlets, financing some and planting operatives in others. A senior manager at a major Asian television network “is a current military cadre with a Division Commander rank,” said Wang.

“He was the one responsible for organising the agents to kidnap and persecute Hong Kong democracy activists,” he said.

In Taiwan, Mr Wang said his intelligence operation was in contact with media executives in order to influence Taiwan’s political system as part of a systemic election meddling campaign being waged by Beijing to topple candidates (including President Tsai Ing-Wen) considered hostile. He said his operation had backed presidential candidate Han Kuo-yu.

Mr Wang said he was responsible for coordinating a “cyber army” to shift political opinion, similar to Russia’s cyber interference operations in the US elections.

“Our work on Taiwan was the most important work of ours – the infiltration into media, temples and grassroots organisations,” said Wang.

Mr Wang said his operation successfully meddled in the “nine-in-one” elections in Taiwan in 2018, leading to victories for pro-Beijing candidates. In May, he was given a fake South Korean passport and ordered to commence an operation on the ground in Taipei to influence the 2020 presidential elections with the aim of bringing down President Tsai Ing-wen.

“I was requested to change my name and whole identity to go to Taiwan and be a spy there,” he says.

Mr Wang said he had also met a high ranking intelligence operative he believed was conducting spy operations in Australia via a front company in the energy sector.

“He told me at the time he is based in Canberra. I know his position is very important.”

Mr Wang said that his organisation had dealings with several significant Australian political donors, including a one-time staffer in a federal MP's office. Mr Wang provided bank account transactions to back his claims.

kit
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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby kit » 26 Nov 2019 17:45

Rony wrote:Defecting Chinese spy offers information trove to Australian government

A Chinese spy has risked his life to defect to Australia and is now offering a trove of unprecedented inside intelligence on how China conducts its interference operations abroad.

Wang “William” Liqiang is the first Chinese operative to ever blow his cover. He has revealed the identities of China’s senior military intelligence officers in Hong Kong, as well as providing details of how they fund and conduct political interference operations in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Australia.

Wang Liqiang in Sydney.

Mr Wang has taken his material to Australia's counter-espionage agency, ASIO, and is seeking political asylum – potentially opening another front in Australia’s challenging bilateral relationship with China.

A sworn statement Mr Wang provided ASIO in October states: “I have personally been involved and participated in a series of espionage activities”. He faces certain detention and possible execution if he returns to China.

Mr Wang is currently at an undisclosed location in Sydney on a tourist visa and seeking urgent protection from the Australian government – a plea he says he has passed on in multiple meetings with ASIO.

In interviews with The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald and 60 Minutes, he has revealed in granular detail how Beijing covertly controls listed companies to fund intelligence operations, including the surveillance and profiling of dissidents and the co-opting of media organisations.

He has given previously unheard details about the kidnapping of five booksellers from Hong Kong and their rendition to the Chinese mainland. His testimony shows how Beijing’s spies are infiltrating Hong Kong’s democracy movement, manipulating Taiwan’s elections and operating with impunity in Australia.

ASIO has repeatedly warned that the current threat of foreign interference is “unprecedented” and that the number of foreign intelligence officers currently operating in Australia is higher than it was during the Cold War. ASIO has never publicly named China as a primary source of its concerns, as the government grapples with how to balance public awareness with the risk of diplomatic and economic retaliation.

However, on Friday, former ASIO boss Duncan Lewis said the Chinese government was seeking to "take over" Australia's political system through its "insidious" foreign interference operations.

Among his key revelations, Mr Wang said he had met the head of a deep-cover spy ring operating with impunity in Australia.

Mr Wang said he was part of an intelligence operation hidden within a Hong Kong-listed company, China Innovation Investment Limited (CIIL), which infiltrated Hong Kong’s universities and media with pro-Chinese Communist Party operatives who could be activated to counter the democracy movement. He says he had personal involvement in an October 2015 operation to kidnap and abduct to the Chinese mainland a Hong Kong bookseller, Lee Bo, and played a role in a clandestine organisation that also directed bashings or cyber attacks on Hong Kong dissidents.

His handlers in China issued him a fake South Korean passport to gain entry to Taiwan and help China’s efforts to systematically infiltrate its political system, including directing a “cyber army” and Taiwanese operatives to meddle in the 2018 municipal elections. Plans are underway to influence the 2020 presidential election - plans that partly motivated him to defect to Australia.

Mr Wang said the Chinese Communist Party under Xi Jinping “infiltrates all countries in areas such as military, business and culture, in order to achieve its goal.”

“You shouldn’t underestimate our organisation ... We were cultivated and trained by the organisation for many years before taking up important positions”. The Chinese Communist Party “wants to ensure no one threatens its authority”.

Hong Kong’s Mr Big

Mr Wang claimed his cover in Hong Kong was as a businessman working for CIIL, which he described as a front company used by various Chinese intelligence agencies and Communist Party officials. His boss, Xiang Xin, was a senior intelligence operative, he said.

Mr Wang’s main task was coordinating the relationships between his organisation and other intelligence agencies and “collecting information related to pro-independence” activists. He took instructions from Chinese military intelligence officials.

A key area of operations, he said, were Hong Kong universities. Mr Wang claimed his organisation had “infiltrated into all universities, including student associations and other student groups and bodies.” He had responsibility for recruiting mainland students using scholarships, travel grants, alumni associations and an education foundation.

“I influenced them with patriotism, guiding them to love the country, love the Party and our leaders, and fight back strongly against those independence and democracy activists in Hong Kong.”

His organisation directed cyber and physical attacks on independence movement leaders.

“We sent some students to join the student association and they pretended to support Hong Kong independence,” Mr Wang said. “They found out information about those pro-independence activists … and made public all their personal data, their parents’ and family members’.”

He said he personally helped to organise the infamous kidnapping to the mainland of Causeway Bay Bookshop owner Lee Bo. Mr Wang says one of the aims of his intelligence work and the targeting of dissidents was to spread fear: “to make all troublemakers in Hong Kong terrified.”

A spokesman for CIIL said Mr Xiang did not want to answer questions from The Age, the Herald and 60 Minutes over the phone, because he had never spoken to the journalists who were calling, and when questions were emailed to Mr Xiang, the spokesman said Mr Xiang would not answer because he could not verify that the email was not sent covertly by the Australian government in order to obtain intelligence.

After the story was initially published, an email response from a man called Edison Li said, "Anyone with a little common sense will know that these problems are ridiculous and untrue, and the accuser very likely did this for economic purposes. We will refer the matter to the lawyer."

Infiltrating the media

Mr Wang claimed his organisation had infiltrated Hong Kong media outlets, financing some and planting operatives in others. A senior manager at a major Asian television network “is a current military cadre with a Division Commander rank,” said Wang.

“He was the one responsible for organising the agents to kidnap and persecute Hong Kong democracy activists,” he said.

In Taiwan, Mr Wang said his intelligence operation was in contact with media executives in order to influence Taiwan’s political system as part of a systemic election meddling campaign being waged by Beijing to topple candidates (including President Tsai Ing-Wen) considered hostile. He said his operation had backed presidential candidate Han Kuo-yu.

Mr Wang said he was responsible for coordinating a “cyber army” to shift political opinion, similar to Russia’s cyber interference operations in the US elections.

“Our work on Taiwan was the most important work of ours – the infiltration into media, temples and grassroots organisations,” said Wang.

Mr Wang said his operation successfully meddled in the “nine-in-one” elections in Taiwan in 2018, leading to victories for pro-Beijing candidates. In May, he was given a fake South Korean passport and ordered to commence an operation on the ground in Taipei to influence the 2020 presidential elections with the aim of bringing down President Tsai Ing-wen.

“I was requested to change my name and whole identity to go to Taiwan and be a spy there,” he says.

Mr Wang said he had also met a high ranking intelligence operative he believed was conducting spy operations in Australia via a front company in the energy sector.

“He told me at the time he is based in Canberra. I know his position is very important.”

Mr Wang said that his organisation had dealings with several significant Australian political donors, including a one-time staffer in a federal MP's office. Mr Wang provided bank account transactions to back his claims.



Could be China's Snowden or a Double (Triple?) Agent.

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby ArjunPandit » 26 Nov 2019 18:42

would be interesting to hear if he has anything to talk about the DCNS leak...hope people remember the DCNS leaks...

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Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby Peregrine » 27 Nov 2019 01:55

Ballot-box rebels

Voters in Hong Kong deliver a powerful snub to Beijing

Pro-democracy politicians sweep district-level polls

WHEN THE “silent majority” found its voice, it did not use it as the authorities hoped. The Hong Kong government of Carrie Lam, the chief executive, had hoped that a populace cowed into silence by six months of increasingly violent unrest would use local elections on November 24th to show their exasperation with anti-government protesters. Instead, they delivered a stunning victory to campaigners for democracy, who support the demonstrators’ aims.

The polls were held to pick about 450 representatives to district councils, rather feeble bodies that deal with local services. Normally pro-democracy politicians pay little attention to such elections. This time they wanted to turn them into a referendum on the protests. The result was a record turnout, and a near-total sweep of the seats.

It was evidence that despite the chaos, transport disruption and economic pain they have caused, the protesters retain strong support. Correspondingly, distrust of the local government and its backers in Beijing is widespread. After casting her own ballot, the city’s Mrs Lam dismissed the idea that this was a confidence vote. Few would agree. Pro-democracy platforms took control of 17 of the 18 councils, none of which they had previously won.

No longer do pro-government parties dominate local-level politics. Hong Kong’s complicated electoral system means this also has an impact at other levels. Six of the 70 seats in the Legislative Council (Legco) are reserved for district councillors. In the most recent general election, in 2016, half of them went to pro-establishment parties; in the next, in 2020, the pro-democracy camp is likely to do better. District councillors also hold around 10% of 1,200 seats on the election committee that picks the chief executive, and is mostly stacked with those ready to back the government’s favoured candidate.

The turnout was unprecedented. Nearly 3m voters—71.2% of those registered—participated. At the last district-level election, in November 2015, 47% of the 3.1m people eligible to vote did so. Overall, pro-government candidates still won some 40% of the popular vote.

This year 386,000 new voters had registered and for the first time every seat was being contested (in 2015 15% were not). Fears that the vote might be disrupted brought voters out even before polls opened at 7.30am. Some queued for over an hour to cast their ballot. By the time the voting ended at 10.30pm the turnout in some middle-class constituencies had tipped over 80%.

The election was held peacefully, in glorious autumn sunshine in a city which felt more at ease than it had for weeks. The polarisation and violence of the past few months were reduced to enthusiastic banner-waving and slogan-shouting—from both camps, side by side, on the streets. Just a week ago, amid some of the worst violence of the protests, such scenes were unimaginable. The governments in both Hong Kong and Beijing had suggested that the polls could go ahead only if there was no violence. In the event, the police stationed at every polling station were thankfully underemployed.

District councils advise the government on a wide range of issues, especially matters relating to public services such as managing traffic lights, parks, libraries and rubbish collection. Elections to them are freely contested, without the Byzantine arrangements that skew the outcomes of Legco elections in favour of pro-government candidates. Each council is composed of directly elected members voted for by local residents as well as a small number of appointees from other political bodies. Control of a council allows its chairman to set its agenda and decisions.

In most constituencies electors faced a choice between “yellow”, or pro-democracy, candidates, and “blue” ones sympathetic to the Communist Party in Beijing. Many blue candidates ran on a platform of ending the chaos and violence. Of the pro-democracy candidates, some had no political experience and almost no funding. A few had almost no manifesto, stating their platform simply to be the fulfilment of the “five demands” of the protesters, which include an independent investigation into the police handing of the protests and direct elections for both the chief executive and the Legco.

Some of the blue side’s best-known names lost seats. The largest and best-funded pro-establishment party, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB), fielded 181 candidates but won just 21 seats. Thirteen pro-government legislative councillors, who can also hold positions on district councils, stood for election. Nine of them were defeated, including Holden Chow and Horace Cheung, both vice-chairmen of the DAB. Mr Cheung is also a member of Mrs Lam’s cabinet, known as the Executive Council. Starry Lee, the chairwoman of the DAB, did hold on to her seat but promptly offered to resign, an offer she said was rejected by the party’s central committee.

In Tuen Mun, a suburb close to the border with mainland China, Junius Ho, a pro-establishment lawyer and Legco member who is detested by protesters, lost to Lo Chun-yu, a member of the Democratic Party, one of the oldest and biggest of the opposition groups. After the result Mr Ho described the result as having turned “heaven and earth upside down”.

After the results, Mrs Lam promised to “strengthen co-operation” with the district councils and promised that the government would reflect on its shortcomings. Many people will expect her to do more than that—at a minimum, by reshuffling her advisory boards, including the Executive Council, to include voices from outside the establishment, and by launching an independent inquiry into the police’s handling of the protests. These results are likely to make it more difficult for Mrs Lam to justify intransigence. The government’s reluctance to clear the university campus where a number of protesters have been hiding for over a week suggests that it may already be considering a less forceful approach.

Leaders in Beijing must be mulling how to respond. It will be harder to turn these results to the Communist Party’s own propaganda ends than it was to blame the protests on “black hands” and “terrorists”. The results may prompt some members of the pro-establishment camp to put pressure on Mrs Lam to stand down. But it is not clear that any possible successor would have more credibility.

The pro-democracy camp, too, will be under pressure, to take the job of running its districts seriously and show that its candidates deserve their new positions. These elections prove that Hong Kongers are enthusiastic about democracy. Yet, as things stand, they will have the chance to vote next year for only half the seats in Legco and in 2022 will be excluded completely from the next scheduled election for the post of chief executive—the only people allowed to vote in that will be members of a committee stacked with pro-establishment figures. Many of those who have risked their safety and their futures to take to the streets might find that intolerable.

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby kit » 29 Nov 2019 15:19

https://www.forbes.com/sites/zakdoffman/2019/11/29/has-huaweis-darkest-secret-just-been-exposed-by-this-new-report/


Just a few days after the devastating leak of the so-called China Cables, a cache of documents exposing the truth of the surveillance regime deployed in Xinjiang to suppress the minority Uighur population, tech giant Huawei has become embroiled in the controversy. Huawei’s technology has been linked to Xinjiang before, but the company has always claimed this is only through third-parties, that Huawei itself is not involved. Not so, says a damaging new report, it is much worse than that.

The China Cables, published by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, include operations manuals and status reports for Xinjiang’s surveillance ecosystem and detention camps. The far-reaching use of technology to underpin all of this is a consistent theme throughout. This includes AI-based surveillance, intrusive data collection and smartphone and general communications monitoring. Any missteps seemingly run the risk of internment. And once detained, only modified thinking and behaviours seem likely to secure a person’s release.

Now, the Australian Strategic Policy Institute has followed up the leaked documents with a report on the main technology providers supporting the region. And Huawei is front and centre. “Huawei’s work in Xinjiang is extensive and includes working directly with the Chinese Government’s public security bureaus in the region,” the report says. “Huawei’s Xinjiang activities should be taken into consideration during debates about Huawei and 5G technologies.”

Today In: Innovation
Huawei is not alone, of course. The other headline act in the ASPI report is TikTok owner ByteDance, accused of deploying a “public security and Internet social governance model” in Xinjiang under a strategic cooperation agreement with the Ministry of Public Security’s Press and Publicity Bureau. These are the same allegations of Beijing propaganda, censorship and influence that have hit ByteDance in the U.S., leading the company to distance its Western business from China.

A ByteDance spokesperson told me that in China its “user-generated content platform allows individuals, organizations and institutions, including civic and law enforcement groups, to set up user accounts. This practice is comparable to how social media platforms in other countries allow similar organizations, including law enforcement, to create accounts for purposes such as crime prevention alerts.”


Four Takeaways From Our Conversation With ‘American Factory’ Directors Julia Reichert And Steven Bognar
Huawei is more newsworthy than ByteDance for one reason. The allegations against ByteDance are consistent with its current U.S. challenges. For Huawei, though, its public standoff with the U.S. has largely ignored Xinjiang and focused instead on allegations of Chinese government control and the risk of the company being asked to collect intelligence on its behalf. The company’s defence has been consistent—we are independent, we do not and will not spy, we are not a threat, where’s the evidence?

Huawei is just one of many Chinese companies that have been working in Xinjiang. The blacklisting of fellow network giant ZTE, of the world’s leading camera makers Hikvision and Dahua, of the leading surveillance unicorns SenseTime, Megvii and Yitu, has its roots in such allegations. But for Huawei, the narrative has been different.

In April, I reported on Huawei’s links to Xinjiang. This included the May 2018 strategic cooperation agreement for a joint innovation laboratory signed between Xinjiang's Public Security Department and Huawei. And the August 2018 launch of Huawei’s Urumqi DevCloud to “promote the development of the software information industry in the district and all of Urumqi.”

These links always seemed direct between the company and the end users. At the signing ceremony for the joint laboratory, a Huawei representative said the company "will integrate resources, provide industry-leading products and services, and cooperate extensively with local high-tech enterprises to build a safer and smarter society with the public security department of the autonomous region." That “safer” society, it is claimed, has resulted in somewhere between 900,000 and 1.8 million people being subjected to intrusive monitoring or interred in camps.

The new ASPI report adds more fuel to this particular fire, noting that some of Huawei’s own PR lauds Public Security Bureau projects in Xinjiang, “such as the Modular Data Center for the Public Security Bureau of Aksu Prefecture,” and that “Huawei also provides police in Xinjiang with technical support to help ‘meet the digitization requirements of the public security industry’.”

Back in 2014, ASPI says, before Xinjiang hit the international headlines, Huawei took part in an early counter-terrorism conference that helped instigate “‘Safe Xinjiang’—code for a police surveillance system.” ASPI reports that Huawei was praised at the time by the head of Xinjiang’s provincial police department, for reportedly being able “to process and analyse footage quickly and conduct precise searches.”

I approached Huawei and asked for comment on the ASPI report—I was told that the company does not comment on “speculation.” These new revelations are damaging, though, and could not come at a worse time. The U.S. has widened its sanctions against Chinese companies implicated in the region’s oppressive security programs, but the focus on Huawei—despite the small print—has largely been that intangible threat to national security. These new revelations claim there is tangible evidence of wrongdoing, that there is a smoking gun, just a different kind of smoking gun.

“As companies such as Huawei seek to expand overseas,” ASPI suggests, “foreign governments can play a more active role in rejecting those that participate in the Chinese Government’s repressive Xinjiang policies.”

The Chinese authorities continue the fiction that what is taking place in Xinjiang is simply an intensive counter-terrorism program, which has local public support and which has made the region safe. “There are no so-called ‘detention camps’ in Xinjiang,” was the official response to the leaked documents. “Vocational education and training centres have been established for the prevention of terrorism—[Xinjiang was] a battleground—[with] thousands of terrorist incidents between 1990s and 2016—Since the measures have been taken, there’s no single terrorist incident.”

For Huawei, if the dialogue now does turn in part to Xinjiang, it becomes much harder for the company to play victim against U.S. abuse of power. There is no abuse of power anywhere in the world that touches on what China is doing in Xinjiang. And if this escalates, a “no comment” response—given what’s in the public domain—will not play well with governments readying their 5G check books. And what about consumers? Forget the loss of Google, does Xinjiang take a toll on the willingness of Western buyers to opt for Huawei devices?

ByteDance’s spokesperson told me that the company “does not produce, operate or disseminate any products or services related to surveillance—[nor does it] endorse the content generated by its users, but rather, similar to Twitter or Facebook, provides a platform to all of its users.”

Huawei cannot say the same on surveillance, but it does need to make a statement. It needs to withdraw from Xinjiang and the programs being deployed directly or in its name. It needs to refuse to sell its technologies into the highly lucrative surveillance programs that are underway or envisaged. If not, then its case for sympathy against the U.S. government’s abuse of power becomes hollow and hard to swallow.

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Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby Peregrine » 30 Nov 2019 15:43

Failing upwards

Bond defaults have soared in China

But officials and some investors see it as a sign of a healthier market

Image

ON NOVEMBER 25TH China National Radio launched a mini-series to laud President Xi Jinping’s stewardship of the economy. For a state broadcaster, that might sound perfectly normal. But the theme of its first report was neither China’s stellar growth nor its sparkling innovations. Rather than such standard fare for propagandists, it focused on creditor committees, which aim to restructure companies that have run into financial difficulties. It was the latest sign of China’s rapid shift from denying that it had a debt problem just a few years ago to grappling with it publicly.

The bond market bears out the change. It was only in 2014 that China experienced its first default on a domestically traded bond. In 2018 defaults hit 117bn yuan ($16.5bn), triple the previous high. This year defaults are on track to reach roughly the same value. About 1% of all issuers defaulted in the first three quarters of this year, just a little below the global level, according to Fitch, a ratings agency. Bond defaults, says S & P Global, another ratings company, are “becoming a norm”.

China’s central bank has tried to convey the message that this new norm is healthy. In its annual financial-stability report, published on November 25th, it said that the rise in defaults reflected the market’s maturation. As investors become more sensitive to risk, it added, they will steer capital towards more deserving firms, making for a stronger economy.

The central bank is right—up to a point. Defaults are part of any efficient bond market. The problem for China is that the broader trend masks a chasm between state-owned and private companies. Of the firms that have missed payments on bonds this year, 89% have come from the private sector, according to Fitch. S&P Global calculates that 12% of private issuers since 2014 have defaulted, compared with just 0.2% of state firms. Over the past two years, private Chinese companies have been more likely than global issuers of junk-rated bonds to default.

This has only reinforced investors’ tendency to prefer state firms, in the belief that the government will usually act as a backstop. State firms have issued the vast majority of bonds in China this year; private firms have been all but shut out. In other words, it is not necessarily the most deserving firms that are attracting capital, as the central bank would like, but rather the best-connected firms.

The simplest way for China to change this is to allow more state-owned companies to default. The few that have missed bond payments in recent years have not been enough to persuade investors that government is cutting them loose.

So it was notable on November 22nd when Tewoo Group, a commodities trader owned by the city of Tianjin, asked creditors to take haircuts of up to 64% on their principal. Although its bonds were sold offshore, the impact will be felt domestically, because many creditors were Chinese. An eventual default would be the biggest on overseas bonds issued by a Chinese state firm since the late 1990s. But it is also only one step. Propaganda will serve as a good test: when the state broadcaster starts loudly reporting on the woes of state-owned firms, it will be clear that China has truly turned a corner.

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Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby Peregrine » 01 Dec 2019 17:52

On Hong Kong streets, protesters say 'Thank you' to Donald Trump

- Three marches planned for Sunday, police have approved all

- Anti-government protests come after week of calm

- Over 1,000 protesters march to US consulate to show gratitude


HONG KONG: Hundreds of people in Hong Kong, including many elderly residents, marched to the U.S. consulate on Sunday to show "gratitude" for U.S. support of anti-government protests that have roiled the financial hub for nearly six months.

Waving American flags, with some donning Donald Trump logo hats and t-shirts, protesters unfurled a banner depicting the U.S. president standing astride a tank with a US flag behind him.

Another banner read "President Trump, please liberate Hong Kong."

Trump this week signed into law congressional legislation that supported protesters in the China-ruled city, despite angry objections from Beijing.

"Thank you President Trump for your big gift to Hong Kong and God bless America," shouted a speaker holding a microphone as he addressed a crowd at the start of the march.

Earlier on Sunday, hundreds of protesters, including many families with children, marched in protest against police use of tear gas.

Carrying yellow balloons and waving banners that read "No tear gas, save our children", the protesters streamed through the city's central business district towards government headquarters on the main Hong Kong island.

There has been relative calm in Hong Kong for the past week but activists have pledged to maintain the momentum of the movement with three marches planned for Sunday. All have been approved by authorities.

Anti-government protests have rocked the former British colony since June, at times forcing government offices, businesses, schools and even the international airport to shut.

"We want the police to stop using tear gas," said a woman surnamed Wong, who marched with her husband and five year old son.

"It's not a good way to solve the problem. The government needs to listen to the people. It is ridiculous."

Police have fired around 10,000 rounds of tear gas since June, the city's Secretary for Security, John Lee, said this week.

FURTHER PROTESTS

Sunday's marches came as a top Hong Kong official said the government was looking into setting up an independent committee to review the handling of the crisis, in which demonstrations have become increasingly violent.

The protesters in Hong Kong are angry at what they see as Chinese meddling in the freedoms promised to the former British colony when it returned to Chinese rule in 1997.

China denies interfering and says it is committed to the “one country, two systems” formula put in place at that time and has blamed foreign forces for fomenting unrest.

On Saturday, secondary school students and retirees joined forces to protest against what they called police brutality and unlawful arrests.

While Saturday's rallies were mostly peaceful, public broadcaster RTHK reported that police fired tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse protesters after a vigil outside the Prince Edward metro station. Some residents believe that some protesters were killed by police there three months ago. Police have denied that account.

Further protests are planned through the week and a big test of support for the anti-government campaign is expected on December 8 with a rally planned by Civil Human Rights Front, the group that organised million-strong marches in June.

Another march is planned on Sunday in the popular shopping district of Tsim Sha Tsui.

That march is scheduled to end in Hung Hom, a district near the ruined campus of Hong Kong Polytechnic University.

The campus turned into a battleground in mid-November when protesters barricaded themselves in and faced off riot police in violent clashes of petrol bombs, water cannon and tear gas.

About 1,100 people were arrested last week, some while trying to escape.

On Friday police withdrew from the university after collecting evidence and removing dangerous items including thousands of petrol bombs, arrows and chemicals which had been strewn around the site.
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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby VinodTK » 02 Dec 2019 14:53

Mass protest breaks out in Chinese province near Hong Kong

Watch the video kooks like the demonstrators did their thing

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby chola » 03 Dec 2019 08:46

A look into Japan's investment into China. The Japanese had a huge hand in developing China into the industrial power it is today and they are still helping Cheen during Trump's trade war.

Cheen will always have this advantage with Japan, Korea and Taiwan and I suspect Singapore too.

It is those countries passing technology and investment into China that allowed it to move into the global supply chain then up the technology ladder.

https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/why-the-china-japan-economic-relationship-overrides-political-tensions/


Why the China–Japan economic relationship overrides political tension

3 Dec 2019|Amy King

For more than a century, close economic ties between China and Japan have developed in the absence of cooperative political and security relations, suggesting that the first is not a necessary precondition for the second.
...

Deep patterns of economic integration between China and Japan offer three critical lessons for thinking about the factors that might help to build habits of cooperation in Asia.

First, individual businesspeople have helped to sustain close economic ties between the two countries despite major changes in governing regimes, political systems and economic ideology over the past century. In the 1930s and 1940s, Japanese business leaders travelled to China as part of Japan’s colonial empire in Manchuria. They established the industries in China that would extract Chinese soybeans and iron ore in exchange for Japanese machinery and steel. In the 1950s and 1960s, these same Japanese were among those who sought to rekindle trading ties between communist China and post-war Japan. They would also develop government and business relationships that flourished following China’s economic reforms in the 1970s and 1980s.

As Kristin Vekasi has shown, Japanese firms with a high degree of familiarity with China’s business and political environment are much less risk-averse than firms that have limited experience in China. Japanese firms that are deeply integrated into Chinese society and business communities have been willing to maintain or increase their economic presence in China, even as they have experienced costly anti-Japanese riots, boycotts and physical damage to their firms and products.

Second, flows of goods and people between China and Japan have been accompanied by flows of economic ideas. Japan has been a major influence on Chinese thinking about industrial-led development, the role of science and technology in a modernising economy, and linkages between the military and civilian segments of an industrialised economy.

As China’s largest-ever provider of official development assistance, Japan played a major role in shaping China’s contemporary approaches to foreign aid and development, including its large-scale Belt and Road Initiative. Beginning in 1979, Japan provided bilateral loans to finance the building of roads, railways, ports and other major infrastructure projects in China.

Japan’s focus on infrastructure-led development stemmed from its own experience of economic development. Japan had a view that infrastructure it provided would enable it to facilitate trade with, and extract natural resources from, recipient countries. Japanese firms also frequently won contracts to build large-scale infrastructure projects in China.

China’s firsthand experience of Japanese development assistance—and the hundreds of Chinese officials who worked closely with Japanese government agencies to administer infrastructure-led development in the 1980s and 1990s—have shaped China’s own infrastructure-based development assistance as it shifted from recipient to donor country.

Third, deep patterns of economic cooperation between China and Japan have created a separate sphere of regional economic activity that has often worked against the grain of the global order. During the first half of the Cold War, when global trading relations became divided into rival US-led and Soviet-led blocs, Japan and China continued to trade across Cold War lines.

Maintaining these trade ties wasn’t easy in the absence of diplomatic relations—a result of the wishes of Japan’s ally, the United States—and given China’s Soviet-style planned economy. But the persistence of China–Japan trade helped to chip away at US expectations that its allies would undertake wholesale economic containment of China. It also provided China with important economic alternatives to the Soviet Union and laid the foundations for supply chains that would later underpin a distinct East Asian economic order.

Japan and China continue to exhibit similar patterns of strengthened regional economic activity in the face of a fracturing global order. Since 2018, they have established mechanisms that facilitate joint investment in third-country infrastructure projects. Agencies such as the Japan External Trade Organization and the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade are collaborating on joint business development in Southeast Asia. The China Development Bank and the Japan Bank for International Cooperation have agreed on common principles, initiated by Japan, to guide ‘high quality’ infrastructure investment.


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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby Ashokk » 03 Dec 2019 14:13

Navy drives away suspicious Chinese vessel from Indian waters
Image
NEW DELHI: In a significant development, the Indian Navy recently drove away a suspicious Chinese vessel operating in the Indian waters near Port Blair.
The Chinese research vessel Shi Yan 1 was carrying out research activities in the Indian waters near Port Blair in Andaman and Nicobar Islands and was detected by maritime surveillance aircraft operating there, government sources told ANI.
Sources said the vessel could have also been used by the Chinese to spy on the Indian activities in the Island territory from where India can keep a close eye on the maritime movements in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and South-East Asian region.
After the vessel was detected by the agencies and found out that it was carrying out research activities in the Indian Exclusive Economic Zone, an Indian Navy warship was sent there to monitor it.
Since laws do not allow foreign countries to carry out any research or exploration activities in the Indian Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), the Indian Navy warship asked the Chinese research vessel to move out of Indian waters.
After being cautioned by the Indian Navy, the Chinese Shi Yan 1 vessel left Indian waters and moved to its other destination probably towards China, the sources said.
The Indian Navy keeps a constant vigil on the Chinese vessels which enter the Indian Ocean Region from the Malacca Straits near the Indian Navy's area of responsibility.
Recently, the Indian Navy's P-8I maritime surveillance aircraft had detected seven Chinese Navy warships operating in and around the Indian Ocean Region.
ANI has first reported about the Indian Navy's constant monitoring capabilities with exclusive pictures of the Chinese Landing Platform Dock Xian-32.
The P-8I anti-submarine warfare and long-range surveillance aircraft had clicked the pictures and are constantly tracking activities and movements of the Chinese vessels while operating here.
The Chinese Navy frequently enters Indian waters with the stated aim of going for anti-piracy patrols but the Indian side does not buy this fully as the Chinese warships are accompanied by nuclear and conventional submarines which do not make sense in anti-piracy operations.

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby kit » 03 Dec 2019 16:09

Ashokk wrote:Navy drives away suspicious Chinese vessel from Indian waters

NEW DELHI: In a significant development, the Indian Navy recently drove away a suspicious Chinese vessel operating in the Indian waters near Port Blair.
The Chinese research vessel Shi Yan 1 was carrying out research activities in the Indian waters near Port Blair in Andaman and Nicobar Islands and was detected by maritime surveillance aircraft operating there, government sources told ANI.
Sources said the vessel could have also been used by the Chinese to spy on the Indian activities in the Island territory from where India can keep a close eye on the maritime movements in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and South-East Asian region.
After the vessel was detected by the agencies and found out that it was carrying out research Spying activities in the Indian Exclusive Economic Zone, an Indian Navy warship was sent there to monitor it.
Since laws do not allow foreign countries to carry out any research Spying or exploration activities in the Indian Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), the Indian Navy warship asked the Chinese research vessel to move out of Indian waters.
After being cautioned by the Indian Navy, the Chinese Shi Yan 1 vessel left Indian waters and moved to its other destination probably towards China, the sources said.
The Indian Navy keeps a constant vigil on the Chinese vessels which enter the Indian Ocean Region from the Malacca Straits near the Indian Navy's area of responsibility.
Recently, the Indian Navy's P-8I maritime surveillance aircraft had detected seven Chinese Navy warships operating in and around the Indian Ocean Region.
ANI has first reported about the Indian Navy's constant monitoring capabilities with exclusive pictures of the Chinese Landing Platform Dock Xian-32.
The P-8I anti-submarine warfare and long-range surveillance aircraft had clicked the pictures and are constantly tracking activities and movements of the Chinese vessels while operating here.
The Chinese Navy frequently enters Indian waters with the stated aim of going for anti-piracy patrols but the Indian side does not buy this fully as the Chinese warships are accompanied by nuclear and conventional submarines which do not make sense in anti-piracy operations.


Research is wrong word , replace that with Spying .

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby vishvak » 03 Dec 2019 22:15

Wonder why India n side effects no-sub allowed situation by enforcing the above logic somehow and then tightening screws - putting ASW assets on their for practice (demo charges ) and such.

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Re: Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby VinodTK » 04 Dec 2019 04:03

How Good Is Taiwan's New Hypersonic Missile?
Taiwan has begun production of a new land-attack cruise missile. But the island country still is badly outgunned by China’s own, much larger missile arsenal.

Taiwanese media on Aug. 4, 2019 reported that the country’s National Chung-Shan Institute of Science and Technology had cleared the
Feng cruise missile for mass production.

The supersonic land-attack missile has been under development since the 1990s. It can fly as far as 1,200 miles, according to the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C.

That range could allow Taiwan to threaten many of the airbases, ports and other facilities from which China likely would stage any attempt to invade Taiwan.

Taipei reportedly is building an initial 20

Feng missiles as well as 10 truck-based launchers. Taiwan’s Up Media described the missiles as “the top priority of the various studios of the Chinese Academy of Sciences.”
:
:
:

Please read on

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Neutering & Defanging Chinese Threat (15-11-2017)

Postby Peregrine » 05 Dec 2019 02:22

Chen Quanguo : Official heading China's Xinjiang crackdown

HIGHLIGHTS

- Chen Quanguo's tenure has been marked by reports that more than a million ethnic Uighurs and other minorities have been rounded up into a network of internment camps in the far west region.

- Before Xinjiang, the politician was tasked with pacifying neighbouring Tibet following protests and a string of self-immolations by Buddhist monks.

- The 64-year-old is now in the limelight after the US House of Representatives passed a bill calling for sanctions against Chinese officials.


BEIJING: The Chinese Communist Party official facing possible US sanctions for allegedly overseeing the mass detention of Muslims in Xinjiang region is a soldier turned-politician known as a security enforcer.

Chen Quanguo was appointed party chief in Xinjiang in August 2016, and his tenure has been marked by reports that more than a million ethnic Uighurs and other minorities have been rounded up into a network of internment camps in the far west region.

It is not his first assignment in a region with a history of ethnic tensions: Before Xinjiang, the politician was tasked with pacifying neighbouring Tibet following protests and a string of self-immolations by Buddhist monks. In 2017, Chen was promoted to the upper echelons of the CCP, becoming one of 25 members of the Politburo.

"Within the party, Chen has gained a reputation as an 'ethnic policy innovator' who can make sure that minorities who earlier clamoured for independence in western China will now toe the party line," Adrian Zenz, an independent German researcher specialising in Xinjiang, told AFP.

Little known outside China, the 64-year-old is now in the limelight after the US House of Representatives passed a bill on Tuesday calling for sanctions against Chinese officials behind the crackdown in Xinjiang.

The legislation, which must be reconciled with the Senate before its final passage, urges the US secretary of state to impose sanctions on Chen and other officials "credibly alleged to be responsible for human rights abuses in Xinjiang".

The foreign ministry said the bill "wantonly smears" China's efforts to eradicate extremism in the region, which was rocked by a spate of deadly attacks and riots in previous years.

The Xinjiang government said Wednesday no "terrorist incidents" have occurred in the past three years after the region endured "several thousand" attacks from 1990 to the end of 2016.

Chinese officials deny the sprawling facilities that mark Xinjiang are "concentration camps", describing them instead as "vocational education centres" where "students" learn Mandarin and job skills in an effort to steer them away from religious extremism.

But Chen once said the centres should "teach like a school, be managed like the military, and be defended like a prison", according to official documents seen by AFP.

According to separate documents leaked to the New York Times, Chen also urged officials to "round up everyone who should be rounded up" after President Xi Jinping urged officials to show "absolutely no mercy" against extremism following an attack in 2014.

"In terms of extrajudicial and arbitrary detention, Chen is the most aggressive (Xinjiang governor) in the recent 40 years," said Shawn Zhang, a researcher at the University of British Columbia, who used satellite imagery to find dozens of internments camps.

Xinjiang imposes stringent restrictions on religious practices, forbidding beards, the wearing of veils and the distribution of "extremist" religious content including everything from songs with Arabic lyrics to unofficial editions of the Koran.

Members of the Uighur diaspora have said that relatives have been arrested for seemingly innocuous acts such as sending Ramadan greetings to friends or downloading popular music.

For those living outside the camps, ubiquitous ID checks and tight security are a part of daily life.

In his first 12 months in charge of Xinjiang Chen "advertised the same number of security positions per capita that he put out in Tibet in five years," said Zenz.

Born into a poor family in rural Henan province, Chen joined an artillery regiment in the Chinese army at 18. After a four-year stint in the military, he joined an auto-parts factory.

He made his first foray into politics in 1981, as party boss of a small prefecture in Henan before becoming governor in Hebei.

Chen's big break came in 2011 when he was appointed party chief of Tibet. Tibet served as a test bed for his "strongman style of leadership," said Zenz.

Chen built community police stations every 500 metres in towns in Tibet. The same is now seen in Xinjiang.

He also hired locals to keep tabs on their communities, a strategy known as "gridstyle social management."

He was then handed the reins of Xinjiang, which sits at the centre of Xi's signature Belt and Road global infrastructure initiative.

Billions of dollars have been pledged to build road and rail routes and oil and gas pipelines in the province, connecting China to Central Asia, the Middle East and Europe.

"Xi has staked his reputation on Chen Quanguo's abilities and successes," said Zenz.

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