three cheers to you.

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Ok. It seems you are already engaging multiple posters on this topic and I don't want to burden you any further. But, it seems to me that this discussion is going more and more microscopic. You say you have a presumption(working hypothesis) that in sectors Guj may have done a great job, but on others it is hyped up. You want your presumption to be refuted by data by others. To back up your presumption, you mention 3 sectors: health, Income and Education. Among these 3 sectors, Guj seems to be performing reasonably well in 2(health & income). You accuse that Guj has performed miserably in Education. These conclusions are based on data upto 2008 at which point Modi had only completed one proper term 2002-2007.Sridhar wrote:JohneeG:
I am not committing to any position, since I want to keep an open mind and let the data speak for themselves. This is not to say that I don;t have a working hypothesis. The hypothesis is that there may be a few factors on which the numbers support the hype, but not on a significant majority of them. The data will subsequently confirm or disprove this working hypothesis.
On the HDI analysis, your conclusions are a mischaracterization of my post. I will repost here. Plus, there were other numbers on education. One just looking at literacy, where the pre-post analysis compares 2001 to 2011. Three other analysis on education - two focused on outcomes (gross enrollment ratio and net enrollment ratio) and one that is much closer to Government inputs (pupil teacher ratio). Frankly, I didn't do the literacy and enrollment ratio analysis on my own. It was Modi supporters who presented those numbers and tripped on them by themselves. I did look at pupil teacher ratio since it is much closer to what the Government does. Outcomes can be affected by several factors outside the Government's control - though one can argue that they apply to other states too - the situations are not dramatically different at least for a subset of states.
Your accusation on Education sector was sought to be refuted by some by providing some data. You sought to buttress your point by taking up Teacher to pupil ratio. So, now, Guj development seems to have become single point discussion on Education sector and discussion on education sector seems to have become analysis of teacher to pupil ratio. While all this is interesting, I think it is too microscopic. There is nothing wrong in going into all these details, but it seems to me that its too early(in terms of accepting or refuting your working hypothesis).
I think the first step should be that you please provide your working hypothesis(presumptions) properly. Then, people can agree or disagree with them. And they can provide data to support or refute that hypothesis.
So, I think the first step should be that you categorize the sectors based on whether Guj performance was great, avg, or poor. First this has to be done for the time frame from 2002-2007. Then, this has to be repeated for the time frame from 2007-2012.
Here is an example:
2002-2007
Sectors with great Performance:
a) S
b) T
Sectors with avg Performance:
a) U
b) V
Sectors with poor Performance:
a) X
b) Y
2007-2012
Sectors with great Performance:
a) S
b) T
Sectors with avg Performance:
a) U
b) X
Sectors with poor Performance:
a) V
b) Y
If you want, you can then go to the next step and do further analysis of each sector. For example, since you seem to be focusing on Education sector, you could take up various factors within the education sector and then do a similar analysis.
Performance in education from 2002-2007:
Areas with great performance:
a) P
Areas with avg performance:
a) Q
b) R
Areas with poor performance:
a) M
b) N
Performance in education from 2007-2012:
Areas with great performance:
a) Q
Areas with avg performance:
a) P
b) R
Areas with poor performance:
a) M
b) N
When you list out your hypothesis in that manner,
a) it will provide a better way to analyze the performance of Guj in Modi's 1st term and 2nd term.
b) it will be a constructive criticism.
c) it will also give others an opportunity to agree or disagree with you and then support or refute you by providing data if they want to.
Right now, what seems to be happening is a random discussion with shifting focus on microscopic details.
When people urinate at the very place with stickers prohibiting it, it means they are asserting that they can urinate wherever they want i.e. no place is safe from urination. When the very state that fought and achieved linguistic state and heralded an era of linguistic states is broken, it means an end of linguistic state era. It is not at all a co-incidence that both national parties have colluded in this(particularly the dilli gang) because they are the major beneficiaries if no state or state leader can stand up to dilli's leaders.ShyamSP wrote:Vuccha Dharma - Dharma of Urination (No joke but based on real-life observation)
When there was a sticker on the wall that said, "Vuccha Poyaradu" (Don't urinate here). It was exactly place where more Urination happened. The first person to urinate was the real crook who had no dilemma of Dharma and showed to others that he can do anything. This guy is similar to Congress and no explanation needs to be given by Congress-bots. The second person claims to be Dharmic, upon seeing the first person his dilemma solved and urinated. This guy is similar to BJP. All the explanation by BJP-bots like above is to explain how the dilemma is solved. In real incident, all people followed and the place where sticker was there became area where more urination happened. I can give what that place is similar to but I leave it to your imagination.
Modi must very easily understand this concept because time and again he has talked of Guj asmitha to win votes and rally against the kongis in dilli. He has also talked of how kongis have played spoil sport by denying funds to certain states due for political benefits. Modi's rise was also opposed by the dilli gang of his own party. Given this background, Modi would clearly the importance of states, asmitha and state leaders(and the threat they provide to the dilli gang). So, either Modi failed or colluded to protect AP and Thelugu asmitha. One cannot have one yardstick for oneself and another for others. One cannot talk of Guj asmitha on one hand and then fail/collude in protecting other asmithas. The irony is that Modi is using crores to build a statue for Patel while the existence of AP was the living testimony to the achievements of Patel. When the living testimony has been broken with active collusion from his own party, Modi is busy building some huge statue which is no more than an ego boost and tourist attraction. On the other hand, existence of AP state was a living testimony to the achievements of people like Patel, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and Potti Sri Ramulu ...etc.
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There seems to be a lot of focus on Thelugus by phoreners also. 1956 reorganization of states ended the Dhravda-naadu idea. How and why is no one asking the simple question: if the formation of AP can stop Dhravida-naadu idea, will the breaking of AP resurrect Dhravida-naadu idea?