NEW DELHI
25TH MARCH + 1210 HRS
“Where are they headed?” the PM asked as he glanced through the images in front of him. Ravoof turned to General Potgam who shared a look before responding:
“Pasrur.”
“And where the hell is that?” the PM said as he looked at the General. The latter kept a remarkably neutral face, Ravoof thought as he watched this play out.
“A short distance west of Shakar-Garh. Which itself is across the border from Pathankot.” Potgam replied. The room filled with silence. The images were unanimous in their clarity. Columns of tanks and vehicles on the road were headed east to the border with India. The Pak army was on the move.
“What the hell are they playing at?” Bafna asked as he passed the PM more images from the file after glancing at them. “They know they can’t win this, right?”
“By the looks of it,” Ravoof noted, “clearly they think otherwise.”
“This,” the PM noted, “goes against everything that their government and the foreign office have given assurances against! It doesn’t make any sense!”
“Unless the analysis model is itself flawed.” Basu noted chillingly. The PM put down the images and removed his glasses as he looked at the intelligence-chief:
“What are you saying? That the civilian government in Islamabad is unaware of all this military mobilization?! I know their Prime-Minister. He would never do such a thing!”
Ravoof sighed just a tad bit more loudly than he had anticipated. The PM caught it: “Oh, and you concur with the RAW director, I take it?”
“I do.” Ravoof replied. He understood that now was not the time to be subtle. His country was being threatened by hostile acts of its nuclear-armed neighbor. If what Basu had revealed to him about General Haider’s involvement was true, even this assessment was untrue. The country was not being threatened. It was already at war…but hadn’t realized it.
“The facts are straightforward,” Ravoof continued, “but the choice is for us to see them or ignore them at our own peril. The strike on Mumbai was not a deranged act of a lunatic. It was planned. It was considered. It was analyzed. And yet Rawalpindi chose to act on it. Why? Is it because they are stupid? No. Nothing that we know about the ISI over the past two decades of clandestine warfare shows us that they are stupid. In fact, they are anything but. So their decision to allow the Lashkar-e-Toiba to strike with a borrowed nuclear warhead reveals their inner thoughts and conclusions much more than anything their civilian leaders have put out over the past two weeks.”
“They are convinced that we are weak.” Potgam added in a voice teeming with authority that he was known to wield. “They think we are on our knees militarily after the Tibet war and more so psychologically. They think the nuclear fallout from the attacks in Bhutan have left us without the stomach to absorb another such war. One where the nuclear options are on the table from the get go, rather than as a last option. They are not convinced they are going to lose, sir. In fact, they think they can win!”
“Of course,” Ravoof added, “our massive strikes against the LeT camps and commanders was unexpected both to the ISI as well as the LeT commanders themselves. That was why it caught them flat footed. The senior LeT commanders are dead. But the jihadists in Pakistan are outraged and rabidly asking for war. I don’t think Islamabad is convinced that they will win. I just think that they see no other alternative at this point. Else the Islamic extremism will topple their precious hold on their country!”
The PM rubbed his eyes and shared a look at his Defense-Minister. “Everything we did for peace. And this is what it is coming down to. Is there no alternative for peace at this point?”
Bafna shook his head after a few seconds of consideration. The PM then looked around his war cabinet: “What will it take for Islamabad or Rawalpindi or whoever is in charge over there to talk peace? Can we give them anything to avoid war?”
“I suppose,” Basu noted in frustration, “if we surrender Kashmir and put down our arms in front of their armored convoys, it might get them to reconsider chopping our heads off.” He got a piercing glare from the PM and Bafna for that.
“How dare you show disrespect for this country’s Prime-Minister!” Bafna bellowed. Somehow, under the circumstances, it rang hollow even to himself. Basu was long past the mental inhibitions that held him to this particular government. When the strike on Mumbai had unfolded, he had decided then and there that this time the perpetrators would not be allowed to escape. If war was the medium to deliver on that promise, so be it. After all, what was that saying about nations who could not summon the guts to push back when blatantly instigated?
In this he was not alone in the room. Pakistan was being driven to war by its jihadist momentum. Following the Indian strikes in occupied Kashmir, there was no stopping that ball from rolling. But the Indian response was being paralyzed by the top leadership’s inability to see that a new war was upon the nation whether it agreed to fight or not. In this as well, it was not the first time. In past wars fought by India, the soldiers on the ground often held their ground to the last man and bullet even when those in New-Delhi vacillated in the face of naked aggression from its neighbors. So it would be here. The PM’s inability to stand his ground for his country was no longer of concern. The war was already in motion. And the service chiefs, RAW and some in the External Affairs Ministry had surmised the same.
But what was needed was what was known as the ‘Higher Direction for War’. A little known leadership characteristic in South Block in recent years. Without knowing what the outcome of a war needed to be, the end result was always a bloody slugfest of attrition battles with no clear winner. The Pakistani army was not a pushover. Propped up by irregular mujahedeen and other mercenaries, and aided by the Indian losses in the China war that had still not been fully recovered, the balance of forces was more in Pakistan’s favor than the Indian military would have liked. And like sharks sensing blood, the Pakistani General Staff were pushing for a fight…
“You see these tanks, Bafna?” Basu said, holding up the satellite imagery taken by the Aerospace Command just hours before. “Where do you think these are headed? Hmm? Do you think Islamabad is looking for a peaceful resolution here?!”
There was no arguing the evidence, so Bafna had no response in defense of his party leader. Basu moved in for the kill: “When these armored columns go over the border on a time and place of Pakistan’s choosing over the next twelve hours, I would love to hear from you about my supposed insolence in this room. In the meantime, we have a war on our hands!”
The PM bypassed any defense of his senior party member and left-hand man, and turned to Potgam: “What is our readiness to handle a Pakistani attack?”
“We are getting there,” Potgam said from where he sat. “But there is no strategic advantage to be had now. They are already mobilizing across the board. We are responding. We can probably match them at the border with air strikes tonight to slow down their preparations to attack. I suspect they will attempt to do the same to us with missiles. Apart from defeating the momentum of the Pak army, we need to know the larger objective here if we want to ensure that this doesn’t turn into a repeat of the 1965 war.”
“What do you recommend, General?” Bafna asked, relinquishing his job without realizing it.
“That, sir,” Potgam said flatly, “is your job.”
The room was silent for several seconds. Ravoof looked around and saw that the PM and the Defense-Minister had missed the obvious objectives of any military action against Pakistan under the current circumstances. It surprised him no end that he, of all people, had to remind them about it…
“I would imagine,” he noted finally, breaking the tense silence, “that one of the objectives should be to capture or kill the senior ISI leaders behind the Mumbai strike?”
“General Haider?” Bafna asked, almost in surprise.
“Of course.” Ravoof replied, keeping his tone non-condescending. On top of all that had to be done, he also had to keep the ego of this country’s leaders safe from bruising. If he had more time to reflect on it, he would have probably felt disgusted. As it was, he thanked the driving urgency of the matters on hand…
“And Haider is just the start, don’t you agree?”
“Can we even do it?” The PM asked. All eyes turned to Basu, who was just as surprised at how Ravoof had seemingly gotten him legitimate orders for something that he was already prepared to do. He looked at Ravoof and thought he saw a smile at the ends of the man’s lips.
Clever ba$tard!
“We can,” Basu replied after a few seconds. “We are keeping a close eye on Haider. He and his men are organizing the surviving junior LeT leaders into combat groups to cross the border in conjunction with the Pak army. At least, that’s what we think he is doing in Lahore. The other ISI commanders will need more effort to locate. They will most certainly be embedded with their Army Chief.”
“And how do we propose to eliminate these men?” Bafna asked.
“We send a few precision-strike cruise missiles into their command centers!” Potgam replied sharply, causing Basu to turn around and face the Army commander.
“Or,” Basu said finally, “we send in a special warfare team to grab Haider in Lahore and bring him back here alive.”
“
Inside Lahore?” Potgam thundered. “Have you lost your mind? I am not sending my men that deep behind enemy lines to try and capture this man! A missile strike is clean and precise…”
“…but for which we won’t know exactly where the target is!” Basu interjected. “Look, you need eyes on the ground regardless. Once we locate the ba$tard, you can take him out with a goddamned missile! Or half a dozen missiles! But we cannot guarantee where he is otherwise!”
“Also,” Ravoof added, “bringing someone like Haider on trial, alive, has its own merits as well! He should be tried as a criminal, not a war-hero!”
“These are semantics I can ill afford to delve into, sir!” Potgam replied. His voice had that effect of dominating a room that few in his posts before him had managed in a long time. “This is a war we are talking about!”
The PM sighed and then leaned back in his chair: “General, I want this man Haider to pay for his crimes like a criminal. Find him. Capture him if you can. But kill him only if there is no other choice available. I want his head on a platter for what he has done.”
“Sir,” Potgam continued his lonely battle, “you do understand that Haider is a Lieutenant-General in their army, right? He is not likely to work alone on anything he has done. At the very least, he had the blessing of his seniors at Rawalpindi. And you know where that buck stops! They won’t let him be taken alive by us!”
“You might be surprised at what we can do, General.” Basu noted neutrally. Potgam shot him a glance but said nothing. He knew what Basu was referring to.
“Very well.” He said in concession. “I can see when the decision has already been made. You gentlemen can bring your plans to me on Haider when you have them. In the meantime, I have an enemy to fight at the border! But I warn you now, plans to kill or capture Haider depending on allocation of precious military resources under my command leaves me with the final veto authority. If I see a senseless plan involving capturing that ********, I will choose to lob a few missiles and kill the ba$tard rather than risk my men. Is that acceptable to you all?”
“Understood, Warlord. That was your call-sign in Bhutan, yes?” The PM asked politely, surprising all in the room. Potgam smiled as he got up from his desk.
“It still is!”