Acharya wrote:US looked at access to all these bases in Af Pak and central asia as a incentive to stay in the War on Terror for this extended time. But looks like it is not sustainable
** Long Post **
I am not sure if the last word is spoken on shutting the Manas airport for the US, though it appears more certain this time around with the voting taking place. Only the President stands between the closure and the continuation. As a country, Kyrgyzstan is part of CIS as well as NATO's Partnership for Peace Program (PPP). Both Russia and China are its largest trade partners and the US has nothing significant. In February 2009, the Kyrgyzstan government closed down the crucial Manas Airbase due to Russian pressure, a base where over 1000 US Air Force personnel were stationed supporting Afghan operations for eight years since the start of Operation Enduring Freedom. The US renegotiated and agreed to triple the rent in June when Kyrgystan re-opened the base. Later in early July, the US and Russia also agreed to have transit facilities for American troops and weapons using Russian airspace. In early April, 2010, the revolt in Kyrgystan drove away the President even as the US-Kyrgystan accord was only a few months away from expiry and renewal. This cast a shadow on the Obama administration’s attempts to send in more troops into Afghanistan as part of the new policy. However, the agreement was renewed until 2014.
The Russia-China axis and the rivalries between them and the US are also adding enormous dynamics to the Af-Pak situation. Once again, Pakistan is going to bed with both the US and China simultaneously, a skill that this whore has honed well. While India was a prominent member in the Russo-India-China axis on Afghanistan, I am afraid that it is no longer the case. The Russo-China-TSP axis wants to shut all avenues for the US to stay in Af-Pak beyond July 2014. India has conflicts of interests with both groups, the US and the Russo-China-TSP axis. With the US, India feels let down at several crucial times, in the US recognition accorded to the Taliban and in diluting the redlines with respect to the Taliban. The Russians and the Chinese want to protect their interests in Afghanistan and CIS and may find India a hindrance vis-a-vis getting Pakistan's help in these matters.
Let us also recall that in March 2009, the Barack Obama administration started a long-drawn process of reviewing the Afghanistan situation. The new policy, while making Pakistan more accountable for the aid it receives from the US, places reliance on equipping and training both the Pakistani and the Afghani armed forces and law enforcement agencies while continuing to target the hard-core and recalcitrant Al Qaeda/Taliban leadership while willing to negotiate with moderate elements. With this possibly in mind, the US Commander in Afghanistan was replaced in May 2009 by General Stanley McChrystal, a US Special Forces counterinsurgency specialist. The policy identified Pakistan as having received huge monetary benefits but not delivered commensurately . The policy also recognized that the Afghan situation will be best handled by involving immediate neighbours and powerful regional players. The US Administration has also clearly stated that the Pakistani intelligence agencies should cut-off their historic links with the mujahideen and Taliban leaders, commanders and warlords. Today, after four years, none of these happened and yet Pakistan is at the core of US efforts for Afghanistan.
On the same day this policy review was announced, an equally powerful initiative was announced by the Shanghai Cooperation organization (SCO) in what is known as the Moscow Declaration. While there was similarity in approach as far as the involvement of neighbours and regional players such as Russia, China, India, Iran and Pakistan in resolving the Afghan situation was concerned, it significantly differed from the US policy of differentiating among the Taliban. This Declaration also castigated Pakistan for its support to terrorism and asked it to dismantle these infrastructure. Later, in October 2009, the foreign ministers of the RIC triangle of Russia, India and China met in Bangalore and demanded a greater say for themselves in the resolution of the Afghan problem. Like the 2009 US policy review, these have also gone with the wind and a deep, sinister move is afoot by Russia and China.
It amuses me to find people believing that somehow the contacts between the US, Taliban and Karzai have been taking place now and only now. Below is a long history of over three years of these tortuous talks and intrigues. Also, Pakistan is a prime mover in these as the following would show and it is having its way. My belief is also that India which got sidelined by the Western powers in London three years back but then found resonance with Russia and China is now getting sidelined by these two countries as well.
Concerned with increased local demands to recall the British troops from Afghanistan, the British Prime Minister Gordon Brown called important stakeholder nations for a Conference in London on January 28, 2010. The British plan was to ask the Taliban to join the Karzai-led government and integrate their militia within the Afghan National Army (ANA) within the next 18 months coinciding with the American withdrawal starting by 2011. India was excluded from the conference at the behest of Pakistan. . In the NATO commanders’ conference just before the London Conference, Gen. Kayani explaining Pakistan’s position said, inter alia, that India was the only existential threat for Pakistan which necessitated the strategic depth into Afghanistan, India’s presence in Afghanistan posed security challenges to Pakistan and must therefore be curtailed etc. He also offered to train the Afghan Army (ANA) as a counter to India’s proposals.
Richard Holbrooke, for his part, said that nearly 70 percent of the Taliban were not fighting because of ideological commitments. Echoing similar thoughts was the British position that “Only 20 percent Taliban have a fundamentalist jihadi ideology whereas the rest…are not fundamentalist jihadis; they are our primary focus,” Thus, the US allocated a Billion dollar fund to wean away 'susceptible' Taliban from the AQAM. Events of the last three years since the fund was announced have shown that this experiment fell flat on its face and never got up afterwards. In the January 2010 London conference, Pakistan offered to bring around most of the Taliban to the peace talks table. Who knows, the billion US dollars were possibly a bribe to PA Generals to get the Taliban to speak. As a follow-up, on Feb. 11, 2010, Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, a brother-in-law of Mullah Omar, the head of the Quetta Shura and the second in command after Mullah Omar, was arrested in a joint operation by the CIA and the ISI in Karachi. It later emerged that Baradar was planning to attend the May 2-3, 2010 Jirga of about 1200 to 1400 people that Karzai had called of the tribal leaders to give a shape to the reconciliation process. The jirga was expected to set the terms and conditions for reintegrating the insurgents, a development that Pakistan clearly did not want. Thus, the US-Pakistani nexus in undermining Karzai stood thoroughly exposed. One can be sure that Baradar was contacted by the Afghan intelligence led by the shrewd Amarullah Saleh, much to the dislike of the US and the Pakistanis. he was to pay the price soon.
On August 22, 2010, the New York Times reported that the ISI officials admitted that Baradar and his aides were by-passing the ISI and hence were arrested. Only in 2012, after much pressure was brought to bear upon the US and Pakistan, was a Karzai representative allowed to meet Baradar in a Pakistani jail. After Baradar was arrested, Pakistan also arrested a number of Taliban leaders and commanders. The arrests also coincided with the two-day Strategic Dialogue in Washington between Pakistan and the US on March 24 & 25, 2010. This is a familiar Pakistani tactic that has been in vogue since 26/11. Though Pakistan wanted to make these arrests appear as a reversal of its policies regarding protection of certain Taliban groups for eventual use after the NATO and American forces left the region, it was clear that these commanders were guilty of crossing Pakistan Army’s red lines and interests. Pakistan wanted to control the dialogue process between its trusted Taliban and the Karzai / US governments. Pakistan thus killed two birds in one shot. On June 24, 2010, the New York Times reported that the Pakistanis were offering to mediate a power-sharing agreement with Sirajuddin Haqqani. A few days later the Middle-Eastern Al Jazeera, which had broken many authentic news about Al Qaeda earlier, dramatically announced that Sirajuddin Haqqani, accompanied by the Pakistani COAS Gen. Kayani and the ISI Chief Shuja Pasha, had already met the Afghan President Karzai in his Kabul Palace. A few days later, the US President Barack Obama, at the G-20 meeting in Toronto in June 2010, praised the efforts of Pakistan to find a political settlement for the Afghan crisis. Refusing to directly comment on the meeting between Haqqani and Karzai, he said, “I think it’s too early to tell. I think we have to view these efforts with skepticism but also with openness”.
One can only presume in these matters because details are sketchy or are simply not available. Haqqani must have demanded in his meeting with Karzai both his arms and legs, if not his life, because no further contacts took place. In September, 2010, the US dramatically increased the frequency of its attacks from a monthly average of ten strikes to twenty and killing many militants. Though it was later touted to be a pre-emptive strike to prevent a Mumbai-style urban terror attack in the UK, Germany and France, there is no denying that a frustrated US wanted to demonstrate to the Pakistanis its determination to go after the Haqqani group which Pakistan has been successfully defending.
Why were the Americans angry with the Haqqanis, their close friend in the earlier jihad ? Apart from the period between 2001-2009 when the Haqqanis helped AQAM in so many ways, they were becoming a major hurdle in an American operation. In early February 2010, the US/NATO forces announced a major offensive, codenamed Operation Mushtarak (Together), in the southern Helmand region of Marjah, a rural poppy-growing area which has been under the control of druglords for decades. Later, it was revealed that the operation in Marjah was a tactical prelude to the more major effort to capture Kandahar before end of circa 2010 and Kunduz in the North later. However, after more than a month, the contingent of 15000 soldiers and the 400-odd fighter aircraft and gunships were holding on to Marjah only tenuously. The Haqqanis had effectively grounded the US/NATO plans. Finally, in early May, 2010, the NATO commanders scrapped the Kandahar offensive citing the Afghans to take charge, a ridiculous claim ! In June, the New York Times reported that the Kandahar offensive was no longer a military one but rather a civilian reconstruction effort with the military in a supportive role only. The Haqqanis were directly responsible for this massive US failure and that hurt. They took this out on Pakistani Army as well with the helicopter attack on a Pakistani Army post in early October, 2010 which led to the closure of border crossings at Torkham and Chaman and the US ultimately issuing an apology (or a sort of apology).
On May, 21, 2010, the Maldives government spokesman announced that representatives of Hizb-e-Islami and the Karzai government were holding talks there, which was confirmed by Humayun Jareir, a prominent member of Hizb-i-Islami and Hekmatyar's son-in-law. He further said that the meeting was to bring together people who were influential in both Afghanistan's government and insurgent groups to try to come up with ideas for a peaceful resolution in Afghanistan. In June 2010, under intense US pressure which in turn was no doubt prompted by Pakistan, Karzai replaced the two bitterest critics of Pakistan in his cabinet, the powerful Afghan intelligence chief Amarullah Saleh and the Interior Minister Hanif Atmar. This further strengthened Pakistan's hands. The frequency of visits to Kabul by the Pakistani COAS, Gen. Kayani, indicated mediatory efforts between Haqqani and Mullah Omar on the one hand and the Kabul Government on the other hand. After one such visit in August 2010, Karzai called for withdrawal of US/NATO maintained ‘private security forces’ (employed to guard ISAF convoys and installations) within four months (i.e by year end, 2010) as they were ‘poorly regulated, reckless and effectively operate outside local law’ though one must concede that Karzai himself had promised as much in his 2009 Presidential election campaign.
The Afghan President Hamid Karzai also confirmed on a US Television channel that discussions were going on with the Taliban, an announcement that caused Pakistani Prime Minister Gilani to warn on October 12 that any direct talks with the Taliban without Pakistan would fail. A few days later, on October 14, 2010, the US Special Envoy for Af-Pak, Richard Holbrooke, confirmed the talks with the Taliban while Gen. Petraeus, Commander of ISAF in Afghanistan, said his troops facilitated a high-level Taliban leader to travel to Kabul to have talks with the Government. Later, it turned out that they were referring to Anwarul Haq Mujahed, a terrorist leader who is in custody in Peshawar along with the former Taliban governor of eastern Nangarhar province in Afghanistan, Maulvi Abdul Kabir, and his deputy governor Sedre Azam. These leaders were taken in a helicopter from Peshawar, obviously with Pakistani consent and knowledge.
In mid-April 2011, President Zardari visited Ankara and persuaded the Turkish government to allow the Taliban to open an office with diplomatic level status to enable negotiation with them there. The Turkish government agreed {However, the Taliban liaison office was eventually opened in Doha, Qatar in November, 2011 after Afghan President Hamid Karzai dropped his opposition to Qatar in preference to Saudi Arabia or Turkey}. On the same date, Prime Minister Gilani visited Kabul along with COAS Ashfaq Kiyani and ISI Chief Shuja Pasha when Pakistan and Afghanistan decided to set up a two-tier joint commission to facilitate the reconciliation process in anticipation of the withdrawal of foreign troops. Gilani claimed “The U.S. is on board. That's our core group and whatever will be decided will be among Pakistan, Afghanistan and the U.S.” But in an oblique reference to the U.S.' contention that negotiations ought to be held only with Taliban elements willing to accept the Afghan Constitution, Mr. Gilani said “conditions, qualifications or demands at this stage, in our view, may not be helpful”. One of the reasons that an away-office was opened at Qatar was to insulate the Taliban from the ISI as western diplomats involved in the negotiations later admitted. Such an office would also ensure that impersonators do not pose as Taliban representatives as it happened twice, once leading to the assassination of Burhanuddin Rabbani and the other time the US airlifting the impostor with high security to Kabul from Peshawar.
So, the talks have been going on for a long time and as usual Pakistan's central role was needed. Spain conferred its highest military award on Kayani in late 2011. The Pakistani plan is going well. China is going to play a decisive part in keeping India out of Afghanistan after the US eventually leaves in 2014. Currently, that role is being played by the US on behalf of Pakistan while continuing to mouth plattitudes about Indian economic assistance to Afghanistan and its deep historical relationship etc.