India-US Relations : News and Discussion- II

[Cosmo_R]

Today's takeaway is MTCR membership.

MTCR and NSG were part of the indo-us nuke deal.

The NSG membership is impossible as china won't let it. HOWEVER, If the americans get the chinese to agree, that means gwadar has received american protection from any possible indian blockade or military action(just as rudra summarized).

China is not an MTCR member. There are some significant advantages they can derive as members. India can ho hum China's entry if they don't let up on NSG.

Italy held us up because of the of the stupid marines. We can do the same to China for much more substantial reasons (proliferation of 290KM + missiles).

JMT

[krishna_krishna]

Ya allah, By the grace of most merciful the chai biskut memo reached with clear comms hence only text finalized. Gungadeens don't understand old tried and tested SDRE ways!!!

But Rhetoric aside. Plus from this visit:

MTCR ( I do not know should I give credit to mass or Italy) this will make us eligible for predators if they are on table
New powerplants to meet our energy hunger
NSG entry I believe China will approve our entry (might need some bargaining) but in the end proves Rdev guru's theorey that Gwadar - CPEC is massa sponsored event now this will have huge implication for desh in terms of getting PoK back. Honestly this is where I believe desh lost.

[NRao]

What this trip should have been about is to integrate Indian companies as part of the American global supply chain in manufacturing

For def, that is the idea. JV and all. Need to wait and see what transpires.

On the commercial side, plenty of problems. People to approach, for commercial SC, are outside DC. Apple CEO just visited Modi, he is one of many that needs to be approached. Indians (in India) do a TON of consultancy in SC, including automation - lot of the algos in SC come out of India (via some Western company granted, but the brain power is there). China is the hub, even India relies on them. Indian infrastructure is really poor to support such commitments to SC. Not to talk of laws. And, now, 'Nam will be more attractive for manufacturing.

I think Modi needs to start a Make for India in India effort. There is enough demand within to support a properly laid out manufacturing system.

One +ve seems to be railways.

[NRao]

5 Takeaways on US-India Relations After Modi's Meeting With Obama

* Nuclear dividends, paying out more than a decade later.
* India becomes a ‘Major Defense Partner.’

The joint statement moreover acknowledges the ongoing U.S.-India joint working group on aircraft carrier technology. As India looks to construct its second indigenous aircraft carrier, the INS Vishal, a 65,000-ton Vikrant-class carrier, it’s interested in considering advanced U.S. technologies, including General Atomics’ Electromagnetic Aircraft Launch System (EMALS) and even nuclear propulsion. While the latter may remain a pipe dream for New Delhi, the odds of India gaining access to sensitive U.S. carrier tech becomes a lot more likely with the new designation.

* A Logistics Exchange agreement appears on the horizon.

Another deliverable that became apparent on Tuesday is the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), which had been agreed to in principle between Carter and Parrikar in April. Obama and Modi confirmed that the text of the agreement has been finalized and will be signed soon {It can be signed only by the US Def Sec and Indian RM. Thus the wait}. This agreement is one of three so-called “foundational” agreements that stands to grease the wheels of U.S.-India military cooperation and interoperability in practice. Two other agreements, on communications and information security (CISMOA) and on targeting and navigational data sharing (BECA), remain underway.

* Global pull-back.

India has made a habit of calling out the South China Sea regularly in bilateral statements, but, with China’s upcoming vote at the Nuclear Suppliers Group plenary session later this month critical to potential Indian accession, New Delhi may have been willing to forgo a mention this time around, assuming that its position is widely known.

* A joint stand against terrorism.

[NRao]

Mr Modi’s Washington agenda

By Ajai Shukla
Business Standard, 7th June 16

On Saturday, in the lead-up to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s on-going visit to the United States, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar spoke out in measured terms against China’s aggressive unilateralism in the South China Sea. Addressing the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, Parrikar abandoned the timidity with which Indian officials speak about China, and called for “the parties to these disputes [in the South China Sea] to renounce the threat or use of force against other states.”

American observers often misread the studied distance New Delhi maintains from US actions and comments on the South China Sea, to conclude that India does not have the stomach to stand up for regional rights. Mr Parrikar himself has rebutted over-enthusiastic comments from senior American officials --- including the US Pacific Command (USPACOM) chief, Admiral Harry Harris Jr, and the US envoy to India, Rich Verma --- about joint patrolling by the US and Indian navies. Yet, even at this moment, an Indian flotilla with three frontline warships is sailing the South China and East China Seas, visiting ports in Vietnam, the Philippines, South Korea, Japan, Russia and Malaysia.

Meanwhile, in Singapore, Mr Parrikar pointed to India’s own interests in retaining freedom of navigation in the waters of the western Pacific, through which more than half of India’s maritime trade passes. He said: “While we do not take a position on territorial disputes, which should be resolved peacefully without the threat or use of force, we firmly uphold freedom of navigation and over-flight in accordance with international law, in particular the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.”

Voicing the concern of regional countries at Beijing’s belligerent rhetoric and inflated maritime claims, represented by its unilaterally drawn “Nine-Dash Line” that claims much of the South China Sea as China’s historical waters, Mr Parrikar stated: “While no single region has a monopoly on nationalist rhetoric, we need to pay special attention to its linkages with territorial disputes and alternate readings of history in this part of the globe.” Even without joint patrolling, this brings New Delhi’s stated position in this region pretty much congruent with Washington’s.

Mr Parrikar also backed the ASEAN-created, multilateral security architecture to maintain regional harmony, although these mechanisms are distrusted by China, which prefers to bully smaller countries in bilateral arrangements, rather than being outnumbered in a multilateral framework. Yet, Parrikar supported multilateralism, stating: “We have a foundation of regional and sub-regional arrangements to build upon. Bilateral dialogue and confidence building can usefully supplement these regional and sub-regional mechanisms. ASEAN has built several mechanisms, which can play a central part in the regional security framework.”

Yet, Mr Parrikar also served the US a reminder that, despite Washington’s and New Delhi’s common interests in south-west Asia; India’s core concerns include violent conflict in West Asia, and Afghanistan’s stability that is being relentlessly undermined by Pakistan. While the Indian defence minister did not say so, New Delhi deeply resents American diplomatic and military support to Pakistan, which allows Islamabad to leverage its support for the Taliban to keep India out of a substantive role in shaping a post-conflict regime in Afghanistan.

This dichotomy --- US-India convergence in south-east Asia, and divergence in south and west Asia --- will form the geopolitical backdrop to Mr Modi’s engagement with President Barack Obama on Tuesday and Wednesday in Washington. Even so, the US administration may be already re-evaluating its unquestioning support to Islamabad. Last month’s killing of Taliban chief Mullah Muhammad Mansour, in a drone strike in Baluchistan suggested that Pakistan might find it harder to string along Washington indefinitely. The blocking of funding by the US Congress for the sale to Pakistan of eight F-16 fighters, and the passage of the “US India Defense Technology and Partnership Act” in the House of Representatives underline that American lawmakers have lost patience with Islamabad and better understand the potential of partnering with India. This realisation will be inevitably reinforced with a predictably rousing Modi speech to a joint sitting of the US Congress. That Americans of Indian origin constitute a potent political lobby became clear in New York in 2014, during Mr Modi’s jamboree at Madison Square Garden.

While the defence partnership is loaded with the weight of expectations, there is not much on the table in terms of deliverables. India may be formally associated with the US Central Command (USCENTCOM), in addition to the Hawaii-based USPACOM, which currently coordinates military exercises and plans with New Delhi. While two “foundational agreements” have been broadly negotiated, the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) is likely to be signed quickly, while the signing of the more operationally vital Communications and Information Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA) may depend upon the political reaction to LEMOA.

As always, there will be feel-good statements about US-India joint exercises, especially the Indian Air Force’s participation in last month’s Red Flag exercise in Alaska, and the naval Exercise Malabar, now a trilateral exercise that also includes Japan. Much will be made of India’s purchase of the CH-47F heavy lift helicopter, and the AH-64E Apache attack helicopter. There could be news about India’s $700 million purchase of 145 M777 ultralight howitzers. All eyes will be peeled for indications that the Indian Navy has chosen to partner with America in the design and construction of its second indigenous aircraft carrier, a 65,000-tonne vessel that will be called INS Vishal. If the navy finally plumps for a catapult launch capability (as it is increasingly inclined to do), that may open the doors for not just a host of US aircraft carrier systems, such as the electromagnetic aircraft launch system (EMALS), but also air combat control systems, and a bouquet of naval combat helicopters, fighters (the F/A-18 Super Hornet remains a strong contender) and electronic warfare aircraft.

Still underperforming is the Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), established in 2012 to remove hurdles to US-India defence trade. Four “pathfinder projects” announced during President Obama’s visit to Delhi in 2015 have made little headway. Since this is his pet project, US Defense Secretary Ashton Carter can be expected to propose measures to galvanize this initiative.

New Delhi watchers will measure the success of Mr Modi’s visit less in terms of defence agreements than in the context of whether he can induce President Obama to unstintingly campaign for India’s candidature of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG). Mr Modi has laboured to persuade holdout countries to support India’s entry into the NSG; his current visits to Switzerland and Mexico aim at this very objective, and has apparently succeeded with Berne. But unstinted US support will be crucial. In 2008, a nominally “lame duck” President George Bush pushed through crucial legislation relating to the US-India nuclear deal. Mr Obama, who still has seven months in office, could win serious equity in New Delhi by shepherding India into the NSG.

[Hari Seldon]

The quid pro quo?

>>ANI ‏@ANI_news 2m2 minutes ago
We are exploring a simpler project licensing approach for defence. We are purchasing 6 nuclear reactors from Westinghouse: PM #ModiInUS

[ShauryaT]

Stagecraft and Statecraft-When will the U.S. accommodate India’s strategic interests?

U.S. profits from the booming arms sales to India help to lubricate the generous U.S. aid to Pakistan INDIA-US-DIPLOMACY

The new warmth in relations, however, has failed to ease Indian concerns over America’s regional policies, including on Pakistan, Afghanistan and terrorism, or address complaints of Indian information technology and pharmaceutical industries about U.S. practices, especially non-tariff barriers.

For the U.S., displacing Russia as India’s largest arms supplier has been a diplomatic coup. The success paralleled what happened in the early 1970s when Egypt switched sides during the Cold War by transforming itself from a Soviet arms client to a buyer of mainly American arms. But in contrast to the perpetually aid-dependent Egypt, India buys U.S. weapons with its own money.

Today, Washington is seeking to further open the Indian market for its businesses. And to suit U.S. corporate interests, it is pressing New Delhi to introduce regulatory and other legal changes, strengthen intellectual-property rights provisions, and initiate broader economic reforms.

Not content with the growth in arms sales — which have risen in one decade from $100 million to billions of dollars yearly — America is aiming to capture a bigger share of the Indian defense market. This objective has prompted its Congress recently to propose that India be treated on par with NATO members for defense sales. The U.S. is also seeking to revive its domestic nuclear power industry by selling commercial reactors to India.

India’s size, location and capabilities position it as a counterweight to China and to the forces of Islamist extremism to its west. Yet, as Obama nears the end of his second term, his India policy bears no distinct strategic imprint. Indeed, critics argue that he has no real Indian policy and that his administration has betrayed a transactional attitude toward engagement with India.

Although Obama’s 2015 New Delhi visit set a firm basis for moving the bilateral relationship forward, it was striking that, on his trip’s last public engagement, he lectured the world’s largest democracy on human rights. This was a subject on which he stayed mum at his next stop — tyrannical Saudi Arabia, which probably has the world’s most odious political system.

The complexity of the U.S.-India partnership is underlined by the fact that the U.S. has little experience in forging close strategic collaboration with a country that is not its treaty-based ally. All of America’s close military partners are its treaty-linked allies. India is a strategic partner, not an ally, of America.

The structural difficulties in India-US relations are not easy to overcome. From the Indian perspective, America’s reluctance to accommodate Indian interests on major regional issues, coupled with the fundamental challenge of managing an asymmetrical relationship, constantly test the resilience of the partnership.

For example, close counter-terrorism and intelligence cooperation between the U.S. and India remains hobbled by America’s continued mollycoddling of the Pakistani military and its rogue Inter-Services Intelligence agency. There are doubts whether the U.S. would fully share actionable intelligence on terrorist threats emanating from Pakistani soil against India because that would prompt India to pursue one of two options that Washington wouldn’t like — either India counteracted the identified threat on its own or urged the U.S. to do it.

Meanwhile, strategic weapon transfers, loans and political support allow China to use Pakistan as a relatively inexpensive counterweight to India. Yet, oddly, America also extends unstinted financial and political support to a Pakistan that has mastered the art of pretending to be a U.S. ally while hosting those that kill U.S. soldiers in Afghanistan, including the Taliban and the Haqqani network. Under Obama, the U.S. has made a financially struggling Pakistan one of the largest recipients of its aid.

Take India’s other adversary, China, which also poses a geopolitical challenge for America. Both the U.S. and India are keen to work together to control the potentially disruptive effects of the rise of an increasingly assertive China.

The U.S., however, seeks to use the China factor to draw India further into the American-led camp while remaining neutral on China-India disputes, including shying away from holding joint military exercises in Arunachal Pradesh. Washington has not criticized China’s $46-billion infrastructure-building plan to use Pakistan as its land corridor to the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean. It also ignores China’s egregious human-rights violations.

The U.S. seeks to counter China only where it directly challenges American power, as in the Pacific. In southern Asia, by contrast, U.S. policy regards China as a virtual partner, including on Pakistan and Afghanistan.

In Afghanistan, Washington treats terror-exporting Pakistan as part of the solution when, to Kabul and New Delhi, it is at the core of the problem.

On the other hand, the U.S. views Iran as part of the problem in the Af-Pak belt when the imperative is to co-opt Iran as part of the solution to help build stability in the volatile, terrorist-infested region.

Despite the U.S. recently assassinating Afghan Taliban chief Mullah Akhtar Mansour through a drone strike in Pakistan’s Balochistan province, Washington does not consider the Pakistan-backed Taliban as a terrorist organization. It is willing, as part of a peace deal, to accommodate the Afghan Taliban in a power-sharing arrangement in Afghanistan. It assassinated Mansour because he defiantly and doggedly refused, despite U.S. and Pakistani pressures, to enter into peace negotiations.

The assassination, ironically, exposes both Pakistan and America. The fact that the Taliban chief was killed inside Pakistan has contradicted years of denials by Pakistani officials that they were harboring Taliban leaders. Pakistan found its sovereignty violated again, after the raid that killed Osama bin Laden in 2011, by the power that still showers it with billions of dollars in aid.

As for the U.S., it has yet to offer an explanation as to why it took almost 15 years to carry out its first drone strike in Pakistan’s Balochistan province, even though the Afghan Taliban leadership set up its command-and-control structure there after being driven from power in Kabul by the 2001 U.S. military intervention in Afghanistan.

Against this background, no realistic assessment can focus merely on areas where the U.S.-India relationship has thrived — such as U.S. arms sales to India and booming bilateral trade — while ignoring U.S. policies that compound India’s regional security challenges.

In fact, India’s one-sided defense relationship with the U.S., locking it as a leading American arms client, suggests that New Delhi has drawn no appropriate lessons from its protracted reliance on Russian weapon supplies earlier. Significantly, while U.S. arms to India fall mainly in the category of defensive weapons — which simply cannot tilt the regional military balance in India’s favor — Russia has over the years armed India with offensive weapon systems, including strategic bombers, an aircraft carrier, and a nuclear-powered submarine.

The paradox is that while India has emerged as the largest buyer of American arms, Pakistan is one of the biggest recipients of American alms. This suggests that U.S. profits from arms exports to India help to lubricate America’s aid-to-Pakistan machine. Such U.S. aid also bolsters China’s strategy to box in India while encouraging Pakistan to diabolically sponsor cross-border terrorism.

It is the task of Indian diplomacy to build a robust bilateral relationship while ensuring that it advances, not weakens, the country’s security interests in the region and beyond.

Indian diplomacy has failed to employ leverage from arms-import deals, greater market access to U.S. businesses, and broader geopolitical cooperation to persuade the U.S. to refine policies in southern Asia so that they do not adversely affect Indian security and to dismantle non-tariff barriers against Indian IT and pharmaceutical firms.

Indeed, New Delhi has not even tried to utilize the services of the large and increasingly influential Indian American community. The mistake Indian diplomacy has made is to put the emphasis on bilateral summit meetings and lofty pronouncements to showcase progress. The American side has been happy to pander to this Indian weakness.

In fact, one reason the U.S. is hosting Modi in the twilight of the Obama presidency is to help smooth ruffled feathers. After all, Obama earlier this year unveiled $860 million in new aid to Pakistan under the Overseas Contingency Operations fund, dubbed the “slush fund” because it is not subject to the same oversight as the regular Pentagon and state department budgets. Additionally, he decided to reward Pakistan with eight more subsidized F-16s, a subsidy burden the U.S. Congress hasn’t taken kindly.

Moreover, ever since the 2005 nuclear deal, Washington has been promising to help facilitate India’s admission to the Nuclear Suppliers Group, the Missile Technology Control Regime, and other U.S.-led export-control regimes — a promise reiterated when Obama last visited India. However, the U.S. has invested little political capital thus far to promote India’s inclusion in these cartels. An emboldened China has now emerged as the principal opponent to India’s membership, especially in the NSG.

And thanks to MTCR-related criteria in U.S. export-control regulations, Indo-U.S. space cooperation remains very limited.

In this light, the nice gesture of setting up Modi’s address to the U.S. Congress can be seen as an American attempt to pander to India’s collective ego. India must capitalize on the symbolism of the warming ties with the U.S. to expand the areas of bilateral understanding and cooperation while nudging America to be more accommodative of its vital strategic interests.

The promise of a strong, mutually beneficial partnership cannot be realized without concrete action.

Brahma Chellaney — Professor of Strategic Studies at the New Delhi think-tank Center for Policy Research in New Delhi and a Richard von Weizsäcker Fellow of the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin — is one of India’s leading strategic thinkers.

[Viv S]

The U.S., however, seeks to use the China factor to draw India further into the American-led camp while remaining neutral on China-India disputes, including shying away from holding joint military exercises in Arunachal Pradesh.

US envoy says Arunachal integral part of India, China raises objection

In fact, India’s one-sided defense relationship with the U.S., locking it as a leading American arms client, suggests that New Delhi has drawn no appropriate lessons from its protracted reliance on Russian weapon supplies earlier. Significantly, while U.S. arms to India fall mainly in the category of defensive weapons — which simply cannot tilt the regional military balance in India’s favor — Russia has over the years armed India with offensive weapon systems, including strategic bombers, an aircraft carrier, and a nuclear-powered submarine.

Pretty sure that the AShM & depth charge equipped P-8 qualifies as an 'offensive weapon'. Same for the IAF's CBU-105s. Delivered on time and on budget.

The paradox is that while India has emerged as the largest buyer of American arms, Pakistan is one of the biggest recipients of American alms. This suggests that U.S. profits from arms exports to India help to lubricate America’s aid-to-Pakistan machine. Such U.S. aid also bolsters China’s strategy to box in India while encouraging Pakistan to diabolically sponsor cross-border terrorism.

As things stand, the aid has been rolled back by about 75% over the last five years as the US continues to withdraw from AfPak region (with troop numbers dropping from 100,000 to about 10,000 currently) but until the withdrawal is complete it cannot be closed for obvious reasons.

Moreover, ever since the 2005 nuclear deal, Washington has been promising to help facilitate India’s admission to the Nuclear Suppliers Group, the Missile Technology Control Regime, and other U.S.-led export-control regimes — a promise reiterated when Obama last visited India. However, the U.S. has invested little political capital thus far to promote India’s inclusion in these cartels. An emboldened China has now emerged as the principal opponent to India’s membership, especially in the NSG.

And thanks to MTCR-related criteria in U.S. export-control regulations, Indo-U.S. space cooperation remains very limited.

Unfortunately timed assertion by Brahma Chellaney.

Modi in US: India Joins Missile Control Group Amid Rising NSG Hope

[Austin]

Fact Sheet on the framework for the US-India Cyber Relationship

http://inbministry.blogspot.in/2016/06/ ... india.html

[Viv S]

* A Logistics Exchange agreement appears on the horizon.

Another deliverable that became apparent on Tuesday is the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), which had been agreed to in principle between Carter and Parrikar in April. Obama and Modi confirmed that the text of the agreement has been finalized and will be signed soon. This agreement is one of three so-called “foundational” agreements that stands to grease the wheels of U.S.-India military cooperation and interoperability in practice. Two other agreements, on communications and information security (CISMOA) and on targeting and navigational data sharing (BECA), remain underway.

Lol. If I may repost a previous post of mine from April.

I think that's a deliberate strategy by the GoI. Spread out the agreement over a period; dilutes the political & diplomatic reaction.

First stage, in principle approval. Second stage, final draft approval. Third stage, document signing (probably a low key affair). By the third stage, public/global interest in the matter would waned. Move over to pact #2. Rinse repeat.

I'm reminded of the Apache & Chinook orders signed by Modi when he visited the US. Had been in the works for such a long time that the actual signing didn't really receive much attention in the press.

[devesh]

when we eventually see American military assets on Indian military bases used for ops in various American theaters, we can be sure that "India has arrived." A glorious "rise" for sure: what else is the definition of super-powerdom but to be a military vassal of a foreign power which did its best (and continues to do so in some cases) to prop up our most inveterate enemies who see us as a fundamental threat to their interests....

[rsingh]

what if you see IAF's assets at US base in Japan or Hawaii ? Or may be South Korea.

[NRao]

Other than a plane or a ship in need of fuel/repair/etc, why would one see Indian/US assets in the others "base"? What would the purpose be?

And, on basing US arms in India, what is the purpose? BK has stated so too, but provided no reason. The only reason I can think of is if the US anticipate fighting along the Indo-China front. Is that possible/probable? If it is then India must be thinking she cannot handle China alone along that border. ??????

Without decent reasons, it is shear fear. Ghosts where there are none.

Also, in 10 years all the players will change. Are we saying that Indians in the future will behave the way Indians in the past behaved? No learning curve?

[Cosmo_R]

what if you see IAF's assets at US base in Japan or Hawaii ? Or may be South Korea.

Then 'vassaldom' applies to them right?

[Chandragupta]

Going by Rudra's analysis of US' tacit nod to CPEC, it seems this is yet another 'Kahuta' moment for India. If we don't strike in the next 5 years and throw a spanner in the CPEC wheels, many countries will have invested hugely in this corridor which will make it next to impossible for India to take back our own territory, PoK.

[NRao]

India's NSG admission depends on Obama's grit: Uday Bhaskar

[chetak]

This is rank white skinned assholism. No other word for it.

Are these vatican pasand stooges for real??

FCRA has hit them tight where it hurts and very badly too.


US lawmakers urge House Speaker to discuss India's religious freedom with PM Modi

US lawmakers urge House Speaker to discuss India's religious freedom with PM Modi

Jun 8, 2016 13:40 IST

Washington: A bipartisan group of 18 American lawmakers has written to House Speaker Paul Ryan, asking him to raise the issue of religious freedom in India during his meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

"Religious minority communities — including Muslims, Christians, Buddhists, and Sikhs — have endured ongoing violence and harassment for decades in India, and continue to live in a climate where known perpetrators commit violence with impunity," the members of the Congress, led by Trent Franks and Betty McCollum, wrote.

"We respectfully request that during your meetings with the Prime Minister, the 'shared value' of the fundamental right of religious freedom will be a priority in your conversation," they said ahead of the Ryan-Modi meeting.

PM Modi with US President Obama. APPM Modi with US President Obama. AP
"It is in the best interest of the US and India toreaffirm religious freedom as a shared value in this growing partnership and ensure that conversation concerning justice and accountability for such horrific acts of violence continues," the letter said.
In the letter, the lawmakers cite several specific examples of violent attacks that have killed or displaced religious minorities.

Human rights groups in India have investigated and traced these attacks to specific groups, but a current climate of impunity exists in India around such attacks and many victims never receive justice, they said.

"As we consider the shared values of the US and India, due attention to the fundamental human right of religious freedom is of the utmost importance," Franks said.
"Religious minority communities in India have endured incidents of harassment, discrimination, intimidation and violent attacks for decades, often with little hope for justice.
"It is my sincere hope that every person in India will experience true freedom of faith, regardless of religion," he said.

"The important relationship between India and the US is based on our shared democratic values. Religious minorities in India — Muslims, Christians, Buddhists and Sikhs — deserve the freedom to live out their faith without fear," McCollum said.

The Congressmen who signed the letter were Chris Smith, Juan Vargas, Andre Carson, Keith Ellison, Patrick Meehan, Keith Rothfus, Randy Weber, Dan Kildee, Mike Honda, John Conyers Jr, John Garamendi, Robert Aderholt, Anna Eshoo, Joe Pitts, Barbara Lee and David Valadao.

Modi is scheduled to address a joint session of the US Congress on Wednesday.

[NRao]

Wrap-up during a news conference by Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar

[NRao]

I would support this and take one more step: IF any country does dominate, it should be India. Natural reasons.

PM Modi- President Obama discussion a clear signal to China: No country should dominate Asia-Pacific

[SSridhar]

what if you see IAF's assets at US base in Japan or Hawaii ? Or may be South Korea.

rsingh, that is the reason advanced here by those who support LSA. The question to you and them is what those IAF assets are going to do in Okinawa & Hawaii? Defend Japan, US against Chinese attacks? We don't have enough assets for our own needs in the first place !

[Shankas]

Watching Modiji speak at the US Congress.

http://www.c-span.org/video/?410817-2/i ... g-congress

[svinayak]

India's NSG admission depends on Obama's grit: Uday Bhaskar

Modi-Obama meeting will be the degree to which President Obama is able to expand American political and diplomatic capital to get India into the NSG. This will not be easy because even within the United States there is a divided opinion," he added.

Read more at: http://www.sify.com/news/indias-nsg-adm ... jgebe.html

US has a vested interest in not eroding its dominance in the NSG and other multilateral forums. They have to ensure that China does not create its own sphere in NSG. They cannot let go superpower status to another state.

If there is a divided opinion inside US then there is a lobby group for China which wants to keep China dominant in Asia Pacific. This goes against the US official statement that no country can dominate the Asia Pacific.

Read this carefully

[rsingh]

Watching Modiji speak at the US Congress.

http://www.c-span.org/video/?410817-2/i ... g-congress

Any other site?

[Gus]

It was a good speech. Not among his best but good. Good enough to get many standing ovations and right responses. Biden was not that enthu..was fiddling with some paper but Paul Ryan was full of applause.

He did well in telling US that first step in combating terror is to stop rewarding those who use terror for political gains. He did not even had to mention the name Pakistan.

How was the coverage in massa media? Fox cnn msnbc etc?

[Prem]

Today's takeaway is MTCR membership.

MTCR and NSG were part of the indo-us nuke deal.The NSG membership is impossible as china won't let it. HOWEVER, If the americans get the chinese to agree, that means gwadar has received american protection from any possible indian blockade or military action(just as rudra summarized)Who said it is impossible

Vietnam can be our Pakistan to make Chinese sleep Haram.Natural for Few Dozen Bikshus of Smiling Buddha to celebrate Buddh Purnima in Nam.

[nvishal]

No need for india.

The vietnamese have broken the teeth of both americans and chinese with nothing.
They are tribal by blood and guerilla warfare comes to them as a natural instinct.

------------
The chinese have already supplied cruise missiles to pakistan. Supplying brahmos to vietnam is completely logical.

[NRao]

Defence, Asia-Pacific focus of Indo-US cooperation

This:

According to a senior Obama administration official, a significant achievement of Mr. Modi’s visit is the finalization of a document on the shared strategy of both countries in Asia-Pacific. The official said this document – kept confidential – outlines a joint strategy to deal with specific situations and scenarios that could emerge in the Asia-Pacific region in the future.

[ShauryaT]

Supplying brahmos to vietnam is completely logical.

Also, why stop at Brahmos?

Some Prithvi, Prahaar and maybe even Agni should be in scope. Akash, Tejas.......Provide to all the littoral states the whole thing, like China does in the IOR. Lest someone say now that we cannot because we adhere to the MTCR.....

[sanjaykumar]

The Vietnamese also did some dental djustments on the French, gratis.

[KJo]

It was a good speech. Not among his best but good. Good enough to get many standing ovations and right responses. Biden was not that enthu..was fiddling with some paper but Paul Ryan was full of applause.

He did well in telling US that first step in combating terror is to stop rewarding those who use terror for political gains. He did not even had to mention the name Pakistan.

How was the coverage in massa media? Fox cnn msnbc etc?

Foreign leaders visits don't make news in America. What makes news is Trump, Hillary, school shootings, sex scandals etc. Joe 6-pack does not care much about the world as long as he gets beer.
CNN has a 1 line link down below.

[SwamyG]

I read the speech, and I thought he glorified Amurika a little too much. More credit than necessary. Considering India and US are still not equals, it required him to play that tone and flatter them.

[ramana]

Defence, Asia-Pacific focus of Indo-US cooperation

This:

According to a senior Obama administration official, a significant achievement of Mr. Modi’s visit is the finalization of a document on the shared strategy of both countries in Asia-Pacific. The official said this document – kept confidential – outlines a joint strategy to deal with specific situations and scenarios that could emerge in the Asia-Pacific region in the future.

The joint statement is 50 paras long and needs to be studied or pored over.
The big picture is US is letting India take back the Indian Ocean and allowing into Pacific ocean. Its all about naval presence.
The US has finally realized what made the British and empire. Its INDIA

Prime Minister Narendra Modi held bilateral talks with US President Barack Obama at the White House on Tuesday. The two leaders discussed issues ranging from business and technology to governance. "We are working shoulder to shoulder, we are proud. We will continue working together," PM Modi said in a joint statement with President Obama.

Following is the full text of the joint statement:

India-US Joint Statement during the visit of Prime Minister to USA (The United States and India: Enduring Global Partners in the 21st Century)

June 07, 2016
1. The Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi and the President of the United States of America Barack Obama met today in the White House during an official working visit of Prime Minister Modi to the United States. Marking their third major bilateral summit, the leaders reviewed the deepening strategic partnership between the United States and India that is rooted in shared values of freedom, democracy, universal human rights, tolerance and pluralism, equal opportunities for all citizens, and rule of law. They pledged to pursue new opportunities to bolster economic growth and sustainable development, promote peace and security at home and around the world, strengthen inclusive, democratic governance and respect for universal human rights, and provide global leadership on issues of shared interest.

2. The leaders welcomed the significant progress made in bilateral relations between India and the United States during their tenure, in accordance with the roadmaps set out in the Joint Statements issued during Prime Minister Modi's visit to the United States in September 2014 and President Obama's visit to India in January 2015. The leaders affirmed the increasing convergence in their strategic perspectives and emphasized the need to remain closely invested in each other's security and prosperity.

Advancing U.S.-India Global Leadership on Climate and Clean Energy

3. The steps that the two Governments have taken in the last two years through the U.S.-India Contact Group, including by addressing the nuclear liability issue, inter alia, through India's ratification of the Convention on Supplementary Compensation for Nuclear Damage, have laid a strong foundation for a long-term partnership between U.S. and Indian companies for building nuclear power plants in India. Culminating a decade of partnership on civil nuclear issues, the leaders welcomed the start of preparatory work on site in India for six AP 1000 reactors to be built by Westinghouse and noted the intention of India and the U.S. Export-Import Bank to work together toward a competitive financing package for the project. Once completed, the project would be among the largest of its kind, fulfilling the promise of the U.S.-India civil nuclear agreement and demonstrating a shared commitment to meet India's growing energy needs while reducing reliance on fossil fuels. Both sides welcomed the announcement by the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd, and Westinghouse that engineering and site design work will begin immediately and the two sides will work toward finalizing the contractual arrangements by June 2017.

4. The United States and India share common climate and clean energy interests and are close partners in the fight against climate change. Leadership from both countries helped galvanize global action to combat climate change and culminated in the historic Paris Agreement reached last December. Both countries are committed to working together and with others to promote full implementation of the Paris Agreement to address the urgent threats posed by climate change. India and the United States recognize the urgency of climate change and share the goal of enabling entry into force of the Paris Agreement as early as possible. The United States reaffirms its commitment to join the Agreement as soon as possible this year. India similarly has begun its processes to work toward this shared objective. The leaders reiterated their commitment to pursue low greenhouse gas emission development strategies in the pre-2020 period and to develop long-term low greenhouse gas emission development strategies. In addition, the two countries resolved to work to adopt an HFC amendment in 2016 with increased financial support from donor countries to the Multilateral Fund to help developing countries with implementation, and an ambitious phasedown schedule, under the Montreal Protocol pursuant to the Dubai Pathway. The leaders resolved to work together at the upcoming International Civil Aviation Organization Assembly to reach a successful outcome to address greenhouse gas emissions from international aviation. Further, the two countries will pursue under the leadership of the G20 strong outcomes to promote improved heavy-duty vehicle standards and efficiency in accordance with their national priorities and capabilities.
5. The leaders welcomed the signing of an MOU to Enhance Cooperation on Energy Security, Clean Energy and Climate Change, and an MOU on Cooperation in Gas Hydrates.
6. Reflecting Prime Minister Modi's call to embrace wildlife conservation as a development imperative, the leaders welcomed the signing of an MOU to enhance cooperation on Wildlife Conservation and Combating Wildlife Trafficking.

Clean Energy Finance

7. The United States supports the Government of India's ambitious national goals to install 175 GW of renewable power which includes 100 GW from solar power.
8. The United States welcomes the launch of the International Solar Alliance (ISA), recognizes the critical role it can play in the development and deployment of solar power, and intends pursuing membership in the ISA. To this end, and to strengthen ISA together, the United States and India will jointly launch the third Initiative of the ISA which will focus on off-grid solar for energy access at the Founding Conference of ISA in September, 2016 in India. The United States also remains committed, with other developed countries, to the goal of jointly mobilizing $100 billion per year by 2020 to address the needs of developing countries in the context of meaningful mitigation and adaptation action.
9. The United States is committed to bring to bear its technical capacity, resources and private sector, and is jointly launching with India new efforts, to spur greater investment in India's renewable energy sector, including efforts that can serve as a model for other ISA Member Countries. In particular, the United States and India today are announcing: the creation of a $20 million U.S. - India Clean Energy Finance (USICEF) initiative, equally supported by the United States and India, which is expected to mobilize up to $400 million to provide clean and renewable electricity to up to 1 million households by 2020; a commitment to establish the U.S.-India Clean Energy Hub as the coordinating mechanism to focus United States Government efforts that, in partnership with leading Indian financial institutions, will increase renewable energy investment in India; a $40 million U.S.-India Catalytic Solar Finance Program, equally supported by the United States and India, that, by providing needed liquidity to smaller-scale renewable energy investments, particularly in poorer, rural villages that are not connected to the grid, could mobilize up to $1 billion of projects; the expansion of handholding support to Indian utilities that are scaling up rooftop solar and continuation of successful cooperation with USAID on "Greening the Grid".
10. The United States and India also remain committed to the goals of Mission Innovation, which they jointly launched during COP-21 in Paris to double their respective clean energy research and development (R&D) investment in five years. Toward this end, the two leaders reaffirmed their commitment to cooperate on research and development, including through the announcement of an upcoming $30 million public-private research effort in smart grid and grid storage.

Strengthening Global Nonproliferation

11. The President thanked the Prime Minister for his substantive contribution to and active participation in 2016 Nuclear Security Summit in Washington, D.C., and welcomed his offer to host a Summit on Countering Weapons of Mass Destruction Terrorism in 2018. The United States and India will work together to combat the threat of terrorists accessing and using chemical, biological, nuclear and radiological materials.
12. Recalling their shared commitment to preventing proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery, the leaders looked forward to India's imminent entry into the Missile Technology Control Regime. President Obama welcomed India's application to join the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), and re-affirmed that India is ready for membership. The United States called on NSG Participating Governments to support India's application when it comes up at the NSG Plenary later this month. The United States also re-affirmed its support for India's early membership of the Australia Group and Wassenaar Arrangement.

Securing the Domains: Land, Maritime, Air, Space, and Cyber

13. The leaders applauded the completion of a roadmap for cooperation under the 2015 U.S.-India Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean Region, which will serve as a guide for collaboration in the years to come. They resolved that the United States and India should look to each other as priority partners in the Asia Pacific and the Indian Ocean region.
14. They welcomed the inaugural meeting of the Maritime Security Dialogue. Owing to mutual interest in maritime security and maritime domain awareness, the leaders welcomed the conclusion of a technical arrangement for sharing of maritime "White Shipping" information.
15. The leaders affirmed their support for U.S.-India cooperation in promoting maritime security. They reiterated the importance they attach to ensuring freedom of navigation and overflight and exploitation of resources as per international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and settlement of territorial disputes by peaceful means.
16. The leaders applauded the enhanced military to military cooperation between the two countries especially in joint exercises, training and Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HA/DR). They expressed their desire to explore agreements which would facilitate further expansion of bilateral defense cooperation in practical ways. In this regard, they welcomed the finalization of the text of the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA).
17. Noting that the U.S.-India defense relationship can be an anchor of stability, and given the increasingly strengthened cooperation in defense, the United States hereby recognizes India as a Major Defense Partner. As such:

o The United States will continue to work toward facilitating technology sharing with India to a level commensurate with that of its closest allies and partners. The leaders reached an understanding under which India would receive license-free access to a wide range of dual-use technologies in conjunction with steps that India has committed to take to advance its export control objectives.
o In support of India's Make In India initiative, and to support the development of robust defense industries and their integration into the global supply chain, the United States will continue to facilitate the export of goods and technologies, consistent with U.S. law, for projects, programs and joint ventures in support of official U.S.-India defense cooperation.
18. The leaders also committed to enhance cooperation in support of the Government of India's Make in India Initiative and expand the co-production and co-development of technologies under the Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI). They welcomed the establishment of new DTTI working groups to include agreed items covering Naval Systems, Air Systems, and other Weapons Systems. The leaders announced the finalization of the text of an Information Exchange Annex under the Joint Working Group on Aircraft Carrier Technology Cooperation.
19. President Obama thanked Prime Minister Modi for his government's support for the Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency (DPAA) missions in India, including a recovery mission that resulted in the recent repatriation of remains of the United States Service Members missing since the Second World War. The leaders announced their commitment to future DPAA missions.
20. As space faring nations, India and the United States acknowledge that outer space should be an ever expanding frontier of human endeavour, and look forward to deepening their cooperation on earth observation, Mars exploration, space education and manned space flight. The leaders welcomed the progress toward establishment of an ISRO-NASA Heliophysics Working Group as well as toward finalization of a Memorandum of Understanding for exchange of earth observation satellite data.
21. The leaders emphasized that cyberspace enables economic growth and development, and reaffirmed their commitment to an open, interoperable, secure, and reliable Internet, underpinned by the multistakeholder model of Internet governance. They committed to deepen cooperation on cybersecurity and welcomed the understanding reached to finalize the Framework for the U.S.-India Cyber Relationship in the near term. They committed to enhance cyber collaboration on critical infrastructure, cybercrime, and malicious cyber activity by state and non-state actors, capacity building, and cybersecurity research and development, and to continue discussions on all aspects of trade in technology and related services, including market access. They have committed to continue dialogue and engagement in Internet governance fora, including in ICANN, IGF and other venues, and to support active participation by all stakeholders of the two countries in these fora. The leaders committed to promote stability in cyberspace based on the applicability of international law including the United Nations Charter, the promotion of voluntary norms of responsible state behavior during peacetime, and the development and implementation of practical confidence building measures between states.
22. In this context, they affirmed their commitment to the voluntary norms that no country should conduct or knowingly support online activity that intentionally damages critical infrastructure or otherwise impairs the use of it to provide services to the public; that no country should conduct or knowingly support activity intended to prevent national computer security incident response teams from responding to cyber incidents, or use its own teams to enable online activity that is intended to do harm; that every country should cooperate, consistent with its domestic law and international obligations, with requests for assistance from other states in mitigating malicious cyber activity emanating from its territory; and that no country should conduct or knowingly support ICT-enabled theft of intellectual property, including trade secrets or other confidential business information, with the intent of providing competitive advantages to its companies or commercial sectors.

Standing Together Against Terrorism and Violent Extremism

23. The leaders acknowledged the continued threat posed to human civilization by terrorism and condemn the recent terrorist incidents from Paris to Pathankot, from Brussels to Kabul. They resolved to redouble their efforts, bilaterally and with other like-minded countries, to bring to justice the perpetrators of terrorism anywhere in the world and the infrastructure that supports them.
24. Building on the January 2015 U.S.-India Joint Statement commitment to make the U.S.-India partnership a defining counterterrorism relationship for the 21st Century, as well as the September 2015 U.S.-India Joint Declaration on Combatting Terrorism, the leaders announced further steps to deepen collaboration against the full spectrum of terrorist threats.
25. The leaders committed to strengthen cooperation against terrorist threats from extremist groups, such as Al-Qa'ida, Da'esh/ISIL, Jaish-e Mohammad, Lashkar-e-Tayyiba, D Company and their affiliates, including through deepened collaboration on UN terrorist designations. In this context, they directed their officials to identify specific new areas of collaboration at the next meeting of U.S.-India Counterterrorism Joint Working Group.
26. Recognizing an important milestone in the U.S.-India counterterrorism partnership, the leaders applauded the finalization of an arrangement to facilitate the sharing of terrorist screening information. They also called for Pakistan to bring the perpetrators of the 2008 Mumbai and 2016 Pathankot terrorist attacks to justice.
27. The leaders affirmed their support for a UN Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism that advances and strengthens the framework for global cooperation and reinforces that no cause or grievance justifies terrorism.

Bolstering Economic and Trade Ties

28. The leaders highlighted the strong and expanding economic relationship between the United States and India and committed to support sustainable, inclusive, and robust economic growth, and common efforts to stimulate consumer demand, job creation, skill development and innovation in their respective countries.
29. In order to substantially increase bilateral trade, they pledged to explore new opportunities to break down barriers to the movement of goods and services, and support deeper integration into global supply chains, thereby creating jobs and generating prosperity in both economies. They look forward to the second annual Strategic and Commercial Dialogue in India later this year to identify concrete steps in this regard. They also commended the increased engagement on trade and investment issues under the Trade Policy Forum (TPF) and encouraged substantive results for the next TPF later this year. They welcomed the engagement of U.S. private sector companies in India's Smart City program.
30. The leaders applauded the strong bonds of friendship between the 1.5 billion peoples of India and the United States that have provided a solid foundation for a flourishing bilateral partnership, noting that two-way travel for tourism, business, and education has seen unprecedented growth, including more than one million travelers from India to the United States in 2015, and similar number from the United States to India.The leaders resolved to facilitate greater movement of professionals, investors and business travelers, students, and exchange visitors between their countries to enhance people-to-people contact as well as their economic and technological partnership. To this end, they welcomed the signing of an MOU for Development of an International Expedited Traveler Initiative (also known as the Global Entry Program) and resolved to complete within the next three months the procedures for India's entry into the Global Entry Program.
31. The leaders recognized the fruitful exchanges in August 2015 and June 2016 on the elements required in both countries to pursue a U.S.-India Totalization Agreement and resolved to continue discussions later this year.
32. Recognizing the importance of fostering an enabling environment for innovation and empowering entrepreneurs, the United States welcomes India's hosting of the 2017 Global Entrepreneurship Summit.
33. The leaders welcomed the enhanced engagement on intellectual property rights under the High Level Working Group on Intellectual Property and reaffirmed their commitment to use this dialogue to continue to make concrete progress on IPR issues by working to enhance bilateral cooperation among the drivers of innovation and creativity in both countries.
34. The United States welcomes India's interest in joining the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, as India is a dynamic part of the Asian economy.

Expanding Cooperation: Science & Technology and Health

35. The leaders affirmed their nations' mutual support in exploring the most fundamental principles of science as embodied in the arrangement reached to cooperate on building a Laser Interferometer Gravitational Wave Observatory (LIGO) in India in the near future and welcomed the formation of the India-U.S. Joint Oversight Group to facilitate agency coordination of funding and oversight of the project.
36. The leaders look forward to India's participation at the September 2016 Our Ocean Conference in Washington, D.C. as well as holding of the first India-U.S. Oceans Dialogue later this year, to strengthen cooperation in marine science, ocean energy, managing and protecting ocean biodiversity, marine pollution, and sustainable use of ocean resources.
37. The leaders reaffirmed their commitment to the Global Health Security Agenda and the timely implementation of its objectives. The Prime Minister noted India's role on the Steering Group and its leadership in the areas of anti-microbial resistance and immunization. The President noted the United States' commitment to support, undergo, and share a Joint External Evaluation in collaboration with the World Health Organization.
38. The leaders recognized the global threat posed by multi-drug-resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB) and committed to continue collaboration in the area of tuberculosis and to share respective best practices.
39. The leaders noted the growing threat of non-communicable diseases and the urgent need to address the risk factors by, inter alia, promoting healthy lifestyles, controlling sugar and salt intake, promoting physical activity especially among children and youth and strengthening efforts to curb tobacco use. The leaders also reiterated the importance of holistic approaches to health and wellness, and of promoting the potential benefits of holistic approaches by synergizing modern and traditional systems of medicine, including Yoga.
40. The leaders strongly endorsed expansion of the Indo-U.S. Vaccine Action Program, which is fostering public-private research partnerships focused on the development and evaluation of vaccines to prevent tuberculosis, dengue, chikungunya and other globally important infectious diseases.

Global Leadership

41. The leaders reaffirmed their resolve to continue working together as well as with the wider international community to augment the capacity of the United Nations to more effectively address the global development and security challenges. With the historic adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development in September 2015, and recognizing its universality, the leaders reaffirmed their commitment to implement this ambitious agenda domestically and internationally and work in a collaborative partnership for the effective achievement of Sustainable Development Goals.
42. The leaders reaffirmed their support for a reformed UN Security Council with India as a permanent member. Both sides committed to ensuring that the Security Council continues to play an effective role in maintaining international peace and security as envisioned in the UN Charter. The leaders are committed to continued engagement on Security Council reform in the UN Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN) on Security Council Reform.
43. The leaders welcomed the successful convening of the Leaders' Summit on UN Peacekeeping and committed to deepening engagement on UN peacekeeping capacity-building efforts in third countries, through co-organizing the first UN Peacekeeping Course for African Partners in New Delhi later this year for participants from ten countries in Africa. The leaders also reiterated their support for ongoing reform efforts to strengthen UN peacekeeping operations.
44. Building on their respective bilateral engagements with Africa, such as the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit and India-Africa Forum Summit, the leaders reflected that the United States and India share a common interest in working with partners in Africa to promote prosperity and security across the continent. The leaders welcomed trilateral cooperation with African partners, including in areas such as agriculture, health, energy, women's empowerment and sanitation under the Statement of Guiding Principles on Triangular Cooperation for Global Development. They looked forward to opportunities to deepen the U.S. - India global develop pment cooperation in Africa, as well as in Asia and beyond.

Building People-to-People Ties

45. Both sides committed to open additional consulates in each other's country. India will be opening a new consulate in Seattle and the United States will open a new consulate at a mutually agreed location in India.
46. The leaders announced that the United States and India will be Travel and Tourism Partner Countries for 2017, and committed to facilitate visas for each other's nationals.
47. Reflecting on the strong educational and cultural bonds between the two countries, the leaders welcomed the growing number of Indian students studying in the United States, which increased by 29 percent to nearly 133,000 students in 2014-2015, and looked forward to increased opportunities for American students to study in India. The leaders also appreciated their governments' joint efforts through the Fulbright-Kalam Climate Fellowship to develop a cohort of climate scientists to confront the shared challenge of global climate change.
48. Recognizing its mutual goal of strengthening greater people-to-people ties, the leaders intend to renew efforts to intensify dialogue to address issues affecting the citizens of both countries that arise due to differences in the approaches of legal systems, including issues relating to cross-country marriage, divorce and child custody.
49. Prime Minister Modi welcomed the United States' repatriation of antiquities to India. The leaders also committed to redouble their efforts to combat the theft and trafficking of cultural objects.
50. Prime Minister Modi thanked President Obama for his gracious invitation and warmth of hospitality. He extended an invitation for President Obama to visit India at his convenience.

[ramana]

I think Hafiz Suar and Dawood Ibrahim better make quick preparations to move out or get droned by Obama before he leave office and before his next visit to India.

[V_Raman]

In this Indian Ocean bargain, we are being asked to let go of POK it looks like ?? POK and AFG connectivity is the real security for India and we cannot let go of that!

Indian Ocean is anyway ours and I dont know if the China/US could realistically do anything big enough to affect our dominance.

[SwamyG]

Why do people keep saying we are being asked to let go of PoK?

[V_Raman]

I guess from Rudradev's analysis that USA is the all controlling master which as allowed china/gwadar connectivity through POK and wants to secure that for china without Indian threat.

And it giving us the carrot of MTCR/drones and Indian Ocean which is anyway ours without the benevolent master doing anything!

If they are giving us Pak in return, i might think about it in 5 decades from now after destroying the umma virus. But POK is non-negotiable in any case.

[Prem]

In this Indian Ocean bargain, we are being asked to let go of POK it looks like ?? POK and AFG connectivity is the real security for India and we cannot let go of that!
Indian Ocean is anyway ours and I dont know if the China/US could realistically do anything big enough to affect our dominance.

But No Guarantee if Afghanistan want to stretch push it's border all the way to India via POK/GB .

[ShyamSP]

In this Indian Ocean bargain, we are being asked to let go of POK it looks like ?? POK and AFG connectivity is the real security for India and we cannot let go of that!
Indian Ocean is anyway ours and I dont know if the China/US could realistically do anything big enough to affect our dominance.

But No Guarantee if Afghanistan want to stretch push it's border all the way to India via POK/GB .

Land connectivity to Iran and Russia are essential looking at centuries to come. For stupid missiles you can't lose.

"Don't give in to cancer, kill it with chemo."

[krishna_krishna]

+1 Ramana guru, this thread was being used by massa dalals as an paid new article news dumping ground. Good that we return to good analysis that BRF is good at.

However respectfully, I disagree with you on Hafeez suar and D, they are small pawns IMHO in this great game. Even pakis would not shy away from giving them away if it suits them. Plus they both have reached their end of life so to me if we are getting sold on those two gentleman getting halal'd by buying bug infested dron-acharya's with limitation then we are smoking something really weird.

Crux is massa wants to secure and consolidate in position from which they can re-create/change (read reverse if you will) the course of future. So lets say 2050+ they can make a comeback.

I have a theory I predict we will see big push by madam when she resumes office on zuman rights violations, more asylum given to Sikhs and muslims. Even case against modi if he wins again with support to Assam/Kerala/Tamil/Khalistan separation on account of zuman rights. At the same time we are tied up with Logistics agreement ityadi to somehow be still dependend on massa or have massa troops on our ground.

Also this is where base in Afghanistan kicks in with Diego G. plus remember Madam tried uber hard to get a base in Bangladesh as SoS and so in Myanmar. I think we need to make sure that PoK does not get lost in this with making sure our easter front (SL/Myanmar/Burma) are india pasand tht is the only way we can control onslaught after around 2020 otherwise it will be a three front war (Few inspirations from Gen paddy and other books that I have read). Take it for what it is worth

[SSridhar]

US has a vested interest in not eroding its dominance in the NSG and other multilateral forums. They have to ensure that China does not create its own sphere in NSG. They cannot let go superpower status to another state.

I don't see anything wrong with such a 'vested interest'. India would do the same when it eventually reaches such a powerful position.

If there is a divided opinion inside US then there is a lobby group for China which wants to keep China dominant in Asia Pacific. This goes against the US official statement that no country can dominate the Asia Pacific.

Today, the CPC's mouthpiece such as People's Daily or the Chinese government's mouthpiece such as Global Times or the PLA's voice, The PLA Daily, all talk about the growing relationship between India and the US. Sometimes they warn India and at other times they say that India's longstanding strategic independence wouldn't allow it to get much closer to the US. In any case, such commentaries show their worry of closer US-India relationship. They slam the US for its Freedom of Navigation Passage exercises, the PLAN & PLAAF air assets conduct themselves dangerously against the US assets. If the US is unwilling to let go of its dominant position within the NSG (as you yourself stated), why should it allow China to overtake it globally or undermine its pre-eminence even in Asia? I do not believe that there is support within the US administration for PRC. Among Asian nations, except for Laos & Cambodia, there is absolutely no support for the Chinese position on the Indo-China Sea issue or its growing assertive behaviour. That said, China is a dominant power in the world and is *THE* dominant Asian power. We may not like that and we may work to change that, but that is the TRUTH.

The US will certainly keep checks & balances against us even as the relationship develops further. This is not only a natural instinct against a potential challenger in the future, but this is also due to a lesson that the US learned from its dealings with China in the 70s and 80s. It went head-over-heels with China in order to defeat/dismantle the USSR and the Faustian bargain led to the Chinese challenge of today. The US may not like another China in a future India. Perfectly understandable. We [India] must do everything to pursue our goals.