The Rohingya Menace

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Neshant
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by Neshant »

What is astonishing is that it has taken almost a year for the security apparatus at the center to issue the directive to capture biometric data of these migrants.

Meanwhile 40000 have penetrated well beyond the borders even settling in states like J&K , the Andaman..etc.


Whoever is in charge of border security and internal security is 100% incompetent !

Even so, the Center should take over the operation as the state governments can''t be trusted to do a thorough job due to vote politics. Will Mamta Bannerji in West Bengal follow this order? I don't think so. It has to be done by officials and troops sent by the center before the situation gets out of hand.

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Confine illegal Rohingya to designated camps: Centre to states

https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/ind ... 441862.cms
NEW DELHI: The Centre has asked Jammu & Kashmir and other states to confine illegal Rohingya settlers to pre-identified locations within their respective jurisdictions, record their personal particulars, including biometric details, and not to issue them Aadhaar number or any other identity proof.

The meticulous preparation of their personal particulars has been sought so that these details can eventually be shared with Myanmar for likely repatriation, said a government source.

This indicates the government’s intent to prevent a wider diffusion of Rohingya in India beyond the camps, and the Centre’s concern over possible presence of radical elements among them and their involvement in crime.

In a letter to the chief secretary of J&K government on Saturday, the home ministry highlighted the “ security risks posed by some of those Rohingya/foreigners who entered India illegally + and were involved in illegal activities such as fraudulent procurement and/or fabrication of Indian identity cards — PAN, voter IDs etc — money laundering, crimes and other anti-national activities”, sources told TOI.

Some of the Rohingya refugees, it added, are also vulnerable to radicalisation.

A home ministry officer told TOI that similar letters had gone to other states as well. According to estimates put together by the intelligence agencies last year, there are around 40,000 Rohingya Muslims illegally settled across the country.

Of these, 7,096 are in J&K (Jammu), 3,059 in Hyderabad, 1,114 in Mewat (Haryana), 1,200 in western Uttar Pradesh, 1,061 in Delhi (Okhla) and 400 in Jaipur.

According to central agencies, a network of touts based in West Bengal and Assam have been arranging forged identity documents for the Rohingya soon after they enter the country illegally. In fact, some NGOs run by Muslim organisations in West Bengal are arranging logistics for their stay in camps.

“Of late, some attempts by Rohingyas to move to states like Kerala, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu have come to notice. There has also been new influx of immigrants into Jammu, Hyderabad, and Andaman & Nicobar Islands,” said an intelligence officer.
ramana
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by ramana »

arun
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by arun »

ramana wrote:Now ARSA attacks Assam Rifles

https://twitter.com/ramana_brf/status/1 ... 75616?s=19

Good spot. Coverage of story was thin and limited to just 2 of our MSM newspapers.

Appears the story of Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), a Mohammadden Terrorist Group made up of Bangladesh origin illegal immigrants squatting in Myanmar, attacking the Indian Army’s Assam Rifles was broken by Manish Shukla in an article published on July 26th in DNA:

Rohingya terrorists open fire on Assam Rifles men at Indo-Myanmar border

And on July 29th The Hindu ran a story under byeline of Kallol Bhattacherjee of ARSA coming out with a rather elliptical statement not quite outrightly denying the attack that carries the stench of Mohammadden Taqiyya style dissimulation:

We pose no threat to India, says Rohingya militant group : Appreciates India for providing shelter to refugees
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by anupmisra »

arun wrote:We pose no threat to India, says Rohingya militant group: Appreciates India for providing shelter to refugees
The Fable of the Camel
A camel and his owner were traveling across the desert sand dunes when a wind storm came up.

The traveler quickly set up his tent and moved in, closing the flaps to protect himself from the cutting, grinding sands of the raging storm. The camel was of course left outside, and as the violent wind hurled the sand against his body and into his eyes and nostrils he found it unbearable and finally begged for entrance into the tent.

“There is room only for myself,” said the traveler.

“But may I just get my nose in so I can breathe air not filled with sand?” asked the camel.

“Well, perhaps you could do that,” replied the traveler, and he opened the flap ever so little and the long nose of the camel entered. How comfortable the camel was now! But soon the camel became weary of the smarting sand on his eyes and ears … :

“The wind-driven sand is like a rasp on my head. Could I put just my head in?”

Again, the traveler rationalized that to acquiesce would do him no damage, for the camel’s head could occupy the space at the top of the tent which he himself was not using. So the camel put his head inside and the beast was satisfied again—but for a short while only.

“Just the front quarters,” he begged, and again the traveler relented and soon the camel’s front shoulders and legs were in the tent. Finally, by the same processes of pleading and of yielding, the camel’s torso, his hind quarters and all were in the tent.

But now it was too crowded for the two, and the camel kicked the traveler out into the wind and storm.
Neshant
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by Neshant »

anupmisra wrote: The Fable of the Camel
+1

They will refuse to return when the time comes.. and years down the line will come demands for Dar-ul-Islam.
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by brvarsh »

anupmisra wrote:
arun wrote:We pose no threat to India, says Rohingya militant group: Appreciates India for providing shelter to refugees
The Fable of the Camel
But now it was too crowded for the two, and the camel kicked the traveler out into the wind and storm.
This story has a hidden message - If the traveler did not need the camel he would have cut camel's head when he thought it was getting too much but he did not, he did not because he needed the camel to travel. We often get knocked down by something that we need for something else.
ramana
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by ramana »

Brvarsh, Very true.
The Rohingjyas illegals are facilitated by the Congress eco-system in all its forms as vote-banks against Indian nationalists.
If one traces where they entered India and who facilitated their entry, and id cards and which states they are now settled in shows its a massive secular parties collusion abusing the word Secular in the Constitution.
Neshant
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by Neshant »

The govt appears totally incompetent at controlling this steadily unfolding mess.

Put these people into camps now before they spread all over the place causing an even bigger security nightmare.
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How did these Rohingya Muslims in Hyderabad raise Rs lakh to obtain a voter ID

https://www.oneindia.com/india/how-did- ... 56515.html
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by Neshant »

Rohingyas in India will create 10 more Kashmir, says Ramdev

https://www.wefornews.com/rohingyas-in- ... ys-ramdev/
Mukesh.Kumar
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by Mukesh.Kumar »

The UN weighs in on the Rohingya issue.

BBC: Myanmar Rohingya: UN says military leaders must face genocide charges

The actual reportbased on last year's UNHCR fact finding investigation into Myanmar. If we read the report it seems a little exaggerated. Also, one more thing the fact-finding mission did not visit Myanmar physically. Is this normal?
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by ArjunPandit »

Mukesh.Kumar wrote:The UN weighs in on the Rohingya issue.

BBC: Myanmar Rohingya: UN says military leaders must face genocide charges

The actual reportbased on last year's UNHCR fact finding investigation into Myanmar. If we read the report it seems a little exaggerated. Also, one more thing the fact-finding mission did not visit Myanmar physically. Is this normal?
With UN it is actually not, their kashmir report exhorting india to do what not was also based on googled reports and not actual ground reports.
Tuan
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by Tuan »

My latest article on genocide and ethnic cleansing for the Modern Diplomacy magazine
https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2018/11/20/t ... ihno86Xxyo
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by Haresh »

Just returned from Punjab.
In my families Pind in Hoshiarpur District, there was a group of robbers storming into houses at night and robbing any travelers at night. A couple were captured. They turned out to be Bangladeshis. They were beaten quite badly.
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by Haresh »

Just returned from Punjab.
In my families Pind in Hoshiarpur District, there was a group of robbers storming into houses at night and robbing any travelers at night. A couple were captured. They turned out to be Bangladeshis. They were beaten quite badly.
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

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UlanBatori
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Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by UlanBatori »

Sorry to add to the thread tangle, but this is IMO a very important development of our time. Myanmar is under trial at the International Court of Justice. For those who don't know, that is India's neighbor to the east both by land and sea..

This needs some smart analysis which cannot be done or found elsewhere. First the silly reports:

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-50667966
Myanmar's leader Aung San Suu Kyi is appearing at the UN International Court of Justice (ICJ) to defend her country against accusations of genocide. The Nobel Peace Prize laureate has heard allegations Myanmar committed atrocities against Muslim Rohingya. Thousands of Rohingya were killed and more than 700,000 fled to neighbouring Bangladesh during an army crackdown in the Buddhist-majority country in 2017. Myanmar has always insisted it was tackling an extremist threat. It marks a remarkable fall from grace for Ms Suu Kyi, who used to be seen as an icon for global human rights. Now she has chosen to stand up for the same army that kept her under house arrest for years. Entering court in The Hague, Ms Suu Kyi made no comment when asked by the BBC if she was defending the indefensible. She will address the court on 11 December. The case has been brought by The Gambia, a small Muslim-majority west African nation, on behalf of dozens of other Muslim countries. At the initial three-day hearing, it is asking the ICJ in The Hague to approve temporary measures to protect the Rohingya. But a final ruling on genocide may be years away. Mohammed Amin travelled from the UK to join a demonstration of about 50 people outside the court, shouting "justice for Rohingya". "It's emotional but it's also very exciting that someone is taking the initiative - because we've been the voiceless people," he told the BBC.
What are the accusations? At the start of 2017, there were one million Rohingya in Myanmar (formerly Burma), most living in Rakhine state. But Myanmar, a mainly Buddhist country, considers them illegal immigrants and denies them citizenship.

Blow by blow: How a 'genocide' was investigated
Will Omar get justice for his murdered family?

The Rohingya have long complained of persecution, and in 2017 the military - the Tatmadaw - launched a massive military operation in Rakhine. According to The Gambia's submission to the ICJ, the military stands accused of "widespread and systematic clearance operations" against the Rohingya, beginning in October 2016 and expanding in August 2017. The Gambia's petition alleges that the clearances were "intended to destroy the Rohingya as a group, in whole or in part", via mass murder, rape and setting fire to their buildings "often with inhabitants locked inside".

A UN fact-finding mission which investigated the allegations found such compelling evidence that it said the Burmese army must be investigated for genocide against Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine. In August, a report accused Myanmar soldiers of "routinely and systematically employing rape, gang rape, and other violent and forced sexual acts against women, girls, boys, men and transgender people". In May, seven Myanmar soldiers jailed for killing 10 Rohingya men and boys were released early from prison. Myanmar says its military operations targeted Rohingya militants, and the military has previously cleared itself of wrongdoing.

Who is making the accusations?
The ICJ is the UN's top court, and cases must be submitted to it by countries. This one is being brought by The Gambia, with the support of the 57-member Organisation of Islamic Co-operation (OIC) and a team of international lawyers.

"All that The Gambia asks is that you tell Myanmar to stop these senseless killings, to stop these acts of barbarity that continue to shock our collective conscience, to stop this genocide of its own people," The Gambia's Attorney General and Justice Minister, Abubacarr M Tambadou, told the court. His country acted after he visited a Rohingya refugee camp in Bangladesh and heard of killings, rape and torture, he told the BBC in October.
What is Aung San Suu Kyi's role?
The case is being brought against Myanmar, not Aung San Suu Kyi. The ICJ cannot punish individuals in the way that, for example, the International Criminal Court can (separately, the ICC is investigating the Rohingya case). But the case is, to some extent, about the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize winner herself.
The democracy icon who fell from grace
Is refugee crisis 'textbook ethnic cleansing'?
Ms Suu Kyi has been de facto leader of Myanmar since April 2016, before the alleged genocide began. She does not have control over the army but has been accused by the UN investigator of "complicity" in the military clearances.
"I implore you to open your eyes... and please use your moral authority, before it is too late," Yanghee Lee said in September.
Ms Suu Kyi announced in November she would personally lead her country's defence at The Hague - in her role as foreign affairs minister - alongside "prominent international lawyers".
What is the likely outcome of this case?
For now, The Gambia is just asking the court to impose "provisional measures" to protect the Rohingya in Myanmar and elsewhere from further threats or violence. These will be legally binding. To rule that Myanmar has committed genocide, the court will have to determine that the state acted "with intent to destroy in whole or in part" the Rohingya minority. Even then the ICJ has no way of enforcing the outcome - and neither Aung San Suu Kyi nor the generals would automatically be arrested and put on trial. But a guilty ruling could lead to sanctions, and would cause significant reputational and economic damage to Myanmar.
What is the current situation for the Rohingya?
Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya have fled Myanmar since the military operations began.
As of 30 September, there were 915,000 Rohingya refugees in camps in Bangladesh. Almost 80% arrived between August and December 2017, and in March this year, Bangladesh said it would accept no more. In August, Bangladesh set up a voluntary return scheme - but not a single Rohingya chose to go. Bangladesh plans to relocate 100,000 refugees to Bhasan Char, a small island in the Bay of Bengal, but some 39 aid agencies and human rights groups have opposed the idea. In September, the BBC's Jonathan Head reported that police barracks, government buildings and refugee relocation camps had been built on the sites of former Rohingya villages in Myanmar.
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

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Let us learn about The Accuser: a nation famed for its traditions of freedom and democracy, not to mention good governance of its own people because there ain't been none.
The Gambia was made a part of the British Empire when the government formally assumed control, establishing the Province of Senegambia. In 1965, The Gambia gained independence under the leadership of Dawda Jawara, who ruled until Yahya Jammeh seized power in a bloodless 1994 coup. Adama Barrow became The Gambia's third president in January 2017, after defeating Jammeh in the December 2016 elections.[10] Jammeh initially accepted the results, then refused to accept them, which triggered a constitutional crisis and military intervention by the Economic Community of West African States, resulting in his exile.[11][12][13]

The Gambia's economy is dominated by farming, fishing and, especially, tourism. In 2015, 48.6% of the population lived in poverty.[14] In rural areas, poverty is even more widespread, at almost 70%.[14]
Motto: "Progress, Peace, Prosperity"
On 24 April 1970, The Gambia became a republic within the Commonwealth, following a second referendum. Prime Minister Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara assumed the office of President, an executive post, combining the offices of head of state and head of government.

President Sir Dawda Jawara was re-elected five times. An attempted coup on 29 July 1981 followed a weakening of the economy and allegations of corruption against leading politicians.[27] The coup attempt occurred while President Jawara was visiting London and was carried out by the leftist National Revolutionary Council, composed of Kukoi Samba Sanyang's Socialist and Revolutionary Labour Party (SRLP) and elements of the Field Force, a paramilitary force which constituted the bulk of the country's armed forces.[27]

President Jawara requested military aid from Senegal, which deployed 400 troops to The Gambia on 31 July. By 6 August, some 2,700 Senegalese troops had been deployed, defeating the rebel force.[27] Between 500 and 800 people were killed during the coup and the ensuing violence.[27] In 1982, in the aftermath of the 1981 attempted coup, Senegal and The Gambia signed a treaty of confederation. The Senegambia Confederation aimed to combine the armed forces of the two states and to unify their economies and currencies. After just seven years, The Gambia permanently withdrew from the confederation in 1989.

In 1994, the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council (AFPRC) deposed the Jawara government and banned opposition political activity. Lieutenant Yahya A.J.J. Jammeh, chairman of the AFPRC, became head of state. Jammeh was just 29 years old at the time of the coup. The AFPRC announced a transition plan for return to democratic civilian government. The Provisional Independent Electoral Commission (PIEC) was established in 1996 to conduct national elections and transformed into the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) in 1997 and became responsible for registration of voters and for the conduct of elections and referendums.

In late 2001 and early 2002, The Gambia completed a full cycle of presidential, legislative, and local elections, which foreign observers[who?] deemed free, fair, and transparent. President Yahya Jammeh, who was elected to continue in the position he had assumed during the coup, took the oath of office again on 21 December 2001. Jammeh's Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) maintained its strong majority in the National Assembly, particularly after the main opposition United Democratic Party (UDP) boycotted the legislative elections.[28] (It has participated in elections since, however).

On 2 October 2013, the Gambian interior minister announced that The Gambia would leave the Commonwealth with immediate effect, ending 48 years of membership of the organisation. The Gambian government said it had "decided that The Gambia will never be a member of any neo-colonial institution and will never be a party to any institution that represents an extension of colonialism".[29]

Incumbent President Jammeh faced opposition leaders Adama Barrow from the Independent Coalition of parties[30] and Mamma Kandeh from the Gambia Democratic Congress party[31] in the December 2016 presidential elections. The Gambia sentenced main opposition leader and human rights advocate Ousainou Darboe to 3 years in prison in July 2016,[32] disqualifying him from running in the presidential election.

Following the 1 December 2016 elections, the elections commission declared Adama Barrow the winner of the presidential election.[33] Jammeh, who had ruled for 22 years, first announced he would step down after losing the 2016 election before declaring the results void and calling for a new vote, sparking a constitutional crisis and leading to an invasion by an ECOWAS coalition.[34] On 20 January 2017, Jammeh announced that he had agreed to step down and would leave the country.[12]

On 14 February 2017, The Gambia began returning to its membership of the Commonwealth and formally presented its application to re-join to Secretary-General Patricia Scotland on 22 January 2018.[35][36] Boris Johnson, who became the first British Foreign Secretary to visit The Gambia since the country gained independence in 1965,[37] announced that the British government welcomed The Gambia's return to the Commonwealth.[37] The Gambia officially rejoined the Commonwealth on 8 February 2018.[38][39]
Media

Critics have accused the government of restricting free speech. A law passed in 2002 created a commission with the power to issue licenses and imprison journalists; in 2004, additional legislation allowed prison sentences for libel and slander and cancelled all print and broadcasting licenses, forcing media groups to re-register at five times the original cost.[84][85]

Three Gambian journalists have been arrested since the coup attempt. It has been suggested that they were imprisoned for criticising the government's economic policy, or for stating that a former interior minister and security chief was among the plotters.[86] Newspaper editor Deyda Hydara was shot to death under unexplained circumstances, days after the 2004 legislation took effect.

Licensing fees are high for newspapers and radio stations, and the only nationwide stations are tightly controlled by the government.[84]

Reporters Without Borders has accused "President Yahya Jammeh's police state" of using murder, arson, unlawful arrest and death threats against journalists.[87]

In December 2010 Musa Saidykhan, former editor of The Independent newspaper, was awarded US$200,000 by the ECOWAS Court in Abuja, Nigeria. The court found the Government of the Gambia guilty of torture while he was detained without trial at the National Intelligence Agency. Apparently he was suspected of knowing about the 2006 failed coup.[citation needed]
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by UlanBatori »

Wall Street Yoorinal
Rohingya Genocide Case Against Myanmar Opens Before U.N. Court
Muslim minority group continues to face threats of destruction, lawyers argue, as former pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi looks on
UlanBatori
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by UlanBatori »

People: There is nothing to be seen on the Rohingyas' own genocidal record against Hindus, Buddhists and other humans. Pls bring in that side of the story. Obviously this "case brought by The Gambia" is a case of "kutti-kurangine kondu choru maandikkuka" (making the little monkey scratch the rice first).
The WSJ article (which I read in the paper version in a doc's office, but cannot read online) was written by - u guessed it - a desi sh1t. Approx quote:
Aung Song Suu Kyi is winning acclaim in her own country, but her International Standing is being dented.
Nowhere does the terrorist record get any fair treatmetL it is completely ignored by this Ummah scam.

If you cannot see WHY UBCN is alarmed enough to start a new thread on this.... no point in trying to explain.
UlanBatori
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by UlanBatori »

Gee! The enthusiasm here is overwhelming.

From Wikipedia:
After independence from Britain, Burma Socialist Programme Party under Ne Win adopted xenophobic policies and expelled 300,000 Indian ethnic people (Hindus), along with 100,000 Chinese, from Burma between 1963 and 1967.
Hindu villagers gather to identify the corpses of family members who were killed in the Kha Maung Seik massacre.

On 25 August 2017, the villages in a cluster known as Kha Maung Seik in northern Maungdaw District of Rakhine State in Myanmar were attacked by Rohingya Muslims of Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA).This was called Kha Maung Seik massacre. Amnesty International said that about 99 Hindus were killed in that day.[12][13] Due to these, many Rohingya Hindus have started identifying themselves as Chittagonian Hindus rather than Rohingyas.[14] In Myanmar and in Bangladeshi refugee camps—according to some media accounts—Hindu Rohingyas (particularly women) faced kidnapping, religious abuse and "forced conversions" at the hands of Muslim Rohingyas.[15]
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by UlanBatori »

From (drumbeat!!!) AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL!!!
Myanmar: New evidence reveals Rohingya armed group massacred scores in Rakhine State


22 May 2018, 17:31 UTC

A Rohingya armed group brandishing guns and swords is responsible for at least one, and potentially a second, massacre of up to 99 Hindu women, men, and children as well as additional unlawful killings and abductions of Hindu villagers in August 2017, Amnesty International revealed today after carrying out a detailed investigation inside Myanmar’s Rakhine State.

Based on dozens of interviews conducted there and across the border in Bangladesh, as well as photographic evidence analyzed by forensic pathologists, the organization revealed how Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) fighters sowed fear among Hindus and other ethnic communities with these brutal attacks.

“Our latest investigation on the ground sheds much-needed light on the largely under-reported human rights abuses by ARSA during northern Rakhine State’s unspeakably dark recent history,” said Tirana Hassan, Crisis Response Director at Amnesty International.

Our latest investigation on the ground sheds much-needed light on the largely under-reported human rights abuses by ARSA during northern Rakhine State’s unspeakably dark recent history.
Tirana Hassan, Crisis Response Director at Amnesty International

“It’s hard to ignore the sheer brutality of ARSA’s actions, which have left an indelible impression on the survivors we’ve spoken to. Accountability for these atrocities is every bit as crucial as it is for the crimes against humanity carried out by Myanmar’s security forces in northern Rakhine State.”
Massacre in Kha Maung Seik

At around 8am on 25 August 2017, ARSA attacked the Hindu community in the village of Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik, in a cluster of villages known as Kha Maung Seik in northern Maungdaw Township. At the time of the attack, the Hindu villagers lived in close proximity to Rohingya villagers, who are predominantly Muslim. Rakhine villagers, who are predominantly Buddhist, also lived in the same area.
ARSA militants in Myanmar's Rakhine State. © @ARSA_official via Twitter

Armed men dressed in black and local Rohingya villagers in plain clothes rounded up dozens of Hindu women, men and children. They robbed, bound, and blindfolded them before marching them to the outskirts of the village, where they separated the men from the women and young children. A few hours later, the ARSA fighters killed 53 of the Hindus, execution-style, starting with the men.

Eight Hindu women and eight of their children were abducted and spared, after ARSA fighters forced the women to agree to “convert” to Islam. The survivors were forced to flee with the fighters to Bangladesh several days later, before being repatriated to Myanmar in October 2017 with the support of the Bangladeshi and Myanmar authorities.

[The men] held knives and long iron rods. They tied our hands behind our backs and blindfolded us. I asked what they were doing. One of them replied, ‘You and Rakhine are the same, you have a different religion, you can’t live here. He spoke the [Rohingya] language. They asked what belongings we had, then they beat us. Eventually I gave them my gold and money.
Bina Bala, a 22-year-old survivor of an ARSA massacre

Bina Bala, a 22-year-old woman who survived the massacre, told Amnesty International:

“[The men] held knives and long iron rods. They tied our hands behind our backs and blindfolded us. I asked what they were doing. One of them replied, ‘You and Rakhine are the same, you have a different religion, you can’t live here. He spoke the [Rohingya] language. They asked what belongings we had, then they beat us. Eventually I gave them my gold and money.”
Bina Bala, a 22-year-old woman who survived a massacre of Hindu villagers by the armed group, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on 25 August 2017.
Bina Bala, a 22-year-old woman who survived a massacre of Hindu villagers by the armed group, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on 25 August 2017. © Andrew Stanbridge/Amnesty International


All eight survivors interviewed by Amnesty International said they either saw Hindu relatives being killed or heard their screams. Raj Kumari, 18, said: “They slaughtered the men. We were told not to look at them … They had knives. They also had some spades and iron rods. … We hid ourselves in the shrubs there and were able to see a little … My uncle, my father, my brother – they were all slaughtered.”

Formila, around 20, told Amnesty International that she did not see when the Hindu men were killed, but that the fighters “came back with blood on their swords, and blood on their hands” and told the women the men had been killed. Later, as Formila and the other seven abducted women were being marched away, she turned back and saw ARSA fighters kill the other women and children. “I saw men holding the heads and hair [of the women] and others were holding knives. And then they cut their throats,” she said.

According to a detailed list of the dead, given to Amnesty International, the victims from Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik include 20 men, 10 women, and 23 children, 14 of whom were under the age of eight. This is consistent with multiple testimonies the organization gathered in both Bangladesh and Myanmar, from survivors and witnesses as well as Hindu community leaders.
Part of a list given to Amnesty International by Hindu community leaders, giving details of 99 Hindus killed in two massacres in the Kha Maung Seik cluster of villages in Myanmar's northern Rakhine State on 25 August 2017.
Part of a list given to Amnesty International by Hindu community leaders, giving details of 99 Hindus killed in two massacres in the Kha Maung Seik cluster of villages in Myanmar's northern Rakhine State on 25 August 2017. © Private

The same day, all of the 46 Hindu men, women, and children in the neighbouring village of Ye Bauk Kyar disappeared. Members of the Hindu community in northern Rakhine State presume the community was killed by the same ARSA fighters. Combined with those from Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik, the total death toll is believed to be 99.

The bodies of 45 people from Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik were unearthed in four mass graves in late September 2017. The remains of the rest of the victims from that village, as well as all 46 from Ye Bauk Kyar, have not been found to date.

In this brutal and senseless act, members of ARSA captured scores of Hindu women, men, and children and terrorized them before slaughtering them outside their own villages. The perpetrators of this heinous crime must be held to account.
Tirana Hassan

“In this brutal and senseless act, members of ARSA captured scores of Hindu women, men, and children and terrorized them before slaughtering them outside their own villages. The perpetrators of this heinous crime must be held to account,” said Tirana Hassan.
ARSA’s other unlawful killings of Hindus

Amnesty International has also documented ARSA’s involvement in other killings and violent attacks against members of other ethnic and religious communities.

On 26 August 2017, ARSA members killed six Hindus – two women, a man, and three children – and injured another Hindu woman on the outskirts of Maungdaw town, near Myo Thu Gyi village.

Kor Mor La, 25, was one of two women who survived the attack, along with four children. Her husband Na Ra Yan, 30, and five-year-old daughter Shu Nan Daw were both killed. “The people who shot us were dressed in black. … I couldn’t see their faces, only their eyes. … They had long guns and swords,” Kor Mor Lar said. “My husband was shot next to me. I was shot [in the chest]. After that I was barely conscious.”

The killings came just days after ARSA fighters unleashed a series of attacks on around 30 Myanmar security posts on 25 August 2017, prompting an unlawful and grossly disproportionate campaign of violence by Myanmar’s security forces. Amnesty International and others have documented in detail how this campaign was marked by killings, rape and other sexual violence, torture, village burning, forced starvation tactics, and other violations which constitute crimes against humanity under international law. More than 693,000 Rohingya people were forced to flee to Bangladesh, where they still remain.

Tens of thousands of people from other ethnic and religious communities were also displaced within Rakhine State during the violence. Although most have returned to their homes, some continue to live in temporary shelters, either because their homes were destroyed or because they fear further ARSA attacks if they return to their villages.
Independent investigations needed

The Myanmar government cannot criticize the international community as being one-sided while at the same time denying access to northern Rakhine State. The full extent of ARSA’s abuses and the Myanmar military’s violations will not be known until independent human rights investigators, including the UN Fact-Finding mission, are given full and unfettered access to Rakhine State.
Tirana Hassan

“ARSA’s appalling attacks were followed by the Myanmar military’s ethnic cleansing campaign against the Rohingya population as a whole. Both must be condemned – human rights violations or abuses by one side never justify abuses or violations by the other,” said Tirana Hassan.

“All the survivors and victims’ families have the right to justice, truth, and reparation for the immense harm they have suffered.”

At a UN Security Council meeting last week, Myanmar’s permanent representative criticized some in the UN for only listening to “one side” of the story and failing to acknowledge abuses committed by ARSA.

“The Myanmar government cannot criticize the international community as being one-sided while at the same time denying access to northern Rakhine State. The full extent of ARSA’s abuses and the Myanmar military’s violations will not be known until independent human rights investigators, including the UN Fact-Finding mission, are given full and unfettered access to Rakhine State,” said Tirana Hassan.






Briefing: Attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on Hindus in northern Rakhine State

Early in the morning of 25 August 2017, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), a Rohingya armed group, attacked around 30 security force outposts in northern Rakhine State. The attacks, which were carefully planned and coordinated, came just hours after the release of the final report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, led by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, which had been tasked with identifying solutions for peace and development in one of Myanmar’s most underdeveloped and volatile regions.[1] In the days that followed, ARSA fighters, along with some mobilized Rohingya villagers, engaged in scores of clashes with security forces.[2]

The Myanmar security forces, and in particular the military, responded to the attacks and subsequent clashes with an unlawful and grossly disproportionate campaign of violence marked by killings, rape and other sexual violence, torture,[3] village burning, forced starvation tactics, and other human rights violations and crimes under international law, all of which has been well documented by Amnesty International and others.[4] The military’s attacks, which targeted the entire Rohingya population living in northern Rakhine State, have been both widespread and systematic, constituting crimes against humanity under international law. To date, some 693,000 Rohingya have been forced to flee to Bangladesh.[5]

Also known as Harakah al-Yaqin, or “the faith movement”, ARSA first came to prominence in October 2016 after launching similar, albeit smaller-scale, attacks on border police posts in northern Rakhine State, prompting a disproportionate military response also amounting to crimes against humanity.[6] The group was established in the aftermath of violence between Buddhist and Muslim communities in Rakhine State in 2012 and is comprised of a core group of trained fighters, estimated as in the hundreds, with access to small firearms and some home-made explosives. On 25 August, ARSA mobilized a large number of Rohingya villagers – likely around several thousand. The villagers were overwhelmingly armed with bladed weapons or sticks.[7] While Amnesty International has confirmed that some Rohingya villagers participated in ARSA attacks, the overwhelming majority of Rohingya did not. Even in the specific villages where attacks occurred, there is no question that most villagers did not take part in ARSA attacks.

Amnesty International has documented serious human rights abuses committed by ARSA during and after the attacks in late August 2017. This briefing focuses on serious crimes – including unlawful killings and abductions – carried out by ARSA fighters against the Hindu community living in northern Rakhine State. At the time of the unlawful killings, none of the victims were armed or endangering the lives of ARSA fighters or other Rohingya. In the refugee camps in Bangladesh in September 2017, Amnesty International conducted 12 interviews with members of the Hindu community who left Myanmar during the violence. In April 2018, Amnesty International conducted research in Sittwe, Myanmar on ARSA abuses and attacks, interviewing 10 additional people from the Hindu community and 33 people from ethnic Rakhine, Khami, Mro, and Thet communities, all of whom were from northern Rakhine State. Six more people from an area where Hindu killings occurred were interviewed by phone from outside the region in May 2018.

The full extent of human rights abuses by ARSA is difficult to determine, in large part because the Myanmar authorities continue to restrict access to northern Rakhine State. Access restrictions have made it extremely difficult for members of all ethnic minorities and religious communities still living in the region to speak about their experiences and to get the support and assistance they require. In addition, those who speak about ARSA abuses face threats and intimidation from the group. The killing of Rohingya suspected of acting as government informers throughout 2017, and reports of ARSA-related killings in the refugee camps in Bangladesh, have only heightened such fears.[8]
MASSACRE IN KHA MAUNG SEIK VILLAGE TRACT

At around 8 a.m. on 25 August 2017, ARSA attacked the Hindu community in the village of Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik, located in Kha Maung Seik village tract in northern Maungdaw Township. ARSA fighters, some of whom were dressed in black and others dressed in ordinary clothing, rounded up all 69 Hindu men, women, and children present in the village at the time. A few hours later, ARSA fighters killed, execution-style, the vast majority of them, and abducted the rest.

The same day, the Hindu community present in the neighbouring village of Ye Bauk Kyar – 46 men, women, and children – disappeared. To date, their fate and whereabouts remains unknown. Relatives and other members of the Hindu community in northern Rakhine State told Amnesty International that they presume the entire group was killed by the same perpetrators.[9]

Kha Maung Seik is a mixed-ethnicity and religion village tract, home to Hindu, Rohingya, and ethnic Rakhine villagers, all of whom lived in close proximity. Amnesty International conducted in-depth interviews in a Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh in September 2017, and in the Rakhine State capital of Sittwe, Myanmar in April 2018, and by telephone in May 2018 with eight survivors, five family members of victims, three men who were part of the group that uncovered the mass graves, and several witnesses to related events in and around Kha Maung Seik, including ARSA attacks and the movements of Myanmar security forces.[10]

“[It was morning], I was praying at the time,” recalled 22-year-old Bina Bala,[11] who was one of eight women abducted and taken to Bangladesh by ARSA fighters. “They came to our house. Some were wearing black and others were wearing normal clothes … I recognized them [from the village].”[12]

Bina Bala said the men confiscated the family’s mobile phones before ordering them out in to the courtyard, where other Hindu villagers were also being gathered. She told Amnesty International, “[The men] held knives and long iron rods. They tied our hands behind our backs and blindfolded us. I asked what they were doing. One of them replied, ‘You and [ethnic] Rakhine are the same, you have a different religion, you can’t live here’. He spoke the [Rohingya] dialect. They asked what belongings we had, then they beat us. Eventually I gave them my gold and money.”[13]

Rika Dhar, 24, was also at home with her family at the time of the attack. “We didn’t have a chance to run,” she told Amnesty International. “Muslim people took our gold. … I was blindfolded, and they tied my hands behind my back.”[14] Like other women Amnesty International interviewed, Rika Dhar said she knew some of the attackers, who were members of the Rohingya community living in Kha Maung Seik village tract.

After binding, robbing, and blindfolding the Hindu villagers, ARSA fighters marched them to a creek area on the outskirts of the village. There, the fighters sat the villagers down and burned their ID cards, which they had confiscated earlier. They then divided the men from the women and children, and brought the women into the forest.[15]

The fighters killed, execution-style, 53 of the Hindus from Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik, according to a list of the dead seen by Amnesty International that is consistent with testimony from survivors, other Kha Maung Seik residents, and Hindu community leaders. The victims include 20 men, 10 women, and 23 children, 14 of who were under the age of 8.[16] Only 16 people – eight women and eight of their children – survived, their lives spared on the condition that the women agreed to “convert” from Hinduism to Islam and then marry people selected by ARSA fighters.[17]

According to all eight survivors, the ARSA fighters took the men away and killed them. Formila, around 20, told Amnesty International that “the Muslim men came back with blood on their swords, and blood on their hands. They told us that they had killed our husbands and the village headman.”[18] Raj Kumari, 18, said: “They slaughtered the men. We were told not to look at them … They had knives. They also had some spades and iron rods. … We hid ourselves in the shrubs there and were able to see a little. … My uncle, my father, my brother – they were all slaughtered. … After slaughtering the men, the women were also slaughtered.”[19]

Shortly after, a group of about 10 to 15 fighters took the eight survivors and their children and removed them from the larger group. The fighters then began to kill the other women and children. Two of the survivors – Aur Nika, around 18; and Formila – told Amnesty International that, as the fighters were leading them away, they looked back and saw women being killed.[20] Formila recalled, “I saw some Muslim men kill Hindu women. Then I cried. … I saw men holding the heads and hair [of the women] and others were holding knives. And then they cut their throats,” she said.[21] Bina Bala told Amnesty International that although she did not see the killings, she heard women and children screaming shortly after being taken away.[22]

The 16 survivors were held captive inside a house in the area for two nights, before being forced to flee alongside their captors to the Kutupalong refugee camp in Bangladesh.[23] According to five of the women, the group fled the same day helicopters were seen flying over the village.[24] The presence of helicopters in the area at the time was separately corroborated by San Nyunt, the Village Administrator from neighbouring Min Kha Maung; and by Shawlyee Shawltee, a 20-year-old woman who lived in Kha Maung Seik village tract but who had left her village on 24 August and was taking shelter in BGP post in Ah Shey Kha Maung Seik village at the time of the massacre.[25]

Shortly after arriving in Bangladesh on 28 August, the eight Hindu women were forced to make a false statement on video, claiming that the massacre had been carried out by ethnic Rakhine villagers.[26] “[One of the kidnappers] told us that if anyone asks we should say that the Rakhine and the military attacked us,” recalled Bina Bala. “He said if people come to interview you, you must say this or you will be killed.” [27] Soon after the video was posted on Facebook, members of the Hindu community in northern Rakhine State alerted friends in Bangladesh who proceeded to locate the survivors. The survivors were then relocated to a camp designated for Hindu refugees, where they were eventually protected by Bangladeshi security forces.[28] In early October, all sixteen survivors were repatriated to Myanmar with the support of the Bangladeshi and Myanmar authorities.[29]

On 23 September, members of the Hindu community in northern Rakhine State and members of the Myanmar security forces travelled to the site of the massacre and, over the course of two days, unearthed four mass graves, which in total contained the remains of 45 people.[30] On 27 September, the government temporarily lifted its ban on access to the area and brought local and international journalists to visit the site of the mass graves.[31]

According to the list that identified by name, biographical data, and village the 99 Hindus reportedly killed, given to Amnesty International by Hindu community leaders, all of the 45 excavated bodies have been identified as people from Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik or people who were visiting Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik at the time of the attack.[32] The bodies of the other eight people killed from Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik have not been found; according to the list of those killed, seven of those eight were young children – including four who were under three months old.[33] The fate and whereabouts of villagers from Ye Bauk Kyar remain unknown, although they are presumed to have been killed by the same perpetrators.

In a press statement posted on its Twitter account and in responses to media inquiries, ARSA has denied any involvement in the incident.[34] The Myanmar authorities’ restrictions on access mean no independent journalist or human rights investigator has been granted unfettered access to Kha Maung Seik and the surrounding areas.

Several of the survivors, including at least three of the eight interviewed by Amnesty International, have been interviewed multiple times by different media organizations. The vast majority of these interviews took place either in the Bangladesh refugee camps during the days after the women were rescued, or in Myanmar in the weeks after the mass graves were uncovered. Over the course of these interviews, the women provided accounts which were at times inconsistent with the testimony of other survivors and even contradicted their own previous statements.

As noted, the survivors’ initial declaration on video in Bangladesh placed the blame for the killings on ethnic Rakhine villagers,[35] as they did several days later in interviews with Reuters.[36] In subsequent interviews in Bangladesh with media and with Amnesty International, the survivors were at times equivocal about the identity of the perpetrators, and other times said it was ARSA, “Rohingya,” or “Muslims”; throughout this period, they typically described attackers as wearing black.[37] On their return to Myanmar, survivors unambiguously asserted that Rohingya, believed to be ARSA fighters, were responsible.[38] The survivors’ evolving stories made it difficult for journalists and human rights investigators – including Amnesty International – to come to a conclusion about the facts.

After careful review of evidence obtained in Bangladesh and Rakhine State, Amnesty International has concluded that ARSA fighters are responsible for the massacre.

First, the inconsistencies of the Hindu survivors’ testimonies are largely explained by the pressures and threats to personal safety that they faced while in Bangladesh, as described above by Bina Bala. Such pressure continued even while they lived in a separate camp area protected by the Bangladeshi security forces.

Second, the physical descriptions that the Hindu survivors provided of the ARSA attackers in Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik – descriptions which have largely remained consistent over time – are also consistent with descriptions of ARSA fighters around the time of the massacre from witnesses in other parts of Kha Maung Seik village tract and from witnesses in other villages across northern Rakhine State.

Ten Hindu in Ta Man Thar, Thit Tone Nar Gwa Son, and Myo Thu Gyi villages; three ethnic Mro residents of Khu Daing village, which was attacked and burned by ARSA on 28 August 2017; and two ethnic Rakhine residents of Koe Tan Kauk village tract all separately described to Amnesty International seeing a core group of fighters in black, often with their faces covered except for their eyes.[39] Many from those villages, as well as an ethnic Rakhine villager from Auk Pyue Ma, also described seeing among the attackers some Rohingya men who they recognized as neighbours or residents from nearby villages, similar to in Kha Maung Seik.[40] Witness descriptions of ARSA fighters covering their faces are likewise consistent with known photographs and videos of ARSA fighters, including those posted by ARSA itself in the weeks immediately before and after the 25 August attacks.[41]

Third, all of the survivors and many of the witnesses stated that they could hear the fighters speaking in the Rohingya dialect, which is very similar to the dialect spoken by the Hindu population in northern Rakhine State.[42]

Fourth, Amnesty International sent a forensic anthropological expert 31 photographs taken in Kha Maung Seik on 23 and 24 September 2017 by a person who was present when bodies were discovered in mass graves.[43] In a peer-reviewed analysis, the forensic expert concluded, after categorizing the decomposition of the bodies and estimating the soil temperature and water level, that “the appearance of the human remains exhumed from the grave at Kha Maung Seik on 24 September 2017 is entirely consistent with what would be expected had those individuals been killed and buried at that site on 25 August 2017.”[44]

The expert also identified the “presence of blindfolds on multiple victims (and the possible presence of sharp and blunt or projectile trauma), [which] is indicative of homicide in the form of extrajudicial and summary executions.”[45] When enlarging one of the images, the expert determined that a female victim “exhibits an injury to the anterior neck that is consistent with sharp force trauma, e.g. a knife slash to the throat,” though could not conclude from the photograph alone whether the trauma was the cause of death or had occurred during the excavation of the bodies.[46] The presence of blindfolds, as well as a wound suggestive of a throat being slit, is consistent with the testimonies of the surviving Hindu women.[47]

Fifth, testimonies from a Hindu villager and a Rakhine Village Administrator in Kha Maung Seik village tract confirms that the Myanmar military sent reinforcements to the area after the massacre was carried out, and the that at least one helicopter arrived in the area several days later, on 27 August.[48] That testimony gives further credence to the likelihood that the Myanmar security forces were not in control of Kha Maung Seik on the day the massacre occurred and therefore could not have carried it out.

Sixth, survivors identified specific individual perpetrators, one of whom Amnesty International was able to confirm was a Rohingya resident of Kha Maung Seik village tract.

Together, the evidence overwhelmingly indicates that ARSA was responsible for the massacre, and that it has actively tried to cover up the crimes by forcing the surviving women to appear on camera implicating other perpetrators and through more general intimidation aimed at distorting the story.

The attack in Kha Maung Seik shook the Hindu community in Rakhine State. Many of those whom Amnesty International interviewed in Sittwe expressed concerns about further violence. “I never imagined this could happen, we had a good relationship [with the Rohingya]. Why did they attack us?” asked Shawlyee Shawltee, from Kha Maung Seik.[49] Like other people displaced during the violence, she is worried about the future and does not want to return to her village. “I lost everything, my house, all our property. My husband is suffering [psychologically] after all his family members died,” she said.[50]
UNLAWFULL KILLING OF SIX HINDUS IN MYO THU GYI

While the massacre in Kha Maung Seik village tract is the most egregious incident of human rights abuses by ARSA that Amnesty International has documented, fighters perpetrated other killings and violent attacks against members of Hindu and Buddhist ethnic groups. On 26 August 2017, ARSA fighters killed six Hindus – two women, a man, and three children – and injured another Hindu woman, on the outskirts of Maungdaw town, near Myo Thu Gyi village.

The six victims were part of an extended family of twelve who had fled from U Daung village tract, in Maungdaw Township, after ARSA fighters threatened them the day before. After seeking refuge for a night in the house of the ethnic Rakhine Village Administrator, the group was driven to the outskirts of Maungdaw town. Shortly after they arrived, a gunfight broke out between ARSA and the Myanmar military. The Hindu family took cover in a nearby building under construction. According to the only two adult survivors, men dressed in black and carrying guns entered the building and then proceed to shoot at the group at close range.[51]

Kor Mor La, 25, was one of the two women who survived the attack, along with four children. Her husband Na Ra Yan, 30, and 5-year-old daughter, Shu Nan Daw, were both killed. “The people who shot us were dressed in black. … I couldn’t see their faces, only their eyes. … They had long guns and swords,” Kor Mor Lar said. “My husband was shot next to me. I was shot [in the chest]. After that I was barely conscious.”[52]

Kor Mor La showed Amnesty International a scar on her left breast that she said was from the gunshot wound. “The bullet wound is still sore,” Kor Mor La said, explaining that she had to visit a doctor for ongoing treatment.[53]

Phaw Naw Balar, 27, was the only other adult to survive the attack. She told Amnesty International, “The men wearing black came from the direction of Myo Thu Gyi village. They didn’t say anything, they just started shooting. After they left, my children were crying, so I took them to the next floor up and we hid together in an empty water tank.”[54]

She explained that they hid until the ARSA fighters had left the area. “When I came back downstairs, I saw the dead bodies,” she recalled. “Six of my relatives were dead. Some had been shot in the front, in their abdomen and chest, [and] others in the back. My sister-in-law [Kor Mor La] was shot. I tried to bandage her, then we left for the three mile checkpoint.”[55] From there, the group travelled to Buthidaung town, and then on to Sittwe, where Kor Mor La received treatment for her injuries. In addition to Kor Mor La’s husband and daughter, ARSA fighters killed Chou Maw Tet, 27; her husband Han Mon Tor, 30; the couple’s 10-year-old son, Praw Chat; and their 3-year-old daughter, Daw Maw Ne.[56]

Today, the two surviving woman and their four children remain displaced in Sittwe, where they are living in a Hindu temple. Without her husband, the breadwinner of the family, Kor Mo La explained that she is worried how her family will survive. “I have had a very difficult time,” she said. “I have two children, just trying to survive is very hard. We are suffering so much.”[57]
CONCLUSION

The Rohingya in Rakhine State have for decades suffered systematic discrimination by the Myanmar authorities. Amnesty International has concluded that the deeply discriminatory way the authorities treated the Rohingya, even before the atrocities from August 2017 onwards, amounted to the crime against humanity of apartheid. Following the 25 August attacks these violations and crimes reached a peak, with unlawful killings, rapes, and burning of villages on a large scale, leading the majority of the population to flee the country. Nothing can justify such violations. But similarly, no atrocities can justify the massacre, abductions, and other abuses committed by ARSA against the Hindu community, as documented in this briefing.

Since the outbreak of violence in August, the Myanmar authorities have refused to grant access to northern Rakhine State to Amnesty International and other independent investigators, which has made it incredibly difficult to access those communities affected by ARSA and to corroborate witness accounts. Despite the restrictions, Amnesty International has now determined that ARSA fighters are responsible for the unlawful killing and abduction of members of the Hindu community in northern Rakhine State. These are serious crimes and abuses of human rights. They should be investigated by a competent body, and where sufficient, admissible evidence is found, those responsible should be held to account before independent civilian courts, in trials which meet international standards of fairness and which do not impose the death penalty.

For the full extent of the human rights abuses and crimes committed in northern Rakhine State to be uncovered, including those committed by ARSA, the Myanmar authorities must immediately allow independent investigators, including the UN Fact-Finding Mission, full and unfettered access throughout the region. Victims, survivors, and their families have the right to justice, truth, and reparation for the harm they have suffered. To this end, the authorities must also ensure full and unfettered humanitarian assistance to communities in need, and ensure that proper psycho-social support is available to all survivors of violence in northern Rakhine State.





[1] See International Crisis Group, Statement: Myanmar Tips into New Crisis after Rakhine State Attacks, 27 August 2017; International Crisis Group, Myanmar’s Rohingya Crisis Enters a Dangerous New Phase, Report No. 292 / Asia, 7 December 2017.

[2] Amnesty International interviews, Myanmar, April 2018. See also International Crisis Group, Myanmar’s Rohingya Crisis Enters a Dangerous New Phase.

[3] Under international law, rape by officials is also, and invariably, a form of torture.

[4] See Amnesty International, “My World Is Finished”: Rohingya Targeted by Crimes Against Humanity in Myanmar (Index: ASA 16/7288/2017), 18 October 2017; Amnesty International, Myanmar forces rob, starve and abduct Rohingya, as ethnic cleansing continues (Index: ASA 16/7835/2018), 7 February 2018; Amnesty International, Remaking Rakhine State (Index: ASA 16/8018/2018), 12 March 2018; Human Rights Watch, “All of My Body Was Pain”: Sexual Violence against Rohingya Women and Girls in Burma, November 2017; Médicins Sans Frontières (MSF), “No One Was Left”: Death and Violence against the Rohingya in Rakhine State, Myanmar, March 2018; Reuters, “Massacre in Myanmar,” 8 February 2018.

[5] Inter Sector Coordination Group (ISCG), Situation Report: Rohingya Refugee Crisis, 10 May 2018, https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/s ... _final.pdf.

[6] See International Crisis Group, Myanmar: A New Muslim Insurgency in Rakhine State, Report No. 283 / Asia, 15 December 2016; International Crisis Group, Myanmar’s Rohingya Crisis Enters a Dangerous New Phase; Amnesty International, “We Are at Breaking Point”: Rohingya: Persecuted in Myanmar, Neglected in Bangladesh (Index: ASA 16/5362/2016), 19 December 2016.

[7] Amnesty International interviews, Sittwe and Yangon, Myanmar, April and May 2018. See also International Crisis Group, Myanmar’s Rohingya Crisis Enters a Dangerous New Phase.

[8] Amnesty International interviews, Sittwe and Yangon, Myanmar, April and May 2018. See also International Crisis Group, The Long Haul Ahead for Myanmar’s Rohingya Refugee Crisis, Report No. 296 / Asia, 16 May 2018; Kayleigh Long, “Rohingya insurgency takes lethal form in Myanmar”, Asia Times Online, 20 June 2017, http://www.atimes.com/article/rohingya- ... m-myanmar/.

[9] Amnesty International interviews, Sittwe, Myanmar, April 2018; and telephone interview, 18 May 2018.

[10] Amnesty International interviewed three of the survivors twice – in Bangladesh in September 2017 and again in Myanmar in April or May 2018.

[11] The spelling of Hindu names in this briefing reflects how the interviewees gave their names to interpreters with whom Amnesty International worked. This presents challenges, as the original name was often burmanized and then anglicized in the course of transliteration. While Amnesty International has tried to record the spelling of names as accurately as possible, it is likely some spellings deviate from the original. In reporting by local and international media outlets, there are often small spelling differences in the names of Hindu individuals interviewed multiple times, reflecting the same challenge. Amnesty International has on file more complete biographical data of each individual interviewed.

[12] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 27 April 2018.

[13] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 27 April 2018.

[14] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 25 April 2018.

[15] Amnesty International interviews, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 3018; and telephone interviews, Rakhine State, Myanmar, 17-21 May 2018.

[16] List of Hindu killed in Kha Maung Seik village tract, on file with Amnesty International.

[17] Amnesty International interviews with survivors, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 14 and 28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 2018; and telephone interviews with survivors, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.

[18] Amnesty International telephone interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.

[19] Amnesty International interview, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 28 September 2017.

[20] Amnesty International telephone interviews, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.

[21] Amnesty International telephone interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.

[22] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 27 April 2018.

[23] Amnesty International interviews with survivors, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 14 and 28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 2018; and telephone interviews with survivors, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.

[24] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018; and telephone interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.

[25] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018; and telephone interview, 14 May 2018.

[26] Several people posted the video to Facebook, including here: https://www.facebook.com/noman.alhossai ... 619572008/ (last accessed 18 May 2018). Amnesty International delegates viewed and had the clip translated into English.

[27] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 27 April 2018.

[28] Amnesty International interviews, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, September 2018, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, April 2018.

[29] See Myanmar Information Committee, “Eight Hindu women and eight children who were abducted by ARSA extremist terrorists to an IDP camp in Bangladesh were brought back to Myanmar,” 4 October 2017, https://www.facebook.com/InfomationComm ... 0129111095.

[30] Amnesty International interviews with three people who helped discover the bodies, Sittwe, Myanmar, April 2018; and with Hindu community leaders, Sittwe, Myanmar, April 2018. See also Agence France-Presse, “17 more bodies found as Myanmar unearths mass Hindu graves,” 25 September 2017.

[31] See Agence France-Presse, “Hindus recount massacre as mass graves unearthed,” 28 September 2017; Reuters, “Slaughtered Hindus a testament to brutality of Myanmar's conflict,” 27 September 2017.

[32] List of Hindu killed in Kha Maung Seik village tract, on file with Amnesty International.

[33] List of Hindu killed in Kha Maung Seik village tract, on file with Amnesty International.

[34] ARSA Press Release, Ref. No. ARSA/PR/13/2017, 27 September 2017, https://twitter.com/ARSA_Official/statu ... 2958911494; Reuters, “Myanmar says bodies of 28 Hindu villagers found in Rakhine State,” 24 September 2017.

[35] See, e.g., https://www.facebook.com/noman.alhossai ... 619572008/ (last accessed 18 May 2018).

[36] Reuters, “Rohingya say their village is lost to Myanmar's spiraling conflict,” 7 September 2017. See also Mahadi Al Hasnat, “Who really attacked the Rohingya Hindus in Rakhine?” Dhaka Tribune, 1 October 2017, https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh ... n-rakhine/ (discussing the change in testimony to Reuters and other media outlets).

[37] Amnesty International interviews, Bangladesh refugee camps, 14 and 28 September 2017. See also Agence France-Presse, “Hindus recount massacre as mass graves unearthed,” 28 September 2017 (describing men in black, but not specifying who the attackers were); Mahadi Al Hasnat, “Who really attacked the Rohingya Hindus in Rakhine?” Dhaka Tribune, 1 October 2017 (discussing the evolution in stories, with descriptions of men in black but different versions of who those men were); Suliman Niloy, “Hindu refugees blame 'Rohingya militants' for attacking them in Myanmar,” bdnews24.com, 24 September 2017, https://bdnews24.com/bangladesh/2017/09 ... in-myanmar (describing attackers in black who spoke the Rohingya dialect); Moe Myint, “Hindu Refugee Shares Eyewitness Account of Maungdaw Violence,” The Irrawaddy, 26 September 2017, https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/hi ... lence.html (identifying the attackers as Muslims).

[38] See, e.g., Radio Free Asia, “Witnesses Provide New Details of Killings of Hindus in Myanmar’s Rakhine,” 5 October 2017, https://www.rfa.org/english/news/myanma ... 52154.html; Global New Light of Myanmar, “’This area is our territory’: ARSA extremist terrorists,” 5 October 2018, http://www.globalnewlightofmyanmar.com/ ... errorists/; Shaikh Azizur Rahman, “Mystery surrounds deaths of Hindu villagers in Myanmar mass graves,” The Guardian, 12 October 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/global-deve ... s-rohingya.

[39] Amnesty International interviews, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 14-28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 2018; and telephone interview, 18 May 2018.

[40] Amnesty International interviews, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 14-28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 2018.

[41] See, e.g., @ARSA_Official Twitter Account, 30 August 2017, https://twitter.com/ARSA_Official/statu ... 7139887105 (linking to http://faithmovementarakan.blogspot.ae/ ... n.html?m=1, where a video shows two armed men with dark cloth covering their faces except for their eyes, standing next to ARSA’s reported head, Ata Ullah, as he speaks); @ARSA_Official Twitter Account, 29 August 2017, https://twitter.com/ARSA_Official/statu ... 4807892992 (indicating that YouTube took down an ARSA video and linking to http://faithmovementarakan.blogspot.sg/ ... l.html?m=1, where a video shows two armed men with cloth covering their faces except for their eyes, standing next to ARSA’s reported head, Ata Ullah); @ARSA_Official Twitter Account, “ARSA Commander Addresses International Community and Rakhine People,” 16 August 2017, https://twitter.com/ARSA_Official/statu ... 8349544448 (showing four armed men with cloth covering their faces except for their eyes, standing next to ARSA’s reported head, Ata Ullah, as he speaks).

[42] Amnesty International interviews, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 25 and 28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 2018; and telephone interviews with survivors, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.

[43] Amnesty International was able to geolocate several photographs in the set, which show members of the security forces and other people wading through a creek near where the massacre occurred and the bodies were found. That matches the description of the person who provided the photographs to Amnesty International, who said that he was among a group who crossed a creek in order to get to the site of the mass graves. The close-up photographs of the mass graves and bodies could not be geolocated, as there were not enough identifiable features in the surrounding environment. They are consistent, however, with photographs taken by media outlets including Agence France-Press several days later, when the Myanmar authorities brought journalists to the site.

[44] Forensic Anthropological Analysis of Human Remains from Kha Maung Seik, Myanmar with a focus on Postmortem Interval Estimation, 16 May 2018, p. 12 (on file with Amnesty International).

[45] Forensic Anthropological Analysis of Human Remains from Kha Maung Seik, Myanmar with a focus on Postmortem Interval Estimation, 16 May 2018, p. 12 (on file with Amnesty International).

[46] Forensic Anthropological Analysis of Human Remains from Kha Maung Seik, Myanmar with a focus on Postmortem Interval Estimation, 16 May 2018, p. 2 (on file with Amnesty International).

[47] Amnesty International interviews, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 2018.

[48] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018; and telephone interview, 14 May 2018.

[49] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018.

[50] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018.

[51] Amnesty International interviews, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 and 30 April 2018.

[52] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018.

[53] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018.

[54] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 30 April 2018.

[55] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 30 April 2018.

[56] Amnesty International interviews, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 and 30 April 2018.
[57] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018.
UlanBatori
BRF Oldie
Posts: 14045
Joined: 11 Aug 2016 06:14

Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by UlanBatori »

From Wikipedia
The Rohingya conflict is an ongoing conflict in the northern part of Myanmar's Rakhine State (formerly known as Arakan), characterised by sectarian violence between the Rohingya Muslim and Rakhine Buddhist communities, a military crackdown on Rohingya civilians by Myanmar's security forces,[39][40][41] and militant attacks by Rohingya insurgents in Buthidaung, Maungdaw, and Rathedaung Townships, which border Bangladesh.[42][43][21]

The conflict arises chiefly from the religious and social differentiation between the Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims. During World War II in Burma (present-day Myanmar), Rohingya Muslims, who were allied with the British and promised a Muslim state in return, fought against local Rakhine Buddhists, who were allied with the Japanese. Following independence in 1948, the newly formed union government of the predominantly Buddhist country denied citizenship to the Rohingyas, subjecting them to extensive systematic discrimination in the country. This has widely been compared to apartheid[44][45][46][47] by many international academics, analysts, and political figures, including Desmond Tutu, a famous South African anti-apartheid activist.[48]

From 1947 to 1961, Rohingya mujahideen fought government forces in an attempt to have the mostly Rohingya populated region around the Mayu peninsula in northern Arakan (present-day Rahkine State) gain autonomy or secede, so it could be annexed by Pakistan's East Bengal (present-day Bangladesh).[49] During the late 1950s and early 1960s, the mujahideen lost most of its momentum and support, resulting in most of them surrendering to government forces.[50][51]

In the 1970s Rohingya separatist movements emerged from remnants of the mujahideen, and the fighting culminated with the Burmese government launching a massive military operation named Operation Dragon King in 1978 to expel so-called "foreigners".[52] In the 1990s, the well-armed Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) was the main perpetrator of attacks on Burmese authorities near the Bangladesh–Myanmar border.[53] The Burmese government responded militarily with Operation Clean and Beautiful Nation, but failed to disarm the RSO.[54][55]

In October 2016, Burmese border posts along the Bangladesh–Myanmar border were attacked by a new insurgent group, Harakah al-Yaqin, resulting in the deaths of at least 40 combatants.[42][43][56] It was the first major resurgence of the conflict since 2001.[2] Violence erupted again in November 2016, bringing the 2016 death toll to 134,[20] and again on 25 August 2017, when the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (formerly Harakah al-Yaqin) launched coordinated attacks on 24 police posts and an army base that left 71 dead.[21][57][58]

A subsequent military crackdown by Myanmar prompted the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to investigate the matter and release a report on 11 October 2017 detailing the Burmese military's "systematic process" of driving hundreds of thousands of Rohingyas from Myanmar "through repeated acts of humiliation and violence".
UlanBatori
BRF Oldie
Posts: 14045
Joined: 11 Aug 2016 06:14

Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by UlanBatori »

Background
Further information: Rohingya people and Persecution of Muslims in Myanmar

The Rohingya people are an ethnic minority that live mainly in the northern region of Myanmar's Rakhine State (formerly Arakan) and have been described as one of the world's most persecuted minorities.[63][64][65] They describe themselves as descendants of Arab traders who settled in the region many generations ago.[63] However, French scholar Jacques Leider has stated that "the forefathers of the overwhelming majority of Muslims in Rakhine have migrated from Bengal to Rakhine [...] their descendants and the Muslims as whole had in fact been rather uncontroversially referred to as 'Bengalis' until the early 1990s", and that they were also referred to as "Chittagonians" during the British colonial period.[66] Others such as Chris Lewa and Andrew Selth have identified the group as ethnically related to the Bengalis of southern Bangladesh while anthropologist Christina Fink uses Rohingya not as an ethnic identifier but as a political one.[c]

With the Japanese invasion and withdrawal of the British administration, tensions in Arakan before the war erupted. The war caused inter-communal conflicts between the Arakanese Muslims and Buddhists. Muslims fled from Japanese-controlled and Buddhist-majority regions to Muslim-dominated northern Arakan with many being killed. In return, a "reverse ethnic cleansing" was carried out. The Muslim attacks caused the Buddhists to flee to southern Arakan. Attacks by Muslim villagers on Buddhists also caused reprisals. With the consolidation of their position throughout northern Arakan, the Rohingyas retaliated against Japanese collaborators, particularly Buddhists. Though unofficial, specific undertaking were made to Arakanese Muslims after World War II. V Force officers like Andrew Irwin expressed enthusiasm to award Muslims for loyalty. Rohingya leaders believed that the British had promised them a "Muslim National Area" in present-day Maungdaw District. They were also apprehensive of a future Buddhist-dominated government. In 1946, the leaders made calls for annexation of the territory by Pakistan. Some also called for an independent state. The requests to the British government were however ignored.[67][68][69]

After the colonial period, the first mass exodus from what was then East Pakistan took place towards the 1970s.[70] In the 1950s, a "political and militant movement" rose to create "an autonomous Muslim zone", and the militants used Rohingya to describe themselves, marking the "modern origins" of the term.[71] The persecution of Rohingyas in Myanmar dates back to the 1970s.[72] The term "Rohingya" has gained currency since 1990s after "the second exodus" of "a quarter-million people from Bangladesh to Rakhine" in the early 1990s.[70]

The Rohingya were denied citizenship in 1982 by the government of Myanmar, which sees them as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.[63] Since then, Rohingyas have regularly been made the target of persecution by the government and nationalist Buddhists.[73]
Mujahideen movements (1947–1961)
Early separatist insurgency

In May 1946, Muslim leaders from Arakan met with Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, and asked for the formal annexation of two townships in the Mayu region, Buthidaung and Maungdaw, into East Bengal (present-day Bangladesh). Two months later, the North Arakan Muslim League was founded in Akyab (present-day Sittwe, capital of Rakhine State), which also asked Jinnah to annex the region.[74] Jinnah refused, saying he could not interfere with Burma's internal matters. After Jinnah's refusal, proposals were made by Muslims in Arakan to the newly formed post-independence government of Burma, asking for the concession of the two townships to Pakistan. These proposals were rejected by Burma's parliament.[75]

Local mujahideen were subsequently formed to fight against the Burmese government,[76] and they began targeting government soldiers stationed in the area. Led by Mir Kassem, the newly formed mujahideen began gaining territory, driving out local ethnic Rakhine communities from their villages, some of whom fled to East Bengal.[77][better source needed]

In November 1948, martial law was declared in the region, and the 5th Battalion of the Burma Rifles and the 2nd Chin Battalion were sent to liberate the area. By June 1949, the Burmese government's control over the region was reduced to the city of Akyab, whilst the mujahideen had possession of nearly all of northern Arakan. After several months of fighting, Burmese forces were able to push the mujahideen back into the jungles of the Mayu region, near the country's western border.[citation needed]

In 1950, the Pakistani government warned its counterparts in Burma about their treatment of Muslims in Arakan. Burmese Prime Minister U Nu immediately sent a Muslim diplomat, Pe Khin, to negotiate a memorandum of understanding so that Pakistan would cease assisting the mujahideen. Kassem was arrested by Pakistani authorities in 1954, and many of his followers subsequently surrendered to the government.[1]

The post-independence government accused the mujahideen of encouraging the illegal immigration of thousands of Bengalis from East Bengal into Arakan during their rule of the area, a claim that has been highly disputed over the decades, as it brings into question the legitimacy of the Rohingya as natives of Arakan.[50]
Military operations against the mujahideen

Between 1950 and 1954, the Burma Army launched several military operations against the remaining mujahideen in northern Arakan.[78] The first military operation was launched in March 1950, followed by a second named Operation Mayu in October 1952. Several mujahideen leaders agreed to disarm and surrender to government forces following the successful operations.[74]

In the latter half of 1954, the mujahideen again began to carry out attacks on local authorities and military units stationed around Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung. Hundreds of ethnic Rakhine Buddhists began hunger strikes in Rangoon (present-day Yangon) in protest,[50] and the government subsequently launched Operation Monsoon in October 1954.[74] The Tatmadaw managed to capture the main strongholds of the mujahideen and managed to kill several of their leaders. The operation successfully reduced the mujahideen's influence and support in the region.[15]
Decline and fall of the mujahideen
A Rohingya mujahid surrenders his weapon to Brigadier-General Aung Gyi, 4 July 1961.

In 1957, 150 mujahideen, led by Shore Maluk and Zurah, surrendered to government forces. On 7 November 1957, 214 additional mujahideen under the leadership of al-Rashid disarmed and surrendered to government forces.[51]

The mujahideen began to lose their momentum by the start of the 1960s, following the implementation of various policies by the Burmese government. The governments of Burma and Pakistan began negotiating on how to deal with the mujahideen at their border, and on 1 May 1961 the Mayu Frontier District was established in Arakan to appease the Rohingya.[79]

On 4 July 1961, 290 mujahideen in southern Maungdaw Township surrendered their arms in front of Brigadier-General Aung Gyi, who was Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Burma Army at the time.[80] On 15 November 1961, a few more mujahideen surrendered to Aung Gyi in Buthidaung.[50] However, dozens of mujahideen remained under the command of Zaffar Kawal, 40 under Abdul Latif, and 80 under Annul Jauli; all these groups lacked local support and unity, which led them to become rice smugglers around the end of the 1960s.[51]
Rohingya separatist movements (1972–2001)
Separatist groups in the 1970s and 1980s

Zaffar Kawal founded the Rohingya Liberation Party (RLP) on 15 July 1972, after mobilising various former mujahideen factions under his command. Zaffar appointed himself chairman of the party, Abdul Latif as vice-chairman and minister of military affairs, and Muhammad Jafar Habib, a graduate of Rangoon University, as secretary general. Their strength increased from 200 fighters at their foundation to 500 by 1974. The RLP was largely based in the jungles near Buthidaung and was armed with weapons smuggled from Bangladesh. After a massive military operation by the Tatmadaw in July 1974, Zaffar and most of his men fled across the border into Bangladesh.[51][81]

On 26 April 1964, the Rohingya Independence Front (RIF) was established with the goal of creating an autonomous Muslim zone for the Rohingya people. The name of the group was changed to the Rohingya Independence Army (RIA) in 1969 and then to the Rohingya Patriotic Front (RPF) on 12 September 1973.[82] In June 1974, the RPF was reorganised with Muhammad Jafar Habib as self-appointed president, Nurul Islam, a Rangoon-educated lawyer, as vice president, and Muhammad Yunus, a medical doctor, as secretary general.[51] The RPF had around 70 fighters.[2]

In February 1978, government forces began a massive military operation named Operation Nagamin (Operation Dragon King) in northern Arakan, with the official focus of expelling so-called "foreigners" from the area prior to a national census.[83] The primary objective of the Tatmadaw during the operation was to force RPF insurgents and sympathisers out of Arakan. As the operation extended farther northwest, hundreds of thousands of Rohingyas crossed the border seeking refuge in Bangladesh.[2][84][85]

In 1982, radical elements broke away from the Rohingya Patriotic Front (RPF) and formed the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO).[2] It was led by Muhammad Yunus, the former secretary general of the RPF. The RSO became the most influential and extreme faction amongst Rohingya insurgent groups by basing itself on religious grounds. It gained support from various Islamist groups, such as Jamaat-e-Islami, Hizb-e-Islami, Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, Angkatan Belia Islam sa-Malaysia and the Islamic Youth Organisation of Malaysia.[2][85]

The Burmese Citizenship Law was introduced on 15 October 1982, and with the exception of the Kaman people, Muslims in the country were legally unrecognised and denied Burmese citizenship.[86]

In 1986, the RPF merged with a faction of the RSO led by the former vice president of the RPF, Nurul Islam, and became the Arakan Rohingya Islamic Front (ARIF).[87][88]
Activity and expansions in the 1990s

In the early 1990s, the military camps of the RSO were located in the Cox's Bazar District in southern Bangladesh. RSO possessed a significant arsenal of light machine-guns, AK-47 assault rifles, RPG-2 rocket launchers, claymore mines and explosives, according to a field report conducted by correspondent Bertil Lintner in 1991.[53] The Arakan Rohingya Islamic Front (ARIF) was mostly armed with British manufactured 9mm Sterling L2A3 sub-machine guns, M-16 assault rifles and .303 rifles.[53]

The military expansion of the RSO resulted in the government of Myanmar launching a massive counter-offensive named Operation Pyi Thaya (Operation Clean and Beautiful Nation) to expel RSO insurgents along the Bangladesh–Myanmar border. In December 1991, Burmese soldiers crossed the border and accidentally attacked a Bangladeshi military outpost, causing a strain in Bangladeshi-Myanmar relations. By April 1992, more than 250,000 Rohingya civilians had been forced out of northern Rakhine State as a result of the increased military operations in the area.[2]

In April 1994, around 120 RSO insurgents entered Maungdaw Township in Myanmar by crossing the Naf River which marks the border between Bangladesh and Myanmar. On 28 April 1994, nine out of twelve bombs planted in different areas in Maungdaw by RSO insurgents exploded, damaging a fire engine and a few buildings, and seriously wounding four civilians.[89]

On 28 October 1998, the armed wing of the RSO and ARIF and formed the Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO), operating in-exile in Cox's Bazaar.[2] The Rohingya National Army (RNA) was established as its armed wing.

In 2002, the Tatmadaw began sharing military intelligence with the United States regarding Rohingya insurgent groups. A report given to the CIA alleged that ARNO had 170 fighters in 2002, and that ARNO leaders met with members of al-Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. The report further claimed that 90 ARNO members were sent to Afghanistan and Libya for training in guerrilla warfare. None of the claims in the report were independently verified.[3]

The Islamic extremist organisations Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami[90] and Harkat-ul-Ansar[91] also claimed to have branches in Myanmar.
Emergence of ARSA (2016–present)
Main article: Northern Rakhine State clashes
Members of the Myanmar Police Force patrolling in Maungdaw in September 2017.

On 9 October 2016, hundreds of unidentified insurgents attacked three Burmese border posts along Myanmar's border with Bangladesh.[92] According to government officials in the mainly Rohingya border town of Maungdaw, the attackers brandished knives, machetes and homemade slingshots that fired metal bolts. Nine border officers were killed in the attack,[42] and 48 guns, 6,624 bullets, 47 bayonets and 164 bullet cartridges were looted by the insurgents.[93] On 11 October 2016, four soldiers were killed on the third day of fighting.[43] Following the attacks, reports emerged of several human rights violations allegedly perpetrated by Burmese security forces in their crackdown on suspected Rohingya insurgents.[94]

Government officials in Rakhine State originally blamed the RSO, an Islamist insurgent group mainly active in the 1980s and 1990s, for the attacks;[95] however, on 17 October 2016, a group calling itself Harakah al-Yaqin (later changed to the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army or ARSA) claimed responsibility.[96] In the following days, six other groups released statements, all citing the same leader.[97]

The Myanmar Army announced on 15 November 2016 that 69 Rohingya insurgents and 17 security forces (10 policemen, 7 soldiers) had been killed in recent clashes in northern Rakhine State, bringing the death toll to 134 (102 insurgents and 32 security forces). It was also announced that 234 people suspected of being connected to the attack were arrested.[20][98] Some of them will later be sentenced to death for their involvement in 9 October's attacks.[99]

Nearly two dozen prominent human rights activists, including Malala Yousafzai, Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Richard Branson, called on the United Nations Security Council to intervene and end the "ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity" being perpetrated in northern Rakhine State.[100]

A police document obtained by Reuters in March 2017 listed 423 Rohingyas detained by the police since 9 October 2016, 13 of whom were children, the youngest being ten years old. Two police captains in Maungdaw verified the document and justified the arrests, with one of them saying, "We the police have to arrest those who collaborated with the attackers, children or not, but the court will decide if they are guilty; we are not the ones who decide." Myanmar police also claimed that the children had confessed to their alleged crimes during interrogations, and that they were not beaten or pressured during questioning. The average age of those detained is 34, the youngest is 10, and the oldest is 75.[24][25]

In early August 2017, the Burmese military resumed "clearance operations" in northern Rakhine State, worsening the humanitarian crisis in the country, according to a report by the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) released on 11 October 2017. The report, titled the Mission report of OHCHR rapid response mission to Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, detailed the "systematic process" pursued by the Burmese military in driving out the Rohingya population from the country, as well as various human rights violations allegedly perpetrated by military personnel.[59][101]

During the early hours of 25 August 2017, up to 150 insurgents launched coordinated attacks on 24 police posts and the 552nd Light Infantry Battalion army base in Rakhine State, leaving 71 dead (12 security personnel and 59 insurgents).[21][57][58] The Tatmadaw stated on 1 September 2017 that the death toll had risen to 370 insurgents, 13 security personnel, two government officials and 14 civilians.[23]

A one-month unilateral ceasefire was declared by ARSA on 9 September 2017, in an attempt to allow aid groups and humanitarian workers safe access into northern Rakhine State.[102][103][104] In a statement, the group urged the government to lay down their arms and agree to their ceasefire, which would have been in effect from 10 September until 9 October (the one-year anniversary of the first attacks on Burmese security forces by ARSA). The government rejected the ceasefire, with Zaw Htay, the spokesperson for the State Counselor's office, stating, "We have no policy to negotiate with terrorists."[105]

At the end of October 2017, the UN estimated that over 600,000 Rohingya refugees had fled to Bangladesh since armed clashes resumed two months earlier.[106][107] The Bangladeshi ambassador to the UN described the situation as "untenable" for his country, which planned to sterilise Rohingya women in order to avoid a population explosion[108] and which also planned on seeking, in cooperation with the Burmese authorities, to repatriate some of the Rohingya refugees in Rakhine State.[109] However, much of the agricultural land abandoned by Rohingya refugees have been seized by the government,[110] and a vast majority of them do not have any official documents certifying that they have lived in the Rakhine State prior to the violence, due to their statelessness.

On 22 May 2018, Amnesty International released a report claiming it had evidence that ARSA rounded up and killed as many as 99 Hindu civilians on 25 August 2017, the same day that ARSA launched a massive attack against Myanmar's security forces.[111][112]
Humanitarian crisis
Further information: Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh
Internally displaced Rohingyas in Rakhine State, 14 December 2012.

An estimated 655,000 to 700,000 Rohingya people reportedly fled to Bangladesh between 25 August 2017 and December 2017, to avoid ethnic and religious persecution by Myanmar's security forces in their "clearance operations" against insurgents,[113][114][115] joining an additional 300,000 Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh who had arrived after fleeing earlier waves of communal violence.[116] The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimated on 31 July 2018 that 128,000 Rohingyas were internally displaced inside of Rakhine State.[29][30]

At the 73rd session of the United Nations General Assembly in late September 2018, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina stated that her country was hosting at least 1.1 million Rohingya refugees, and asked international leaders to help support an "early, peaceful solution" to the humanitarian crisis.[117]

Seven Rohingya refugees were deported from India on 3 October 2018, following a decision by the Supreme Court of India to reject a petition to halt their deportation. The refugees had been held in prison since 2012 for illegally entering India, after they fled communal riots in Rakhine State.[118][119] The deportation went forward despite warnings by the United Nations, which cited inadequate conditions for repatriation.[120] There remains an estimated 18,000 Rohingya asylum seekers in India, most of whom were smuggled into the country illegally and made their way to cities with significant Muslim populations like Hyderabad and Jammu.[121]
Report by the OHCHR

On 11 October 2017, the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) released a report titled the Mission report of OHCHR rapid response mission to Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, which detailed the Burmese military's "systematic process" of driving away hundreds of thousands of Rohingyas from Myanmar. The report noted that prior to the attacks on 25 August 2017 and the military crackdown that ensued, the military pursued a strategy to:[59][101]

have male Rohingyas between the ages of 15–40 years arrested and/or arbitrarily detained
have Rohingya political, cultural and religious figures arrested and/or arbitrarily detained
ensure that access to food, livelihoods and other means of conducting daily activities and life be taken away from Rohingya villagers
drive out Rohingya villagers en masse through repeated acts of humiliation and violence, such as [the] incitement of [sectarian] hatred, violence and killings
instill deep and widespread fear and trauma (physical, emotional and psychological) in Rohingyas, through acts of brutality; namely killings, disappearances, torture, and rape (and other forms of sexual violence)

War crimes
[icon]
This section needs expansion with: additional information about Tatmadaw/ARSA massacres of civilians. You can help by adding to it. (September 2019)

According to a March 2018 report by the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR), 43,000 Rohingya parents have been "reported lost, [and] presumed dead" since the beginning of the military crackdown in August 2017.[122] An August 2018 study by Harvard University estimated that in the same period, 24,000 Rohingyas had been killed, 18,000 Rohingya women and girls had been raped, 116,000 Rohingyas had been beaten, and 36,000 Rohingyas had been victims of arson.[26] According to a BBC report in 2019, the government demolished entire Muslim Rohingya villages in Myanmar and replaced them by police barracks, government buildings and refugee relocation camps.[123]
Misleading images

Misleading images have been used by both sides of the conflict, alongside claims of violence against civilians. Verifying the authenticity of images has become a challenge for researchers, due to media and travel restrictions imposed by Myanmar's government on Rakhine State.[124]

Following the August 2017 ARSA attacks and the subsequent crackdown by the military, photos were released by Burmese officials allegedly showing several Rohingyas setting fire to buildings in their own village. Government spokesman Zaw Htay tweeted a link to a government article about the photos, with the caption "Photos of Bengalis setting fire to their houses!" However, journalists later recognized two of the arsonists as Hindus from a nearby school building, prompting Htay to announce that the government would investigate the matter.[125][126]

In July 2018, the Tatmadaw's department of public relations released a propaganda publication titled "Myanmar Politics and the Tatmadaw: Part I", in which it contained photos purportedly showing the illegal immigration of Rohingyas during British rule and violence perpetrated by Rohingya villagers against ethnic Rakhine villagers. It was later revealed by Reuters that the photos had been captioned misleadingly; a photo that supposedly showed a Rohingya man with the corpses of slain Rakhine locals was actually a photo taken during the Bangladesh Liberation War of a man recovering the corpses of massacred Bengalis, and a photo that claimed to show the entry of hundreds of "Bengali intruders" (i.e. Rohingyas) into Rakhine State was in fact an award-winning photo of Hutu refugees taken in 1996.[127][128] The Burmese military later apologised on 3 September 2018 for misusing the photos, saying in a statement, "We sincerely apologize to the readers and the owners of the photographs for the mistake."[129]
Facebook controversies

Following the ARSA attacks in August 2017, Facebook received heavy criticism for its handling of anti-Rohingya hate speech on its platform. In March 2018, a U.N. investigator accused Facebook of allowing its platform to be used to incite violence against the Rohingya, and said that the site had "turned into a beast." An investigation by Reuters in August 2018 found that over a thousand derogatory posts and comments against Rohingyas and other Muslims were viewable on Facebook, despite the company's CEO, Mark Zuckerberg, pledging to U.S. senators four months prior to hire more Burmese language reviewers to combat the problem.[130]

A New York Times report released in October 2018 stated that starting around 2013, the Burmese military began an online campaign against the Rohingya, creating up to 700 throw-away accounts and fake news pages to spread disinformation and criticize posts not in line with the military's stances on issues. Facebook's cybersecurity policy head called the military's actions "clear and deliberate attempts to covertly spread propaganda." In August 2018, Facebook permanently removed several of the accounts, which included fake fan pages of celebrities and national icons.[131]

The report also stated that the military's intelligence arm began a campaign in 2017 to incite civil discord between Buddhists and Muslims, sending false warnings of future attacks via Facebook Messenger, purporting to be from news sites and celebrity fan pages. Buddhist groups were reportedly told to be wary of future "jihadist attacks", whilst Muslim groups were told that anti-Muslim protests were being organised by nationalist Buddhist monks.[131]
See also

Islam in Myanmar
Moro conflict
South Thailand insurgency

Notes

14 soldiers, 31 policemen and 1 immigration officer.[20][21][22]
See[31][32][33][34][35][36][37][38]

See (Leider 2013) for the academic opinion on the historical usage of the term by several academics and authors. (Leider 2013: 215–216): Lewa in 2002 wrote that "the Rohingya Muslims are ethnically and religiously related to the Chittagonians of southern Bangladesh."
Selth in 2003: "These are Bengali Muslims who live in Arakan State... Most Rohingyas arrived with the British colonialists in the 19th and 20th centuries."
(Leider 2013: 216) citing Christina Fink: "small armed group of Muslims generally known as Rohingya".

References

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chanakyaa
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by chanakyaa »

Thanks for posting the articles. Tonne of material to go thru. In the meantime, appears to be Kosovo duex? Looks like the chosen ones are on to their time tested dirty tricks. Pick a country with deep divide between minority to create mini-kashmir. If the minority is eeslamic, even better. Aung San has already been neutralized with a nobel baksheesh. Minority Rohingyas in a border state with BD and port access is ripe for future conflict. Works well with asian pivot too. More than Burma, it could end up rattling BD.
UlanBatori
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by UlanBatori »

I can't see the end-game. What if the Bhesht/ Islamic nations topple the Jarnails of Myanmar? I don't think the bissful are majority in myanmar, hain? Where is the Chinese hand in this I wonder.
Gautam_2
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by Gautam_2 »

During World War II in Burma (present-day Myanmar), Rohingya Muslims, who were allied with the British and promised a Muslim state in return, fought against local Rakhine Buddhists
sounds familiar
KLNMurthy
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by KLNMurthy »

chanakyaa wrote:Thanks for posting the articles. Tonne of material to go thru. In the meantime, appears to be Kosovo duex? Looks like the chosen ones are on to their time tested dirty tricks. Pick a country with deep divide between minority to create mini-kashmir. If the minority is eeslamic, even better. Aung San has already been neutralized with a nobel baksheesh. Minority Rohingyas in a border state with BD and port access is ripe for future conflict. Works well with asian pivot too. More than Burma, it could end up rattling BD.
Is burmese military strong enough to prevent an Islamic Republic of Rakhine? Obviously that's the end game.
chanakyaa
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by chanakyaa »

Aung San Suu Kyi's speech at the ICJ in full (Long read)

"Thank you, Mr President and members of the court. It is an honour to appear as Agent of the Union of the Republic of Myanmar in these proceedings, in my capacity as Union Minister of Foreign Affairs.

"For materially less resourceful countries like Myanmar, the World Court is a vital refuge of international justice. We look to the Court to establish conditions conducive to respect for obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law, one of the fundamental objectives of the United Nations Charter.

"In the present case, Mr President, the Court has been asked to apply the 1948 Genocide Convention, one of the most fundamental multilateral treaties of our time. Invoking the 1948 Genocide Convention is a matter of utmost gravity. This is the treaty that we made following the systematic killing of more than six million European Jews, and that my country wholeheartedly signed as early as December 30, 1949, and ratified on March 14, 1956. Genocide is the crime that the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda applied in response to the mass-killing of perhaps 70 percent of the Tutsis in Rwanda. It is the crime that was not applied by the Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to the displacement of approximately one million residents of Kosovo in 1999. Neither was it applied by that Tribunal nor by this Court when deciding upon the exodus of the Serb population from Croatia in 1995.

"In both situations, international justice resisted the temptation to use this strongest of legal classifications because the requisite specific intent to physically destroy the targeted group in whole or in part was not present.

"Regrettably, The Gambia has placed before the Court an incomplete and misleading factual picture of the situation in Rakhine State in Myanmar. Yet, it is of the utmost importance that the Court assess the situation obtaining on the ground in Rakhine dispassionately and accurately. The situation in Rakhine is complex and not easy to fathom.

"But one thing surely touches all of us equally: the sufferings of the many innocent people whose lives were torn apart as a consequence of the armed conflicts of 2016 and 2017, in particular, those who have had to flee their homes and are now living in camps in Cox's Bazar.

"Mr President and members of the court, the troubles of Rakhine State and its population, whatever their background, go back into past centuries and have been particularly severe over the last few years. Currently, an internal armed conflict is going on there – between the Arakan Army, an organised Buddhist armed group with more than 5,000 fighters, and the regular Myanmar Defence Services. None of the speakers yesterday made any reference to this.

"The Arakan Army seeks autonomy or independence for Rakhine - or Arakan as it was called - finding inspiration in the memory of the historic Kingdom of Arakan. This conflict has led to the displacement of thousands of civilians in Rakhine. Standard security restrictions - such as curfew and checkpoints - are in place at present in the conflict zone and affect the situation of civilians there, regardless of their background.

"Mr President, on October 9, 2016, approximately 400 fighters of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army - known as ARSA – launched simultaneous attacks on three police posts in Maungdaw and Rathedaung townships in northern Rakhine, near the border with Bangladesh. ARSA claimed responsibility for these attacks, which led to the death of nine police officers, more than 100 dead or missing civilians, and the theft of 68 guns and more than 10,000 rounds of ammunition.

"This was the start of an internal armed conflict between ARSA and Myanmar's Defence Services which lasted until late 2017. The selective factual propositions contained in The Gambia's Application actually concern this conflict.

"In the months following the October 9, 2016 attacks, ARSA grew in strength in the Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships in northern Rakhine. It resorted to threats and intimidation against local villagers in order to gain support and allegiance, executing suspected informers. According to, among others, the International Crisis Group, ARSA received weapons - and explosives - training from Afghan and Pakistani militants.

"In the early morning of August 25, 2017, several thousand ARSA fighters launched coordinated attacks on more than 30 police posts and villages, and an army base in northern Rakhine. Most of the attacks took place on the narrow Maungdaw plain, which is framed by densely forested hills to the east, and the border with Bangladesh to the west. Indications are that ARSA's objective was to seize Maungdaw township.

"It may aid the Court to briefly consider the historical significance of Maungdaw. When Britain made Burma a colonial entity separate from British India in 1937, the border between Burma and India was drawn along the river Naf, where we find today's border between Bangladesh and Myanmar. The historical Kingdom of Arakan had extended much further to the north than the river Naf, including most of what is today Chittagong District in Bangladesh.

"Members of some Rakhine communities, therefore, felt that the border drawn by the British was too far south; others, that it was too far north. Myanmar has never challenged this border since independence in 1948.

"Britain did not lose control over what is today Maungdaw township during World War II. From September 1942, a number of local Muslim families offered fighters to the British irregular V-Force set up to collect intelligence and to initially absorb any Japanese advance. Many Muslims gave their lives in combat against the Japanese in Rakhine.

"The sacrifices made by Muslim fighters motivated a call for the creation of an autonomous Muslim space in northern Rakhine, centred on Maungdaw. Whether or not this was encouraged by British officers, Britain rejected this call as soon as it had reoccupied Burma, before independence in 1948. The Muslim-Buddhist intercommunal violence of 1942 recurred in 1948 and several times after that. This cycle of violence has negatively affected life in northern Rakhine, making it the second poorest state in Myanmar.

"Mr President and members of the court, may I go back to the situation in Rakhine on the morning of August 25, 2017. More than thirty police stations and villages, and one military base, had been attacked before sunrise in a highly coordinated fashion, by an organised armed group operating along a densely forested hill-range that provides ample opportunity to hide. Many of the ARSA fighters had been recruited from local villages in the weeks and months preceding the attack.

"Myanmar's Defence Services responded to the attacks of ARSA fighters by the use of ground forces. There were armed incidents in more than 60 locations. The main clashes occurred in 12 places: In Min Gyi (Tola Toli) village, Chut Pyin village, Maung Nu village, Gutar Pyin village, Alai Than Kyaw village, Myin Lut village, Inn Din village, Chein Kharli (Koetan Kauk) village, Myo Thugyi ward, Kyauk Pandu village, wards of Maungdaw Town, and southern Maungdaw.

"Mr President, allow me to clarify the use of the term 'clearance operation' - 'nae myay shin lin yeh' in Myanmar [language]. Its meaning has been distorted. As early as the 1950s, this term has been used during military operations against the Burma Communist Party in Bago Range. Since then, the military has used this expression in counter-insurgency and counter-terrorism operations after attacks by insurgents or terrorists. In the Myanmar language, 'nae myay shin lin yeh' – literally 'clearing of locality' – simply means to clear an area of insurgents or terrorists.

"It is still not easy to establish clear patterns of events in these 12 locations. Many ARSA fighters died. There may have been several hundred casualties in some of the 12 locations. There was some inter-communal violence. Buddhist and Hindu minority communities also feared for their security after the original ARSA attacks and many fled from their homes.

"It may be worth noting that the use of air power in military operations was avoided as far as possible to minimise the risk of collateral damage. However, in one incident, in order to be able to extract a unit surrounded by hundreds of ARSA fighters, the use of a helicopter was required. There was shooting from the helicopter which resulted in fatalities, which may have included noncombatants.

"Mr President, it cannot be ruled out that disproportionate force was used by members of the Defence Services in some cases in disregard of international humanitarian law, or that they did not distinguish clearly enough between ARSA fighters and civilians. There may also have been failures to prevent civilians from looting or destroying property after fighting or in abandoned villages. But these are determinations to be made in the due course of the criminal justice process, not by any individual in the Myanmar Government.

"Please bear in mind this complex situation and the challenge to sovereignty and security in our country when you are assessing the intent of those who attempted to deal with the rebellion. Surely, under the circumstances, genocidal intent cannot be the only hypothesis.

"Under its 2008 Constitution, Myanmar has a military justice system. Criminal cases against soldiers or officers for possible war crimes committed in Rakhine must be investigated and prosecuted by that system. On November 25, 2019, the Office of the Judge Advocate General announced the start of a court-martial for allegations linked to the Gutar Pyin village incident, one of the 12 main incidents referred to earlier. The Office also let it be known that there will be additional courts-martial if further incriminating evidence is brought by the Independent Commission of Enquiry. The ICOE is an independent special investigation procedure established for Rakhine allegations by the President of Myanmar, chaired by a former Deputy Foreign Minister from the Philippines, with three other members, including a former Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations from Japan.

"On November 26, 2019, this Commission announced that it had taken about 1500 witness statements from all affected groups in Rakhine and that it has interviewed 29 military personnel who were deployed to the affected townships in northern Rakhine during the military operations from August 25, 2017, to September 5, 2017, as well as 20 police personnel who were stationed at the police posts that were attacked on August 25, 2017. There is currently no other fact-finding body in the world that has garnered relevant first-hand information on what occurred in Rakhine in 2017 to the same extent as the Independent Commission of Enquiry and the Office of the Judge Advocate General in Myanmar.

"This fact reinforces my sense that I should refrain from any action or statement that could undermine the integrity of these ongoing criminal justice processes in Myanmar. They must be allowed to run their course. It is never easy for armed forces to recognise self-interest in accountability for their members, and to implement a will to accountability through actual investigations and prosecutions. I respectfully invite the members of the court to consider for a moment the record of other countries. This is a common challenge, even in resource-rich countries.

"Recent cases in the news headlines illustrate that even when military justice works, there can be reversals. This can also happen in Myanmar. As part of the overall efforts of the Myanmar Government to provide justice, a court-martial found that 10 Muslim men had been summarily executed in Inn Din village, one of the 12 locations of serious incidents referred to earlier. It sentenced four officers and three soldiers each to ten years in prison with hard labour. After serving a part of their sentences, they were given a military pardon. Many of us in Myanmar were unhappy with this pardon.

"Other cases are undertaken without controversy. In the Mansi case, for example, a court-martial sat close to the location in Kachin State where three internally displaced civilians were killed. It sentenced six soldiers, each to 10 years in prison, in January 2018. Relatives of the victims and local civil society representatives were invited to the sentencing.

"The Office of the Judge Advocate General in Myanmar is by our standards well-resourced, with more than 90 staff and a presence in all regional commands throughout the country. I am encouraged by the Gutar Pyin court-martial, and I expect the Office to continue its investigations and prosecutions based on reliable evidence collected in Rakhine and from persons who witnessed what happened there.

"Can there be genocidal intent on the part of a state that actively investigates, prosecutes and punishes soldiers and officers who are accused of wrongdoing? Although the focus here is on members of the military, I can assure you that appropriate action will also be taken against civilian offenders, in line with due process. There will be no tolerance of human rights violations in the Rakhine, or elsewhere in Myanmar.

"Mr President, there are those who wish to externalise accountability for alleged war crimes committed in Rakhine, almost automatically, without proper reflection. Some of the United Nations human rights mandates relied upon in the Application presented by The Gambia have even suggested that there cannot be accountability through Myanmar's military justice system. This not only contradicts Article 20(b) of the Constitution of Myanmar, it undercuts painstaking domestic efforts relevant to the establishing of cooperation between the military and the civilian government in Myanmar, in the context of a Constitution that needs to be amended to complete the process of democratisation. That process is now underway at the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, the Union Parliament.

"The emerging system of international criminal justice rests on the principle of complementarity. Accountability through domestic criminal justice is the norm. Only if domestic accountability fails, may international justice come into play. It would be inconsistent with complementarity to require that domestic criminal justice should proceed much faster than international criminal justice. A rush to externalise accountability may undermine professionals in domestic criminal justice agencies. What does the appearance of competition between domestic and international accountability do to the public's trust in the intentions of impatient international actors?

"No stone should be left unturned to make domestic accountability work. It would not be helpful for the international legal order if the impression takes hold that only resource-rich countries can conduct adequate domestic investigations and prosecutions, and that the domestic justice of countries still striving to cope with the burden of unhappy legacies and present challenges is not good enough. The Gambia will also understand this challenge with which they too are confronted.

"Mr President and members of the court, these reflections are relevant to the present hearing because the Applicant has brought a case based on the Genocide Convention. We are, however, dealing with an internal armed conflict, started by coordinated and comprehensive attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, to which Myanmar's Defence Services responded. Tragically, this armed conflict led to the exodus of several hundred thousand Muslims from the three northernmost townships of Rakhine into Bangladesh – just as the armed conflict in Croatia with which the Court had to deal led to the massive exodus of, first, ethnic Croats and later, ethnic Serbs.

"As I have already stated, if war crimes have been committed by members of Myanmar's Defence Services, they will be prosecuted through our military justice system, in accordance with Myanmar's Constitution. It is a matter for the competent criminal justice authorities to assess whether, for example, there has been inadequate distinction between civilians and ARSA fighters, disproportionate use of force, violations of human rights, failure to prevent plundering or property destruction, or acts of forcible displacement of civilians. Such conduct, if proven, could be relevant under international humanitarian law or human rights conventions, but not under the 1948 Genocide Convention for reasons Professor William Schabas will elaborate in a moment.

"Mr President, allow me to share one further reflection in this Great Hall of Justice. International law may well be our only global value system, and international justice a practice that affirms our common values. Leaders of States and relevant inter-governmental and non-governmental organisations should also be cognisant of their responsibility to express and affirm fundamental values. Feeding the flames of an extreme polarisation in the context of Rakhine, for example, can harm the values of peace and harmony in Myanmar. Aggravating the wounds of conflict can undermine unity in Rakhine. Hate narratives are not simply confined to hate speech - language that contributes to extreme polarisation also amounts to hate narratives.

"Several international actors face a challenge here. But Myanmar could also have done more since the 1980s to emphasise the shared heritage and deeper layers of unity among the diverse peoples of our country. Cycles of inter-communal violence in Rakhine going back to the 1940s should be countered not just by practical measures aimed at sustainable development and rule of law, but also by nourishing a spiritual mindset of unity. It is a moral responsibility of leaders to guard the aspirations of people for harmony and peace.

"U Thant, the third United Nations Secretary-General, had understood this. He wrote in his memoirs View From the UN published in 1974: 'I even believe that the mark of the truly educated and imaginative person facing the twenty-first century is that he feels himself to be a planetary citizen' (p. 454). Encouraging this added layer of identity - a sense of planetary citizenship - is of fundamental importance for peaceful relations between nations as well as ethnic and religious groups.

"A commitment to broadening the mindset must go hand in hand with practical steps to improve lives. Even before the events of 2016-2017, Muslim, Buddhist and other communities in Rakhine faced what the Kofi Annan Advisory Commission described as complex challenges of low development and poverty rooted in enduring social conflict between the communities. The Myanmar government is committed to addressing these challenges. Together with our partners, we are now striving to ensure that all communities enjoy the same fundamental rights. To expedite citizenship verification and application, a mobile team is already in operation.

"All children born in Rakhine, regardless of religious background, are issued with birth certificates. Arrangements have been made to enable more Muslim youth to attend classes at universities across Myanmar. With the support of international and local partners, scholarships will also be made available to students from all communities living in Rakhine. The government has started a social cohesion model project in Maungdaw township, to promote social harmony among all communities. Inter-faith fora have been encouraged.

"These are some of the steps taken to improve livelihoods, security, access to education and health, citizenship, and social cohesion for all communities in Rakhine. Three IDP camps have already been closed, and an IDP-camp closure strategy has been adopted. Myanmar is also committed to voluntary, safe and dignified repatriation of displaced persons from Rakhine under the framework agreement reached between Bangladesh and Myanmar.

"Mr President, how can there be an ongoing genocide or genocidal intent when these concrete steps are being taken in Rakhine?

"To conclude, Mr President and members of the court, Rakhine today suffers an internal armed conflict between the Buddhist Arakan Army and Myanmar's Defence Services. Muslims are not a party to this conflict, but may, like other civilians in the conflict area, be affected by security measures that are in place. We pray the Court to refrain from taking any action that might aggravate the ongoing armed conflict and peace and security in Rakhine. Right now, in northern Rakhine, an army base near Paletwa is under attack by a group of more than 400 Arakan Army fighters, and some 200 insurgents have surrounded a military column near Ann City in Rakhine.

"Since Myanmar gained independence in 1948, our people have not known the security of sustainable development that is the fruit of peace and prosperity. Our greatest challenge is to address the roots of distrust and fear, prejudice and hate, that undermine the foundations of our Union. We shall adhere steadfastly to our commitment to non-violence, human rights, national reconciliation and rule of law, as we go forward to build the Democratic Federal Union to which our people have aspired for generations past.

"We look to justice as a champion of the reconciliation and harmony that will assure the security and rights of all peoples.

"Mr President and members of the court, I thank you for your kind attention and ask that you now call upon Professor William Schabas to continue the Myanmar submissions."
vishvak
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by vishvak »

it undercuts painstaking domestic efforts relevant
Myanmar seems to have elaborate mechanism s in place, even as 'insurgents' (not terrorists under religion/political aims) are and were clashing against Myanmar defence forces.

Hopefully the ICJ will hear from 'other minorities' as well about the trial case.
UlanBatori
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by UlanBatori »

Pssst:

So why are the Buddhists mad? Is it like Assom natives getting mad at guvrmand for failure to curb Islamization of Assom? There is a big gap in Suu Kyi's presentation in that respect: the complaints are definitely about Army slamming the Bissful, and there is a history of the Bissful genociding Hindus. Why is Myanmar hiding that side of the story and casting the Bissful as collateral damage, accidental bystanders hurt in a conflict that was not about them at all.
UlanBatori
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by UlanBatori »

One reason why I say that we should watch this (other than the obvious one of proximity to the events) is that other nations are going to start having to make the tough choice between being drowned in a green tide, or fighting back and kicking out the green while they still can. Myanmar is side-stepping the issue so far.
NRao
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by NRao »

What "Green"?

There is no "Green".

If anyone sees "Green" it is only an imagination, a thought.

There are only a majority and a minority.

And, as the Brits have told us "to the victors go the spoils".
vishvak
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by vishvak »

Only in some cases from posts above, there is witness proof of rakhein army (not terrorists under religious/political aims) killing other minorities including beheadings, rapes, loot, plunder, kidnapping, torching, etc. In other cases witness account is only about bloodied weapons and no direct (or video HD quality proof) of assault s against 'other minorities'.
Haresh
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by Haresh »

My take on this is the following:

1/ The USA/UK allied western nations have killed how many 100,000 if not millions of moslems in Iraq 1 & 1 wars. In Afghanistan, Syria, Libya and by way of weapons supplied in Yemen.

2/ They have invited a few million of these peacefuls into the west.

3/ They want money from the peacefuls in the Gulf, just look at CNN's advertising and their coverage of not just Burma but India.

What they are doing is trying to convince their resident peacefuls that they the west are the real friends of islam. That they will after all that killing look after their interests. It is Appeasement and distraction and grovelling all at the same time.
The left is leading this in the al guardian. They have been publishing numerous FARTicles with the comments disabled. They have to resort to censorship, they cannot tolerate a counter argument.

I have read somewhere that the total peaceful population of Burma is about 1.8-2 million. Why cannot they be Humanitarian Re location to the islamic world or the west?

The point should be made that Afghan was once Buddhist, look at it now and also, why should a Buddhist Dharmic land give up huge chunks of it's land for it's very own pakistan.

Relocation is the only answer.
The Liberals in the west are determined to commit suicide.
The lefts poor precious peacefuls:

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/ ... nship-bill

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/ ... est-bengal

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfr ... y-on-trial
chanakyaa
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by chanakyaa »

Beyond scoring some ideological points, ICJ verdict may result in movement of UN peacekeepers in Myanmar for the purpose of resettlement of the Green. Funny thing is that Joo-K may have induced Gamdbia to do the dirty work, and Gamdbia's case is fought by very experienced, hotshot milk and honey lawyer https://foleyhoag.com/people/reichler-paul, who also represented BD against India (below). Sadly, hundreds of such lawyers are busy dragging turd world countries against each other to doorsteps of the temple of international justice.

Bangladesh v. India. International Arbitration under Annex VII of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Counsel to Bangladesh (2009-2014) in case concerning the delimitation of the maritime boundary in the territorial sea, Exclusive Economic Zone, and extended continental shelf in the Bay of Bengal.
UlanBatori
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by UlanBatori »

Hu won that?
chanakyaa
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Re: Myanmar Rohingya Trial

Post by chanakyaa »

It was an arbitration case. I think BD left with favorable judgment. Details are in the link...

Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration between Bangladesh and India
On October 8, 2009, the People’s Republic of Bangladesh instituted arbitral proceedings concerning the delimitation of the maritime boundary between Bangladesh and the Republic of India pursuant to Article 287 and Annex VII, Article 1 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The Permanent Court of Arbitration acts as Registry in this arbitration.
UlanBatori
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by UlanBatori »

Up. Adminullahs, could kindly merge the thread "Rohingya Trial" that I started, into this thread? Sorry I could not find this b4 I posted a new thread, thanks!
Last edited by Gerard on 18 Dec 2019 02:06, edited 1 time in total.
Reason: Done
UlanBatori
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by UlanBatori »

Adalat-e-Kangaroo orders Myanmar to "prevent" genocide.
The Gambia for Permanent Member of UNSC?
krishna_krishna
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Re: The Rohingya Menace

Post by krishna_krishna »

This needs to be spread far and wide, mass graves of hindus found in rakhine killed by Rohingya's :

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/ ... ine-state/
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