Re: India-Russia: News & Analysis
Posted: 24 Jan 2011 19:38
20 killed by a suicide bomber in the arrivals lounge at domodedevo airport in Moscow according to Interfax. Domodedevo is Moscow's largest international airport
Consortium of Indian Defence Websites
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Its now the Biggest International Airport in Russia and easily the best run of the 5 in Moscow. The better Western airlines haversingh wrote:It used to be domestic airport. These days flights from CIS countries. Sherimetoyo is th Int airport.
Frankly I expected something like that. Actually US and UK want Russia to share Afghan burden. These attacks will bring Russia against talibanis while UK and Us make retreat. SoHaresh wrote:Moscow airport bomb: suicide bombers were part of squad trained in Pakistan
If this is true then the retaliation should be interesting.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldne ... istan.html
It seems to me that the author of this opinion peace may be the Russian equivalent of MK BhadrakumarChristopher Sidor wrote:India-Russia ties in the neoliberal era
This is a wonderful article as far as Russian perspective on the Indo-Russian relationship goes. Some meaningful points are
...
There we have it in black and white. In fact if one goes through the entire opinion we can roughly come to the following conclusion
1) Russia does not see us as a counter weight to China. So dont expect it not to export its latest weapons, including the future 5th Generation aircraft to China.
2) Russia's relationship with India is based on Money, refer to the 80 Billion USD comment.
3) Since Russia is the only country which is currently offering us the high advanced technology without any strings, we are dependent on Russia.
4) Russia cannot be taken for granted and it cannot be assumed automatically that it will help us in any conflict which Pakistan and/or China.
Please note that the all the emphasis shown above are mine and not of the author or the newspaper which carried this.
There may be even more to it. Bakistan is getting away with taking billions of dollars from Unkil while refusing to cooperate in the GWOT, because it knows that it is the "only game in town" (even US jernails and politicians have openly used that phrase.)rsingh wrote:Frankly I expected something like that. Actually US and UK want Russia to share Afghan burden. These attacks will bring Russia against talibanis while UK and Us make retreat. SoHaresh wrote:Moscow airport bomb: suicide bombers were part of squad trained in Pakistan
If this is true then the retaliation should be interesting.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldne ... istan.html
-Russia will be more then willing with NATO supplies.
-Russia may eventually be forced to take action.
-US, UK retreat and see the tamasha from outside............without giving up support for good Taliban.
No wonder western papers find Bakistani hand behind the blast so quickly............without any ref to usual "Caucasian separatist that are fighting against Russian control of the region"
If this is true, then it means that the blasts could have been a false flag operation by the Anglo-American empire. Hope Russia retaliates against that.rsingh wrote:Frankly I expected something like that. Actually US and UK want Russia to share Afghan burden. These attacks will bring Russia against talibanis while UK and Us make retreat. SoHaresh wrote:Moscow airport bomb: suicide bombers were part of squad trained in Pakistan
If this is true then the retaliation should be interesting.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldne ... istan.html
-Russia will be more then willing with NATO supplies.
-Russia may eventually be forced to take action.
-US, UK retreat and see the tamasha from outside............without giving up support for good Taliban.
No wonder western papers find Bakistani hand behind the blast so quickly............without any ref to usual "Caucasian separatist that are fighting against Russian control of the region"
show me an islam inspired terrorist attack anywhere in the world and I will show you a paki behind it.Haresh wrote:Moscow airport bomb: suicide bombers were part of squad trained in Pakistan
If this is true then the retaliation should be interesting.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldne ... istan.html
Giving an example of Indo-Russian cooperation in sensitive areas, Ivanov pointed out that so far India was the only country to which Russia had allowed access to high-precision GLONASS signals for defence and security requirements.
"India is so far the only country in the world, and most probably will remain the single foreign country to which we have agreed to provide access to high-precision GLONASS signals for defence and security requirements," Ivanov said.
Medvedev aims at Putin allies in apparent power struggle
Optimists suggest multi-party democracy may be emerging; pessimists say it's just scripted drama
By Jonathan Manthorpe, Vancouver Sun April 4, 2011
Investment and political analysts are puzzling over what appears to be a sharp and growing split between Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and his hand-picked successor as president, Dmitry Medvedev.
The apparent divide has led analysts to charge off in all directions with speculation it may prompt a real contest for the presidency in elections due next year and perhaps the birth of real multi-party democracy in Russia.
And an attack last week by Medvedev on the inefficiency and corruption of Russia's stateowned companies, which still hold the commanding heights of the country's economy, has some wondering whether a true market economy is about to supplant state capitalism.
Others -more skeptical, cynical or experienced -say the whole thing is a purposeful drama designed to create an illusion of political competition and to put an attractive investment gloss on state-owned companies at a time when capital is fleeing the country.
The apparent rift surfaced two weeks ago over the United Nations Security Council resolution authorizing "any necessary measures" to protect civilians in the civil war in Libya.
Putin said the resolution amounted to permission for a western invasion of Libya and said it reminded him of "medieval calls for crusades."
Medvedev, who as president has the authority over foreign policy, directed Russia's UN ambassador to abstain from voting on the resolution but not to veto it and called Putin's remarks "impermissible."
What has seemed to be a wellschooled tandem act since the two men assumed their current posts in 2008 came under further question last Wednesday when Medvedev surprised an audience at the steel-producing city of Magnitogorsk in the Urals with a speech outlining plans to remove leading Putin allies from the boards of key state companies.
Medvedev said that by the middle of this year independent directors should replace government ministers and deputy prime ministers on the boards of state companies "to remove excessive influence of state companies on the investment climate."
The president was also blunt about the effects of corruption on the economy. "The grip of corruption is not weakening," he said. "It is holding the economy by the neck. The result is obvious: Money is fleeing."
This is not a new message from Medvedev, but never before has the president tied economic reform and the evils of corruption to the removal of Putin's key allies.
That knot was tied on Thursday when Medvedev's top economic aide, Arkady Dvorkovich, gave reporters a list of the Putin loyalists headed for the chop.
Leading the list is Deputy Prime Minister Igor Sechin, chairman of Rosneft, Russia's largest oil company.
Sechin has been a close Putin ally since the prime minister was mayor of St. Petersburg in the 1990s. Sechin now heads an informal group of former security service officers who are close advisers to Putin, who has surrounded himself with fellow former KGB officers.
Medvedev, according to his aide, also has Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin slated to leave his sideline post as chairman of the supervisory board of the VTB Bank, Russia's second largest.
Then there's Transport Minister Igor Levitin, who Medvedev wants replaced on the board of Russia's biggest airline, Aeroflot, and First Deputy Prime Minister Viktor Zubrov who the president wants out of his position at the Russian Agricultural Bank.
Zubrov and Kudrin are also Putin allies from the St. Petersburg days.
The view that this is all a charade is held by Roland Nash, chief investment strategist at Verno Capital in Moscow. He was quoted by the Reuters news agency last week as saying, "I'm still of the view that the gap between Putin and Medvedev is much smaller than a lot of people think."
"There is good reason to portray a sense of conflict to enable them to execute their agenda. I don't believe we are seeing some massive split in the duopoly," Nash said.
He added, however, "But the evidence may be accumulating against me."
Alexander Rahr, of the German Council on Foreign Relations, does believe there is a fundamental ideological division between Putin and Medvedev.
Writing for the Russian state-owned news agency RIA Novosti, Rahr said the country faces "a dramatic schism in government" because of the opposition strategies of the two men towards modernization.
Medvedev, Rahr said, is fundamentally a Western-style liberal who looks to Europe and North America for his model for Russia. Putin, on the other hand, is suspicious of the West and western values.
Overall, Rahr said, the emergence of clear divisions in what had been seen as a tight duopoly "could lead to the dawn of pluralism in Russia."
[email protected]
http://www.vancouversun.com/opinion/Med ... story.html
Of defence and defensiveness
Monday 4 April ’11
Ronen Sen
Defence cooperation, or for that matter, nuclear, space and high-technology cooperation, has to be seen in the perspective of the evolving global economic and geostrategic architecture. The essential underpinning of such cooperation is strategic partnership based on the convergence of long-term interests. These include not just protecting our territorial integrity, tackling threats posed by terrorists and insurgents, nuclear proliferation, promoting energy security and so on. They also involve promotion of our economic interests, through balanced trade and market access.
After our independence we went through several phases in our defence cooperation. First it was primarily the British, and then predominantly the Soviet Union, from the ‘60s onwards, followed by diversification of procurements from West European countries since the early ‘80s. Thereafter, we had to cope with unprecedented challenges to our defence preparedness following the collapse of the Soviet Union, which accounted for over two-thirds of our defence inventories, and establish a partnership with Russia in the ‘90s. The latest stages involved our defence partnership with Israel and the ongoing process of establishing defence cooperation with the US. During virtually all these transitional phases there were initial reservations and resistance to change in significant sections of our political, bureaucratic and, to a lesser extent, military establishments. The debate on the current transitional phase in our defence cooperation is thus not unprecedented.
The only difference is that this transition coincides with a cyclical peak in our defence modernisation programme. This is in the backdrop of the massive military modernisation and force-projection programme of China, rather than its surrogate in the Indian subcontinent, Pakistan, which is also highly dependant on the US....
One of the most difficult tasks in my diplomatic career was not only to restore defence cooperation with Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union, but to give it a boost with new contracts, as an indispensable element of a new strategic partnership with Russia. The old monolithic structure of defence production involved thousands of major and subsidiary enterprises spread all over the Soviet Union meeting centrally-determined production quotas. No enterprise had any idea of costing, supply chains or marketing mechanisms. Russia retained about 80 per cent of this industrial infrastructure. Yet it could not on its own produce many weapon systems without inputs from enterprises in newly independent states. Orders from the Russian armed forces dried up, with a budget cut of 68 per cent in 1992 alone. They lacked funds even for maintenance of existing inventories and had to resort to cannibalisation for spares and aggregates. Defence production declined by almost 90 per cent between 1992 and 1997. Old structures had collapsed. New ones were constantly in a state of flux. We had no option but to resort to unorthodox measures during the most difficult initial years of the post-Soviet transition period...
I am certain that after more than a decade of subsequent consolidation and revival of the Russian economy, under the leadership of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev, our defence cooperation has been further strengthened. The biggest current challenges to this relationship are to impart it with greater and more balanced economic content, and the modernisation of the Russian defence industry to sustain defence cooperation in a longer term perspective. We have a big stake in the success of Russia coping with these challenges, since our dependence on Russia for defence supplies is greater than on the rest of the world combined. It is in fact greater than the dependence of most NATO countries on the US. Russia, the US and our other partners will have to demonstrate their competitiveness through a substantially increased serviceability of their systems in current use by us and for new procurements.
Let me now turn to our defence cooperation with the US...
A high-profile manifestation of service-to-service cooperation was that of the navies of India, the US, Japan and Australia after the tsunami in 2004. The then secretary of state, Colin Powell, had turned down former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan’s pleas for including China in these operations in the Indian Ocean. There have been around 50 joint exercises between the armed forces of India and the US so far, which have been of mutual benefit, and led to greater recognition of the high professional standards of our armed forces.
By far the most important agreement governing our cooperation is the India-US New Framework in Defence Cooperation signed at the defence ministerial level in Washington DC in June 2005, after the NSSP, and just prior to the historic civil nuclear initiative. This agreement was a significant manifestation of the strategic dimension of India-US relations.
The US, which has been used to dealing with either allies or adversaries, is currently in the process of learning to deal with a partner with shared values and intersecting interests, but assertive of its autonomy as a vibrant democracy. The process of understanding and undertaking mutually acceptable adjustments aimed at addressing systemic differences between India and the US will have to be done quickly, and not over several years as in the case of our cooperation with the Soviet Union.
Increasing public awareness in India of the evolution of India-US relations, and the extraordinary extent of US support of our national security concerns in our region and beyond, should help in balancing our deep-rooted perceptions of the unreliability of the US as a defence partner. We could also explore ways of reducing dependence and promoting inter-dependence and mutual stake-holding in defence collaboration with all our partners. Pending issues for creating a better atmosphere and enhancing comfort levels for cooperation should also be addressed...
Our approach to all these issues and responses to pending proposals reflect not just our perceptions of the US, Russia or any other country. They relate primarily on how we perceive ourselves; the extent to which we have shed our colonial-era sense of insecurity and fear of being dominated and exploited. It is high time that we stopped the charade of making a virtue of procrastination and lack of decisiveness. We need less ideological posturing and more open debate on whether our own interests are best served by remaining outside global regimes or by joining the global mainstream. We need to ask ourselves whether we should remain fence-sitters or prepare to take our place at the global high table.![]()
Excerpted from a speech at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi, on April 1. Sen is a former ambassador to Russia and the US.
Thats excluding the Arctic and they have largest area in Arctic and thats rich with Gas and Oil.Acharya wrote:"Russia holds the world's largest natural gas reserves, the second largest coal reserves, and the eighth largest crude oil reserves.
Huh? We're more popular in Pakistan than in France.arun wrote:
In France, the Pakistanis call themselves Indians and give us a bad name!Viv S wrote:Huh? We're more popular in Pakistan than in France.
I am going in that area. It seems chinese are making inroads.Shankas wrote:
The numbers for Ghana are wrong...I was there last week, they are very +ve on India and most want to visit India.
Tip to businessmen heading to Africa, be it French or English speaking they love Bollywood. Best gift - Hindi DVD's.
A 11th grade teen in Conakry, Guinea told me he is in love with Parvati and wanted me to introduce him to her. Parvati apparently is a hindi soap opera star.
Apparently we 'luv' Italians tooSri wrote:^^^
Hehe, autralians are really confused about us.... Italians luv us....
Gazprom will produce 200 billion cubic meters of gas and 10 million metric tons of oil in a new hydrocarbon development program for the Russian continental shelf to 2030 approved by the energy giant's board of directors, Gazprom said on Tuesday.
The adjusted program adopted by the Gazprom management committee in early March, projects an increase in Gazprom's offshore deposit reserves by over 11 billion metric tons of fuel equivalent to 2030 and also excludes the energy giant's gas output under the Sakhalin-II oil and gas project off Russia's Pacific Coast.
Total hydrocarbon reserves on Russia's continental shelf are estimated at about 100 billion metric tons of fuel equivalent, of which gas accounts for about 80 percent. The larger part of hydrocarbon reserves (over 80 percent) are concentrated in the Barents, Pechora, Kara and Okhotsk Seas. Offshore deposits in the Barents and Kara Seas abound in gas and gas condensate while the Pechora Sea largely contains oil and the Okhotsk Sea has oil and gas reserves.
The company's plan for the Barents Sea includes development of the infrastructure of the giant Shtokman gas condensate deposit and its satellites. The firm also plans efforts to develop the Prirazlomnoye and Dolginskoye oil fields in the Pechora Sea.
Operations in the Severo-Kamennomysskoye and Kamennomysskoye Sea fields offshore the Ob and Taz Bays will lay the foundation for developing a field cluster. The Sakhalin shelf will see comprehensive development of fields located within Gazprom's licensed areas (Sakhalin III project), the energy giant said.
Putin outlines blueprint for stronger Russia
Russia needs to be strong and avoid experiments with "unjustified liberalism" in order to safeguard its sovereignty and prevent outsiders from dictating the country's development, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said on Wednesday.
In an annual address to parliament -- his last as prime minister before legislative elections later this year and presidential elections early next year - Putin painted a glowing picture of his government's performance in 2010, stressing achievements ranging from economic growth to new infrastructure and social development.
Ambitious goals
Putin set out an array of far-reaching goals that he said should see Russia emerge as one of the "top five global economies" within the next 10 years.
"In the modern world - if you are weak - there will always be someone who wants to come and advise you on what direction you must move in, what policies to pursue and the path you should choose for your own country," Putin said. "We must be independent and strong."
The powerful Russian prime minister, who some analysts believe will bid to return to the Kremlin in 2012 and succeed his hand-picked successor, President Dmitry Medvedev, outlined a bullish agenda for Russia's future political and economic development.
Putin did not directly criticize Medvedev, who is generally regarded as the more liberal figure in Russia's governing tandem. But in his wide-ranging address, the prime minister made clear he had a clear vision about how Russia's government should be run in the future and peppered his arguments with words often associated with his successor.
"The country needs a decade of stable, calm development, without going to extremes one way or the other, without ill-conceived experiments, confusion over sometimes unjustified liberalism or social demagogy," the 58-year-old prime minister said, his comments frequently applauded by the lawmakers.
Referring to a policy centerpiece of Medvedev's administration -- innovation -- Putin said that acquisition of modern technology and know-how from abroad was useful up to a point but stressed investment at home would be decisive in achieving Russia's development goals.
"That is the source of innovation," Putin said.
Russia will have to at least double labor productivity in the next decade, something that has lagged behind since the Soviet era.
The level of foreign direct investment in Russia should increase to $60-70 billion "in the foreseeable future," Putin said.
Success stories
Russia has emerged from the global financial crisis in far better shape than most countries and will completely offset economic crisis-related losses by the start of 2012, before moving on to new achievements, Putin said.
"In 2010, Russia's GDP grew 4% -- the highest rate in the G8. This year's forecast is around 4.2%," he said.
This year's inflation will stay within 6.5%-7.5%, compared to 8.8% percent last year, he said.
The capitalization of Russia's stock market has exceeded $1.1 trillion, which is "the best result among BRICS countries," Putin said.
Russia will double its Reserve Fund to 1.43 trillion rubles ($50 billion) this year while the National Wealth Fund has more than tripled in the past two and a half years to 2.6 trillion rubles ($90 billion), the premier said.
"It is the main source for covering the Pension Fund deficit," he said. "This policy will leave us room for maneuver, give us financial independence and ensure us against possible risks, which are plentiful," he said.
Social peace
It is essential to secure peace inside the country and prevent any attempts to split Russian society, Putin said in the wake of protests and coups that have swept the Middle East and North Africa in the past few months.
Putin promised increases in pensions and other social payments, as well as higher spending on education and science. He also pledged to stop Russia's population decline, provide greater support to young families and better healthcare.
GDP per capita must be $35,000, as it is now in France or Italy, he said.
Defense
Putin emphasized the need to strengthen Russia's defense capability, modernize and upgrade weapons, including in the Navy and the Air Force, saying missile production will double from 2013.
Upgrading the Air Force and air defense systems will be a priority in the development of the Russian Armed Forces in the near future, he said.
"Anti-aircraft missile brigades are already receiving new S-400 [SA-21 Growler] systems," Putin said. "In the future, the production of S-500 systems will be started. They are capable of meeting air defense and missile defense tasks and destroying targets in near space," he said.
Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said on Tuesday that Libya's oil resources were the main object of the NATO-led military campaign in the country.
"Libya has the biggest oil resources in Africa and the fourth largest gas resources," Putin said during a news conference in Copenhagen. "It raises the question: isn't this the main object of interest to those operating there."
First, did Russia lose the tender because of design flaws in the MiG-35 or because of systemic flaws in the Russian military-industrial complex, thus reflecting the country’s general economic development resulting from economic reforms chosen 20 years ago? Second, does it having taken so long to make the tender decision reflect the growing doubts in the Indian military-political establishment that the Russian military-industrial complex can provide India with all the weapons it needs to ensure the country’s security in the medium and long term, say, until 2050? Last but not least, is Russia pursuing a valid policy with respect to its military-industrial complex at a time when the effectiveness of the country’s foreign policy hinges on its scientific and technical potential and the economy’s capacity to promptly absorb the latest intellectual achievements of the “academia”?