sanjaykumar wrote:The jirga was attacked by a suicide bomber, killing over 100 tribal elders
What other juicy details are yet to come to light?.
sanjaykumar, that is old and well known piece of information. Let me explain.
The people of FATA region, who have already lost their jirga leaders and the malik
s, (more than 300 malik
s have been killed by the Taliban between circa 2002 and 2004 and another 300 between 2004 and 2008)have thus become receptive to Taliban and Al Qaeda propaganda. The massacre started with those who opposed the presence of foreign fighters (mainly Uzbeks and Chechens) in South Waziristan. Those who refused to accommodate them were dubbed as traitors or US Spies and killed. The Uzbeks, under Tahir Yuldashev's IMU (Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan), were particularly gruesome. Also, the influx of Punjabi Taliban (JeM, LeJ, HuJI) was looked at with suspicion by the Uzbeks because of the reputation of the close nexus between the Punjabi Taliban and the ISID. However, the Pakistani Army was making life miserable for the local population by raining them with long range artillery etc. and so they complained to their warlord Maulvi Nazir. In circa 2006, Maulvi Nazir (a Waziri from South Waziristan) colluded with the Pakistani Army and unleashed a war on the Uzbeks. Many Uzbeks were killed. Musharraf boasted that the PA helped with logistics etc. in Maulvi Nazir's operation. This angered the Uzbeks even more and the Taliban began to view PA as an enemy. Thus Maulvi Nazir, who was also protecting Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and Sirajuddin Haqqani in South Waziristan, became 'good Taliban' and the others 'bad Taliban'.
In February 2008, Pakistan entered into a secret peace deal with Baitullah Mehsud in South Waziristan. However, towards end-June, 2008, the Taliban mercilessly killed 23 jirga
leaders who were monitoring the implementation of the peace deal on the ground, in Jandola in South Waziristan right at the Frontier Corps HQ. The Taliban justified their killing by claiming they were ‘pro-Government’, a message of dire warning to other peace monitors. These ‘peace-monitors’ were generally those tribes that the Government was able to bribe them on their side. Obviously, the Taliban did not want these tribesmen to control their movement across the borders into Afghanistan, one of the sticky points in the ‘peace deal’. Thus the cornerstone of the argument by the Pakistani government that the peace deal this time would work better because it included a monitoring component lay shattered. Thus, the Taliban continued with their policy of mass elimination of jirga
that were opposed to them, the first of which was seen in early March 2008 at Darra Adam Khel when a suicide bomber killed over 40 jirga
leaders who were discussing the formation of a lashkar
to protect the Indus Highway. The Highway remains closed ever since (the important Kohat Friendship Tunnel is situated on the Indus Highway in the stretch between Badaber and Samar Payam, after Darra Adam Khel and before Kohat Town itself). Later the Taliban struck at Orakzai in Oct. 2008 when they eliminated over 100 jirga
leaders and in early November they attacked the jirga
of the Salarzai tribe in Bajaur killing 22 jirga
elders. After the massive Orakzai attack, this area came under Taliban rule which finally prompted the US to mount a drone attack on Hakimullah Mehsud’s compound in this area on April 1, 2009. Thus the Taliban strategy of eliminating important opinion makers, malik
s and jirga
leaders has been going unchecked since circa
2004 when similar tactics were employed to kill 200 jirga
elders and take over Waziristan, with Pakistani Army and the government not doing anything to help the jirga