NRao wrote:
I would suggest that you use the Toman curves in the V Sunder article I posted a few posts ago to come up with a table.
To me this entire episode revolves around:
Santhanam's observations and expectations: Depth 120 meters, crater radius 72 meters, estimated yield about 25 Kt. Observed: No crater, dust rising, shaft in tact, A-frame in tact. The point being EVEN at 15 Kt yield (forget about Santhanam's estimated yield) there should be a crater. Why was there not one at yield estimates way above 15 Kt?
RC/Sikka: Depth 230 meters, estimated yield 45 Kt. Observation: No crater, shaft in tact, A-Frame in tact, some rising dust that settles with a small bulge in the middle. Point being EVEN at maximum yield of 45 Kt there can be no crater and there was none.
So, to me BOTH go against Santhanam's position. (That is not a knock on Santhanam, but I am certainly questioning his position based on numbers from both sides.)
Anything beyond that - he could have, may have, think he may have, could be that ........ is speculation beyond what we have. Which is fine, but I am really not interested in that.
I do think the one entity that can break this situation is the IA. They should have the depth to which S1 shaft was dug.
We are not going to solve this issue with the Toman curves or with data available to us in the public domain, is the realization I have come to. Reasonable doubt with available public data is all that is needed, and we have that.
Santhanam refused to divulge the DOB in September. He still has a tremendous level of largely self imposed sense of responsibility in him not to divulge data. Data that he has access to in spades and was in charge. He came out with the DOB information, only and only after the Ramachandran article, obviously fed by the BARC crew. If you go through Ramachandran’s previous articles, his confidential access to BARC is clear.
Another thing is the more sqeaky clean the BARC calculations appear, my sense of doubt of the underlying data being manipulated increases. KS, has not yet divulged any of the CORRTEX information or other data, he has access to. What he desires is an investigation of this entire matter, instead of a judgment call based on a few set of leaders. When the government appointed the DRDO to measure certain aspects of the test, they cannot selectively throw out certain results. When there is a case for a credible doubt, by the agency responsible, the logical answer is to retest.
This is where the timelines and the players involved comes in. For this post, I will take the liberty of treating each of the players as mere mortals and not as demi gods or evil asuras.
On May 11, 1998 the day of the TN test itself, an offer for CTBT was made. Who would instigate such a thing. Shiv’s assessment of the political leaders across the board, living in fear of sanctions, is only partly true. The real player here is the MEA. At the time of the tests, there was no minister for the MEA. It is BM that effectively handled this aspect and hence, I attribute the offer for CTBT in the very first and subsequent statements to him. The offer was reiterated on the 13th and on the 23rd, it was announced that no more test were planned. On the 28th this plan of not conducting additional tests, was surprisingly turned into a voluntary moratorium. Ask the question, who was responsible for this policy. Only two names pop out. ABV and BM.
The above was the politics of it. A set of tests to provide India with an overt minimum level of assured weapons. There was no serious assessment of what constitutes a deterrent arsenal et al. The military was not involved in these strategies on the desired set of tests.
Given the above background, who chose what is to be tested and the purpose of these tests. Unsurprisingly then the BARC chose, a single weapon and the other four were used as data collection points. RC, believing that these tests, will provide enough data points to be able to design future weapons. This view of RC is seriously challenged within BARC and outside and has no precedence. Nevertheless, RC was the leader of the recently constituted AEC and the point man for this exercise representing the scientists. He was the person APJ being the scientific adviser to the PMO went to. Now, combine BM being the point person, who is saying the tests have to be limited due to foreign pressures and RC believing that the tests were not even needed.
Given the above pre-dispositions, the results come in. DRDO presents its initial results, expressing doubt that the TN test likely failed. The BARC believes that it succeeded. (I will give the benefit of doubt to RC and crew here, that they truly believed). The political dispensation does not desire additional tests and neither does the leader of the scientists. Now note the statement of May 17, 1998. It is a joint statement of the DAE and DRDO. I sense the role of APJ in this statement, where KS is asked to stand down and APJ sides with RC.
So, a political decision not based on science was made regarding the outcome of the tests.
What happened after that is the DRDO submitted a detailed test report, a report prepared by KS that APJ did allow to be submitted as the official view of the DRDO. However, he sided with RC, do not know, the RC report was in yet.
It seems in about the 5-6 ways to determine the results of the tests, the ones that rely mostly on physics, do not pass muster.
What we have here is a case for credible doubt. Do not expect to resolve this doubt in the public domain. As for your last statement, that the IA or military could break this log jam, doubt it. For, if the GoI was listening to them, we would not be in this place, in the first place.