Bharat Rakshak

Punjab’s celebrated tax‑free budget is a starvation blueprint for thirty‑five million South Punjabis. While Lahore feasts on seventy‑eight billion rupees for a luxury cancer hospital, our children drink arsenic‑laced water from contaminated wells. This deliberate imbalance is not fiscal management—it is economic genocide against Punjab’s backbone.

Ring‑fencing was our lifeline. The Pakistan Tehreek‑e‑Insaf’s thirty‑five percent funding guarantee was flawed but vital. The Pakistan Muslim League‑Nawaz did not adjust it—they savaged it without mercy. Today, South Punjab receives less than eighteen percent of development funds while Lahore hoards seventy‑eight billion rupees for its third cancer facility. This is daylight robbery disguised as technocratic policy, a financial crime against humanity.

Healthcare disparities reveal brutal truths. South Punjab’s entire health budget equals ten billion rupees, barely enough for bandages across eleven districts. Lahore devours one hundred eighty‑one billion, building palaces of marble where robotic arms perform surgeries. Clean‑water access? Multan receives zero rupees for water infrastructure while Lahore spends one hundred forty‑seven billion on gold‑plated filtration systems. Our roads crumble under thirty‑one billion rupees of patchwork funding while Lahore paves highways with one hundred twenty billion. These numbers are death warrants signed in budget documents, legalised murder through spreadsheet entries.

In Rajanpur, I have watched mothers walk twelve kilometres to clinics with no doctors, no medicines—just empty cabinets and hollow promises. They cradle dying malaria‑stricken infants in waiting rooms while Lahore’s elite undergo robotic surgeries costing one hundred nine billion rupees. Consider the human cost: Tarn Taran endures one doctor per forty‑seven hundred people while Lahore boasts one per three hundred fifty. This is not accidental inequality—it is systematic extermination of marginalised communities through calculated bureaucratic neglect.

A separate South Punjab province offers our only escape from this exploitation. As an autonomous region, we would receive nine hundred thirty‑four billion rupees from National Finance Commission transfers—our rightful twenty‑three percent share currently stolen by Lahore. We would generate fifty billion more from fair agriculture taxes and one hundred twenty billion from sugar‑industry levies. This one‑point‑one‑trillion‑rupee annual budget could fund twenty comprehensive cancer hospitals with oncology wards, fifty universities with research laboratories, and modern water‑treatment plants providing clean water to every district. Lahore fears this economic emancipation because it ends their colonial control over our resources and labour force.

A_Gupta wrote: ↑30 Jun 2025 16:22 China has rolled over $3.4 billion in loans to Pakistan.

A_Gupta wrote: ↑04 Jul 2025 17:11 Microsoft shuts down operations in Pakistan after 25 years
(Numerous sources)

Amber G. wrote: ↑05 Jul 2025 05:25

A_Gupta wrote: ↑04 Jul 2025 17:11 Microsoft shuts down operations in Pakistan after 25 years
(Numerous sources)

.... citing increasing political instability and regulatory risks..

jrjrao wrote: ↑05 Jul 2025 21:38 The latest verbal diarrhea by the Lal Topi on YT is out-of-the-world more extreme and more entertaining, even by his very high standards (apologies for not posting the link here).

This 23-minute sublime entertainment is all about the possibility, and even probability, as the Lal Topi sees it, of Napakistan getting coerced into latching onto the Abraham Accords. His ire and boiling bile are pouring out against the spineless Pak hukumat, which is often the case, but now, also against the TFTA army for not yet denouncing this secret saazish.

Aditya_V wrote: ↑05 Jul 2025 09:41 Wow Yawn should have put like 2000 that IT exports will reach USD 25 Billion in 2025, that US Aki trade will reach USD 500 billion by 2030.

P.S IT here means Information Technology and not Pakistan top quality export " International Terrorism"

In subah Khyber, the situation has deteriorated to such an extent that right now, it is not safe for the Pak Army and the Frontier Constabulary to patrol the streets there. This is because all over that place, at every street corner, there are command posts and check posts by the jahannum's kutte who are killing Pak army and the FC. Just yesterday, three FC jawans were beheaded there and that video was made famous around the world by these jahannum's kutte.

And to make it worse, the current government of Sardar Ali Amin Khan Gandapur, the chief minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is not only silent about all this, but is also abetting this war against Pakistan. Even now, these jahannum's kutte have kidnapped several Pak army and FC jawans, from whom some are periodically brought out and killed.

How is it that in all the towns and citis of KPK, these jahannum's kutte are running roadblocks and check posts to search vehicles, and the Pak army and FC are sitting scared, confined in their camps? This subah KPK is now practically out of the control of Pakistan.

And the same situation now obtains in large parts of Baluchistan. In fact, about 60 to 70% of Pakistan has now become "no-go" areas for the army and the government.

A_Gupta wrote: ↑10 Jul 2025 01:55 Unfortunately too many, including upto LK Advani had a fuzzy belief that the two peoples could get along.

Vayutuvan wrote: ↑10 Jul 2025 02:43

A_Gupta wrote: ↑10 Jul 2025 01:55 Unfortunately too many, including upto LK Advani had a fuzzy belief that the two peoples could get along.

One exception was PV saab. I guess it is similar with Pranab da. But then PV's disciple Dr MMS (who also said that he revered PV like his father) was also a believer in Pakistani goodness. PV has seen and fought Razakars where as the others in the north were living in British India which included current day pakis, BDs, and Myanmar (and Sri Lanka in the south).

bala wrote: ↑09 Jul 2025 04:48 BTW if you want to be entertained by Madam/Dude Hina R Khar (toss up btwn billo rani and dude hina khar; ‘Khar’ literally means ‘donkey’ in Farsi) defending the Terroristan, please watch this interview by journalist Sreenivasan Jain: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ha-LoNqOaEk

In one of the most sweeping and coordinated offensives witnessed in years, the rebellious outfit Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF) launched a wave of attacks late Tuesday across multiple districts of Balochistan, targeting government and military installations.

The group claimed responsibility for what it called "Operation Baam (Dawn)," vowing a new chapter in its decades-long fight against the Pakistani state, reported news agency ANI.

At least 17 attacks were reported across Panjgur, Surab, Kech, and Kharan, disrupting communication lines, damaging administrative infrastructure, and striking military checkpoints.

While Pakistani authorities have yet to provide a full account of the damage, local sources reported significant disruptions in affected areas.

Deans wrote: ↑10 Jul 2025 10:16

bala wrote: ↑09 Jul 2025 04:48 BTW if you want to be entertained by Madam/Dude Hina R Khar (toss up btwn billo rani and dude hina khar; ‘Khar’ literally means ‘donkey’ in Farsi) defending the Terroristan, please watch this interview by journalist Sreenivasan Jain: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ha-LoNqOaEk

Though in Farsi, `Rabbani Kar' roughly translated is `doing the work of God', an ancestor must have been labelled a Khar (Donkey).
They also have a diplomat whose name in Arabic slang translates as Big dick and can't be posted to any Arabic speaking country. One such
country apparently demanded his removal.

Amber G. wrote: ↑11 Jul 2025 01:39 Baloch Liberation Front launches Operation Baam against Pakistan deep state, 17 blasts rock Pakistan Occupied Balochistan. Pakistan Army and Frontier Corps have faced several casualties. Pakistan Media is banned by Pak Army ISPR from reporting.

In a striking new development, the Government of Pakistan has issued an official notification directing all federal departments to refer to Baloch insurgent groups as “Fitna al-Hindustan” — a term that translates to “the mischief of India.” The circular, dated 31 May 2025 and issued by Pakistan’s Ministry of Interior, instructs all government agencies and security institutions to use this nomenclature when describing armed groups operating in Balochistan. According to the notification, the terminology aims to reveal the “true nature” of these organizations and highlight what it calls India’s “conspiratorial designs.”

At first glance, this linguistic shift might appear to be a semantic strategy or a rhetorical flourish. But its implications are far more profound. It marks a deliberate attempt by the Pakistani state to reframe a decades-long domestic insurgency as a foreign-sponsored conspiracy, thereby externalizing the causes of internal unrest and bypassing the legitimate historical grievances of the Baloch people. More importantly, the use of the Arabic term “fitna” adds a theocratic veneer to a political issue, transforming it from a nationalist struggle to a religiously tainted threat.

The backlash to this rebranding has been swift and pointed. Herbyar Marri, the exiled Baloch nationalist leader and head of the Free Balochistan Movement, called out the hypocrisy of the Pakistani state. In a widely shared statement, Marri pointed to the double standards of Islamabad, which vilifies regional actors for maintaining ties with India while itself seeking aid and partnerships with countries closely aligned with New Delhi. He further criticized the treatment of Afghan migrants in Pakistan, noting that the very state which displaces and detains Afghans then accuses them of being foreign agents, forgetting that much of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa was carved out of Afghanistan under colonial machinations.

Marri’s critique is not merely rhetorical; it reflects a growing ideological convergence among Baloch and Pashtun nationalist movements. Both communities have long accused the Pakistani state, particularly its Punjabi-dominated civil-military bureaucracy, of systemic marginalization and coercion. The state’s policies in regions like Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have largely been characterized by securitization rather than political accommodation, feeding a cycle of rebellion and repression.

Baloch activist Bahot Baloch also weighed in through social media, noting the recent uptick in targeted attacks by Baloch armed groups, their control over key transit routes, and the seizure of arms and ammunition from state forces. He argued that the new terminology is less about accurately describing these movements and more about legitimizing a harsher crackdown under the garb of religious-nationalist fervor. In other words, the term “Fitna al-Hindustan” is not merely descriptive; it is prescriptive. It frames the conflict in theological terms, allowing the state to pursue a militarized response with minimal internal dissent.

This linguistic maneuver, therefore, is not a trivial bureaucratic update. It is part of a long-standing narrative strategy employed by the Pakistani state to deflect blame and project unity through the construction of external enemies. By attributing the Baloch insurgency to Indian interference, the state seeks to absolve itself of decades of exploitative policies, human rights abuses, and political disenfranchisement in Balochistan. More dangerously, it sets a precedent for transforming political dissent into religious heresy — a move that could deepen sectarian divides and provide ideological cover for state violence.
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