Re: Sunni Terrorist Fragments of Unstable Pakistan - 21 Apr
Posted: 30 Apr 2014 09:54
Shiv,
Again I think the reality of India's progress since the liberalisation of the 1990s, and its relative internal stability has had a powerful impact on the Pakistani ruling classes in undermining easy assumptions about Muslim superiority, especially given the larger state of the Muslim world. Every new generation gets the chance to re-evaluate their parents beliefs, and I think the younger people don't think much of the Pakistani model, and I came across far more curiosity and even respect for India than hatred. Also, the last 20 years have seen more Pakistanis study abroad than ever before (expanding beyond the elite to the middle classes), and the result has often been the development of friendships with Indians, humanising and undermining existing mutual images.
I also think terms like ashraf when applied too broadly across time and space conceals how often identity has changed.
The ruling classes of Muslim India as empire builders always thought highly of themselves - long before the British came they were writing poetry in Persian and Urdu praising their own brains, brawn and beauty, or bemoaning their decline from what they saw as their natural position. There's no monument equivalent in attitude to the Qutb Minar, declaring the area to be the eastern 'pole' of the Muslim world - they never bothered building one in Andalusia or Morocco.
This is especially true of the area from Delhi to Dacca where power was concentrated but they remained a minority. I think that combination has always come with a certain measure of insecurity. Nationalism usually emerges from a politicised cultural identity, and in the 19th and 20th century linguistic boundaries were the biggest touchstone for struggles over national identity I think the British decision back in the 1840s to replace Persian with Hindustani as the language of official business is what set the stage for the struggles that led to first the linguistic partition of Hindustani into Urdu and Hindi, which presaged the political and physical partition of India.
The people who rule Pakistan today are largely from the periphery of those Muslim Indian empires - the folk heroes of Punjab and NWFP were people who often as not were bandits and rebels against empire. What happened in the 19th century is that very Punjabi, very local elites were given newly improved land by the Raj in exchange for loyalty. What the Muslim Punjabis who were more educated and urban ones proceeded to do with this prestige and wealth was to try to remake and reimagine themselves in the image of Indian Muslim elites from Delhi and UP, giving up Punjabi for Urdu. That is exactly the sort of process that not only produces a man like Iqbal who goes on to create the idea of Pakistan. The Pakistani state continued this process of imagining Pakistan as a unitary nation with one language and culture and history long after India recognised that this kind of approach required too much violence to enforce. Punjabi as a language receives very little state support in comparison to Urdu - the state fears the subversive effect of a language not tied to the existing national narrative and which has trans-border ties. Maula Jhatt broke all box office records when it was released in the 1980s, but was eventually pulled by Zia from theatres because it undermined official ideology.
The rural Muslim elites of Punjab were far more comfortable rallying behind a fellow Punjabi land owner, a Hindu like Chottu Ram than following Iqbal and Jinnah. They were not nationalists, and had no interest in either the Congress or the Muslim League. What they cared about was zard, zameen aur zan, and when it was clear that they had to chose between the AIML and AIC, they chose the party that would let them keep their zameen. These people have adapted to every single new power structure (until it gets wobbly) from before the pre-colonial era to partition and beyond. They en mass abandoned the Unionists for the AIML, and then eventually the AIML for the PPP, and then the PPP for the PML. You can't do that if you believe too firmly in abstract things.
So I just don't see the ideological problem as an eternal one. Its a problem of interests, and prevailing conditions. Very little actually stays the same.
Again I think the reality of India's progress since the liberalisation of the 1990s, and its relative internal stability has had a powerful impact on the Pakistani ruling classes in undermining easy assumptions about Muslim superiority, especially given the larger state of the Muslim world. Every new generation gets the chance to re-evaluate their parents beliefs, and I think the younger people don't think much of the Pakistani model, and I came across far more curiosity and even respect for India than hatred. Also, the last 20 years have seen more Pakistanis study abroad than ever before (expanding beyond the elite to the middle classes), and the result has often been the development of friendships with Indians, humanising and undermining existing mutual images.
I also think terms like ashraf when applied too broadly across time and space conceals how often identity has changed.
The ruling classes of Muslim India as empire builders always thought highly of themselves - long before the British came they were writing poetry in Persian and Urdu praising their own brains, brawn and beauty, or bemoaning their decline from what they saw as their natural position. There's no monument equivalent in attitude to the Qutb Minar, declaring the area to be the eastern 'pole' of the Muslim world - they never bothered building one in Andalusia or Morocco.
This is especially true of the area from Delhi to Dacca where power was concentrated but they remained a minority. I think that combination has always come with a certain measure of insecurity. Nationalism usually emerges from a politicised cultural identity, and in the 19th and 20th century linguistic boundaries were the biggest touchstone for struggles over national identity I think the British decision back in the 1840s to replace Persian with Hindustani as the language of official business is what set the stage for the struggles that led to first the linguistic partition of Hindustani into Urdu and Hindi, which presaged the political and physical partition of India.
The people who rule Pakistan today are largely from the periphery of those Muslim Indian empires - the folk heroes of Punjab and NWFP were people who often as not were bandits and rebels against empire. What happened in the 19th century is that very Punjabi, very local elites were given newly improved land by the Raj in exchange for loyalty. What the Muslim Punjabis who were more educated and urban ones proceeded to do with this prestige and wealth was to try to remake and reimagine themselves in the image of Indian Muslim elites from Delhi and UP, giving up Punjabi for Urdu. That is exactly the sort of process that not only produces a man like Iqbal who goes on to create the idea of Pakistan. The Pakistani state continued this process of imagining Pakistan as a unitary nation with one language and culture and history long after India recognised that this kind of approach required too much violence to enforce. Punjabi as a language receives very little state support in comparison to Urdu - the state fears the subversive effect of a language not tied to the existing national narrative and which has trans-border ties. Maula Jhatt broke all box office records when it was released in the 1980s, but was eventually pulled by Zia from theatres because it undermined official ideology.
The rural Muslim elites of Punjab were far more comfortable rallying behind a fellow Punjabi land owner, a Hindu like Chottu Ram than following Iqbal and Jinnah. They were not nationalists, and had no interest in either the Congress or the Muslim League. What they cared about was zard, zameen aur zan, and when it was clear that they had to chose between the AIML and AIC, they chose the party that would let them keep their zameen. These people have adapted to every single new power structure (until it gets wobbly) from before the pre-colonial era to partition and beyond. They en mass abandoned the Unionists for the AIML, and then eventually the AIML for the PPP, and then the PPP for the PML. You can't do that if you believe too firmly in abstract things.
So I just don't see the ideological problem as an eternal one. Its a problem of interests, and prevailing conditions. Very little actually stays the same.