J&K News and Discussion-2011

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manjgu
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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby manjgu » 07 Mar 2014 05:44

and mind u , these kashmiris students were not beaten ..inspite of their grave provocation. KP's houses where routinely stoned in the valley in the past when India won !! indian secularism zindabad....

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby Vikas » 07 Mar 2014 09:59

Question is not of punishing the students for any misbehavior. It is the extreme act of sedition charges filed against these kids that sounds like a overkill. Why not file sedition charges against terrorist or their sympathizers and then take the charges to logical conclusion.
Boys who get carried away by seditious environment in Kashmir can't be made an example of while peegs like Geelani and Malik and sympathizers like Roy and Prashant Bhushan enjoy Rogan-Josh and Chickens and cheap land at govt expenses.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby ramana » 12 Mar 2014 01:19

X-posted...
UlanBatori wrote:AoA! It was either this thread or the BENIS dhaga to post this, but I think some will recognize the significance here.

I read in a serious publication about a robotic UAV developed by "Kashmir Robotics", an arm of Al Kareem Foundation. In South Africa. U c the significance? Is Kashmir now in South Africa, or is the R&D intended for Kashmir...

Oh! Here it is!

Bliss to cross-post wherever the right ppl may visit, to inform them of this. All out in the open, mind u..

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby Anindya » 12 Mar 2014 10:17


chetak
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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby chetak » 12 Mar 2014 11:57



If you are paying tax in India, you are, my dear sir.

member_20292
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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby member_20292 » 12 Mar 2014 22:05

376 needs to go. Then the valley needs to be settled slowly with mainstream Indians. Over 3 generations, the k issue will go away...till then they will need to be "serviced" with the AFSPA, since they will always be restive.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby jamwal » 13 Mar 2014 00:02

Kashmir, Article 370, Pakistan are not the problems. Islam is.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby chetak » 13 Mar 2014 00:41

jamwal wrote:Kashmir, Article 370, Pakistan are not the problems. Islam is.



Same solution??!!!

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby Prem » 13 Mar 2014 01:18

chetak wrote:
Anindya wrote:Who is paying for this?

Hurriyat conference chairman Syed Ali Shah Geelani ailing, to be flown to Delhi?If you are paying tax in India, you are, my dear sir.


Pray for his life, let him live long. Jaldi Mar gya tho tarpega kaise/

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby anupmisra » 13 Mar 2014 02:34

Jhujar wrote:Pray for his life, let him live long. Jaldi Mar gya tho tarpega kaise/


Put him in liquid aaksigen. Liquid jeeney nahi deygi, aaksigen marney nahi dega!!

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby wig » 13 Mar 2014 10:00

Irregular increase in population of some districts in J&K

In a strange revelation, the State Government has admitted irregular increase in population of some districts in the Jammu and Kashmir during the last one decade.
While the rise in population of several areas is much higher than the average increase, a vice-versa has been witnessed in Jammu, Kathua (including Samba) and Udhampur (including Reasi) districts of the State.
According to the Government, the reasons behind irregular increase in population of some districts in the State are that there have been fewer acceptances of family planning methods among the people in these areas.
As per the official figures, the total population of Jammu and Kashmir increased from 10069917 to 12548926 from the year 2001 to 2011 thus registering a decadal increase of total 24.61 percent.
Even as population rise in both Leh and Kargil was almost in conformity with the average increase at State level, seven out of 12 districts of J&K registered much higher decadal increase in population.
With 36.80 percent increase in the population, Kupwara was on top of all the districts in this respect. The population of this district increased from 640013 to 875564 during the decade.
Kupwara was followed by erstwhile Doda district and Srinagar districts registering decadal increase in their population from 33.80 percent and 32.38 percent, respectively.
In 2001, the total population of erstwhile Doda district (including Ramban and Kishtwar) was 690474, which increased to 923926 while in Srinagar district, the population increased from 1183493 to 1566754 during the same period.
Similarly, the population of other districts like Anantnag, Pulwama, Poonch and Rajouri also increased above the average rise from 2001 to 2011. The percentage increase in population of Anantnag, Pulwama, Poonch and Rajouri districts in the decade, was 27.60, 28.86, 28.32 and 29.39, respectively.
However, on the other hand, the population rise in Jammu and erstwhile districts of Kathua and Udhampur was considerably lower than the average increase at State level during the same period of one decade.
From 2001 to 2011, the total population of Jammu district increased from 1571911 to 1845017 registering a rise of only 17.37 percent while the population increase in Udhampur (including Reasi) and Kathua (Samba) districts was 17.74 percent and 13 percent, respectively.
In 2001, the population of erstwhile Udhampur and Kathua was 738965 and 544206, respectively, which increased to only 870071 and 615711, respectively by 2011.
The official data therefore makes it clear that there was much higher increase in population of some districts of the State during the last one decade while the percentage rise in a few districts was lower than the State average thus indicating a trend of ratio imbalance.


http://www.dailyexcelsior.com/irregular ... cts-in-jk/

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby rohitvats » 13 Mar 2014 19:23

Someone has the guts to say as it is...take a bow!

Read this and share this with each bleeding heart liberal out there...

http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/standpoint-why-i-hate-cricket-1968754#comments

Sunanda Vashisht writes about why in Kashmir a cricket match, especially between India and Pakistan, is more than just a game.

This story is about that forgotten era in Kashmir when it was still best known for its natural beauty. There was no internet, no Google images, but the first mental images that came to mind when the word Kashmir was uttered were the shikaras on the Dal Lake, the majestic Chinars, the slopes of Gulmarg, Yash Chopra’s films and women in delicate pashmina shawls.

Kashmiris had not seen or heard of Kalashnikovs and AK-47s yet. The most potent weapon a Kashmiri knew was a kangri, a clay pot with hot coals which they used to keep warm in winter. The most violent sentence a Kashmiri ever used when he was really angry was, ‘I will throw a kangri at you’. After that, the warring factions usually made up with a cup of green tea called Kehwa.

There were no guns, so there was no army. There was no army, so there was no AFSPA. It is this idyllic period in Kashmir I refer to. This was during the early 1980s, which I have often called a period of simmering discontent.

It was during these ‘peaceful’ years in the 80s that I learnt to hate cricket. A cricket match, especially when India was playing, meant staying indoors, because if India lost, deafening crackers would be burst outside my home and I would hide under the bed. It was around this time I started hating crackers too because they reminded me of cricket.

If India was playing Pakistan, it was even worse. A couple of days before the game, my aunts would instruct their teenage sons not to go out of the house and not to get into argument with anyone over anything. I can recall the exact moment I started hating cricket. I remember the scene vividly. I was six years old. My house was located in the heart of Srinagar. From the window of the third floor, I saw a neighbour’s teenaged son walking towards a shop that sold milk. As luck would have it, as he reached the shop, Sunil Gavaskar or Ravi Shastri (I forget who) hit the ball for a six. As was common in those days, most people listened to cricket commentaries on the radio. As soon as the ball was hit for a six, the milkman threw the radio away and slapped my neighbour’s son so hard he fell down. The milkman was a young Kashmiri Muslim and the boy who got slapped was a Kashmiri Hindu. The boy went red with anger, but like most Hindus of Kashmir had learnt very early in their lives, he swallowed the anger and shame and ran back to his house. He didn’t surface for a few days.

Cricket was never just a game in Kashmir. Everyone knows the famous match of October 13, 1983, when India played West Indies in the Sher-e-Kashmir stadium in Srinagar, the first international cricket match ever played in Kashmir. The Indian side was booed by local Kashmiri Muslims for every run they scored and West Indies was cheered gregariously much to their shock. The spectators who were overwhelmingly local Muslims threw stones and broken bottles at Indian cricketers. Eyewitnesses have told me that posters of Imran Khan were displayed prominently even though Pakistan was not playing.

During the lunch break about a dozen spectators terribly hostile to the Indian team jumped onto the ground and damaged the pitch. The match went on, West Indies won by 28 runs. But Indian cricketers had never been so humiliated on their own soil. The few Hindus in the audience could hardly make their voices heard amongst the volatile, hostile crowd.

This happened in the ‘peaceful’ 80s. Terrorism had not yet engulfed Kashmir; Kalashinkovs had not yet been imported from Pakistan. The army had not been called in, and there was no AFSPA invoked. There were no reports of ‘human rights violations’ by the army yet, but Hindu houses were still pelted with stones when India won a cricket match. We were also harassed when the Pakistan team didn’t do that well. And if Pakistan won a match against India, the crackers bursting outside our homes were enough to remind us of our negligible minority status in our own land, the land where our ancestors had lived for 5,000 years.

All these incidents came back to me when I heard of the sedition charges being filed against Kashmiri students for rooting for Pakistan during a cricket match in a college in Meerut. The sedition laws have now been dropped but the allegations of disrupting communal harmony and causing damage to public property stand and will be investigated.

These students found a lot of sympathetic voices amongst the Indians they love to despise. Most of these Indians said it is ridiculous to be slapping sedition charges on students who cheered for another team. After all, what is the big deal? It is just a goddamn game of cricket.

They are right. But this was not merely appreciating a better team or a better player. This was celebrating your country’s loss. This was screaming ‘Allahu Akbar’ and ‘la illaha illaha’ after Pakistan won. That, to me, doesn’t translate to appreciating a better playing side on that particular day. I saw the video that is being circulated. The students are seen kissing the TV after India lost. They break into rapturous screams of ‘Allahu Akbar’ and are seen dancing and hugging each other. Can you still ask what the big deal is? After all, in a nation that aspires to be a liberal democracy, there should be freedom to say or do anything. A person should be allowed to root for any country in a game of cricket. Sure. But can this courtesy be extended to me in my home in Kashmir? Can I root vocally in public for the Indian team on the road outside my home in Srinagar? Can I wave the tricolour outside my home in Srinagar when India wins a game of cricket? Would I be safe if I broke into rapturous dance in public in Srinagar when India wins? Who will guarantee my freedom of speech in my own home? It was not safe in the 80s when there were no guns. Can it be safe now?

I belong to the tiny minority who does not want azaadi from India or the merger of Kashmir with Pakistan. I belong to the tiny minority who believes Kashmir is the soul of Indic civilization. I believe that without Kashmir, India has no soul and Kashmir can never be separate from India. Kashmir is my home, and has been the home of my ancestors for 5,000 years. Can anyone fighting for the rights of the Kashmiri students rooting for Pakistan in Meerut fight for my rights to wave the Tiranga outside my home in Srinagar?

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby vishvak » 13 Mar 2014 21:48

Decades of barbarism can make a valley into gutter. Media will stay cowardly silent as usual, and actually make an issue out of waving tiranga in J&K instead of questioning why celebrations are not allowed.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby Supratik » 13 Mar 2014 22:24

wig wrote:Irregular increase in population of some districts in J&K
In a strange revelation, the State Government has admitted irregular increase in population of some districts in the Jammu and Kashmir during the last one decade.
While the rise in population of several areas is much higher than the average increase, a vice-versa has been witnessed in Jammu, Kathua (including Samba) and Udhampur (including Reasi) districts of the State.
According to the Government, the reasons behind irregular increase in population of some districts in the State are that there have been fewer acceptances of family planning methods among the people in these areas.
As per the official figures, the total population of Jammu and Kashmir increased from 10069917 to 12548926 from the year 2001 to 2011 thus registering a decadal increase of total 24.61 percent.
Even as population rise in both Leh and Kargil was almost in conformity with the average increase at State level, seven out of 12 districts of J&K registered much higher decadal increase in population.
With 36.80 percent increase in the population, Kupwara was on top of all the districts in this respect. The population of this district increased from 640013 to 875564 during the decade.
Kupwara was followed by erstwhile Doda district and Srinagar districts registering decadal increase in their population from 33.80 percent and 32.38 percent, respectively.
In 2001, the total population of erstwhile Doda district (including Ramban and Kishtwar) was 690474, which increased to 923926 while in Srinagar district, the population increased from 1183493 to 1566754 during the same period.
Similarly, the population of other districts like Anantnag, Pulwama, Poonch and Rajouri also increased above the average rise from 2001 to 2011. The percentage increase in population of Anantnag, Pulwama, Poonch and Rajouri districts in the decade, was 27.60, 28.86, 28.32 and 29.39, respectively.
However, on the other hand, the population rise in Jammu and erstwhile districts of Kathua and Udhampur was considerably lower than the average increase at State level during the same period of one decade.
From 2001 to 2011, the total population of Jammu district increased from 1571911 to 1845017 registering a rise of only 17.37 percent while the population increase in Udhampur (including Reasi) and Kathua (Samba) districts was 17.74 percent and 13 percent, respectively.
In 2001, the population of erstwhile Udhampur and Kathua was 738965 and 544206, respectively, which increased to only 870071 and 615711, respectively by 2011.
The official data therefore makes it clear that there was much higher increase in population of some districts of the State during the last one decade while the percentage rise in a few districts was lower than the State average thus indicating a trend of ratio imbalance.

http://www.dailyexcelsior.com/irregular ... cts-in-jk/


It could be a Nagaland type of situation (2001) where numbers were deliberately manipulated. It is hard to explain 50% difference in growth rate of the same communities living in different districts in a non-urban setting.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby Chandragupta » 14 Mar 2014 00:37

https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=379935775479410

Kashmiri faithfools celebrating Paki win in Meerut.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby Anantha » 14 Mar 2014 06:20

Shankaracharya hills is going to be renamed Takht-E-Sulaiman hill. Protest in Jantar mantar on Sunday

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby Prem » 14 Mar 2014 06:38

http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9 ... -Our-cause
Our cause

From the severance of Gilgit-Baltistan from Azad Jammu Kashmir to the virtual reduction of AJK government to the status of a union council, the list of Kashmiri grievances is pretty long on this side of the LoC. However, what really deserves attention is the use of the ‘Kashmir cause’ as a tool of official nationalism.Therefore, contexualising the Kashmir question is important for the working classes in Pakistan. Without the independence of the Kashmiri people on both sides of the LoC, the liberation of Pakistan’s own oppressed masses will remain elusive. The civil and military guardians of Pakistan’s ideological and geographical frontiers will continue denying them basic economic and social rights on the pretext of India and Kashmir. Ditto for India.

Consider the recent theatrics by the Pakistani media and the Foreign Office. It all started with the expulsion of 67 Kashmiri students from the privately-run Swami Vivekanand Subharti University in Meerut. Reportedly, these Kashmiri students celebrated Pakistan’s victory in a cricket match against India in the recently concluded Asia Cup. One way to ameliorate the grave failures committed by Pakistan’s ruling classes – Talibanisation being only one of them – is to talk of India. The moment one critically discusses Pakistan, a refrain is hurled back: ‘But look at India. Look what a terrible mess India has ended up in’. Hence, seizing upon the opportunity, the Pakistani media lavishly devoted space to the Meerut incident. Perhaps egged on by the media, the Foreign Office jumped into the fray. On March 6, the press reported a Foreign Office spokesperson saying, “Our hearts and educational institutions are open for all Kashmiri students who were suspended and charged with sedition for celebrating Pakistan’s victory”.

On reading the Foreign Office statement, the face of my childhood friend and class fellow, Azam Sultan, flashed in my mind. After completing his intermediate degree from Sargodha, he joined the Allama Iqbal Medical College, Lahore. In his final year, he was ruthlessly beaten up by a gang of puritan students. His belongings were set ablaze and he was expelled from the hostel empty-handed. Azam was an Ahmadi. I wonder what Pakistan is busy doing when Azam Sultan and his fellow-Ahmadi students are expelled from schools in Hafizabad. I hope our Foreign Office remembers the rustication of 23 Ahmadi students from Faisalabad’s Punjab Medical College. Ahmadis are not considered non-Muslims in India. I wonder if Ahmadi students from the valley will also be granted admission in our prestigious university. One also hopes that the Foreign Office spokesperson remembers the FC raid on Atta Shad Degree College in Balochistan January this year. At the time of writing these lines, the press has reported manhandling of Baloch students at Preston University. Meantime, my friend and the central leader of the Jammu Kashmir National Awami Party (JKNAP), Liaquat Hayat Khan, is drawing attention to a case of treason registered at the Dadyal police station against two JKNAP leaders. The vice president JKNAP, Khawaja Naeem, and the district president JKNAP, Mirpur chapter, Imran Shehzad, were accused of celebrating India’s over Pakistan during the World Cup semi-finals played in the Indian city of Mohali back in 2011. The case has not yet been dismissed. Incidentally, I am a (proud) subject of the State of Jammu and Kashmir. As a Punjab University student in 1995, I was summarily suspended on the pretext of casting aspersions on such tenets of Islam as sporting a beard.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby Vikas » 14 Mar 2014 12:13

Anantha wrote:Shankaracharya hills is going to be renamed Takht-E-Sulaiman hill. Protest in Jantar mantar on Sunday


Anantha, Is it the state govt or the same old faithfools trying to impose greener version of Islam ?
Somehow the state needs to be divided into 3+1 for the welfare of everyone in the current state of J&K.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby fanne » 26 Mar 2014 18:44

Is there method in the Madness of Arvind Kejriwal - Why he is doing a referendum for everything, should he form the government, should he resign, should he fight from Varanasi etc. Is he a prop from outside? Suppose Namo does not win or worse he wins and fails, and then the great hope AK comes to power, will he do a referendum and give JK to Pak or maybe have it independent (so that other great powers can have base there and dominate the whole central Asia including China)? Is he being fed information, (remember there are many surveys in India on what makes us tick, many we do not hear, maybe he is being fed the right info, to what to say and what not) so that he gets maximum band for the buck. Is he willingly doing this or he is himself unaware? Is this the great plot?
rgds,
fanne

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby anupmisra » 26 Mar 2014 19:53

fanne wrote:Is there method in the Madness of Arvind Kejriwal - Why he is doing a referendum for everything, should he form the government, should he resign, should he fight from Varanasi etc. Is he a prop from outside? Suppose Namo does not win or worse he wins and fails, and then the great hope AK comes to power, will he do a referendum and give JK to Pak or maybe have it independent (so that other great powers can have base there and dominate the whole central Asia including China)? Is he being fed information, (remember there are many surveys in India on what makes us tick, many we do not hear, maybe he is being fed the right info, to what to say and what not) so that he gets maximum band for the buck. Is he willingly doing this or he is himself unaware? Is this the great plot?
rgds,
fanne


He is a bureaucrat, incapable of taking hard decisions on his own and be responsible for them. Decision by committee approach. Classic tendencies of a desk bound babu.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby jamwal » 28 Mar 2014 13:57

Another terrorist attack in Jammu, 4 causalities. not far from border. All terrorist killed.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby SSridhar » 29 Mar 2014 07:54

^The modus operandi looks like the Kathua cantonment attack last September, hijacking a vehicle, killing its occupants, using it to enter the army camp . . .

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby anupmisra » 02 Apr 2014 07:16

Why does India allow this to happen? Pak envoy to meet Kashmiri separatist leaders today.

Pakistan's envoy to India, Abdul Basit, has invited several Kashmiri separatists, including Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Yasin Malik and Mirwiaz Umar Farooq, for a meeting at the Pakistan high commission in New Delhi on Wednesday.
Pakistan wants the separatist leaders to unite.


I don't know of any other self-respecting nation that will allow such a meeting to take place between terrorists/separatists and sponsors of those terrorists/separatists. This Basit guy by the way is a newly appointed envoy.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby CRamS » 03 Apr 2014 17:54

Colonial white bahadur Owen Benett Jones showing his pomposity and liberally advocating independence for the "wonderful people of Kashmir" who are so cheerful and so respectful of other views despite big baad Indian army brutality. What a f$%ing bold-face lie. The bloody traitorous KMs brim with India/Hindu hatred, driving out Hindus en mass from the valley in collusion with TSP and Brit scum bag comes up with this kind of propaganda

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-26847362

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby svenkat » 03 Apr 2014 19:01

CRSji,
Why do you have to link sh1t from pee-pee cee?

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby ramana » 03 Apr 2014 19:52

So that our regulars don't demand proof from him!

Cant have it both ways!

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby chetak » 03 Apr 2014 19:58

anupmisra wrote:Why does India allow this to happen? Pak envoy to meet Kashmiri separatist leaders today.

Pakistan's envoy to India, Abdul Basit, has invited several Kashmiri separatists, including Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Yasin Malik and Mirwiaz Umar Farooq, for a meeting at the Pakistan high commission in New Delhi on Wednesday.
Pakistan wants the separatist leaders to unite.


I don't know of any other self-respecting nation that will allow such a meeting to take place between terrorists/separatists and sponsors of those terrorists/separatists. This Basit guy by the way is a newly appointed envoy.



This SOB is just setting the table for the next govt.

He wants a precedent in place and knows full well that the kangress CANNOT object without generating bad publicity.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby ramana » 03 Apr 2014 20:17

So when are J&&K LS elections and who are the candidates and prospects?


Along with Congress Mukth Bharat what is needed is Abdullah Mukth Kashmir!

These parasites have siphoned off all devleopment aid from India and bred discontent claiming to be Kashmiri nationalists.

Then Muftis' family is same type.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby Anindya » 07 Apr 2014 14:41

West back to meddling in Kashmir

On March 30, 2014, Ghulam Nabi Fai, as secretary general of the World Kashmir Awareness Forum (he previously operated under the aegis of the Kashmiri American Council) declared a six point agenda for resolution of the so-called Kashmir issue, at a seminar on ‘Kashmir: A reminder to the American policy makers’ in Fremont, California.

Separatist Ghulam Nabi Fai back to dirty tricks

The function was sponsored by the American Muslim Alliance and Pakistani American Democratic Forum which are headed by political scientist Agha Saeed. Prominent speakers included former US Senator Mike Gravel, President of Islamic Circle of North America Naeem Baig, and Arab American leader Hatem Bazian.

Expounding his thesis as keynote speaker, Ghulam Nabi Fai said Kashmir is a political issue and has to be resolved through political means as it cannot be resolved through military means. Secondly, there must a cease-fire from all sides during negotiations as talks cannot be held when parties are killing each other. Third, talks must be tripartite between India, Pakistan and the genuine leadership of the people of Kashmir (whatever or whoever that means). Fourth, he said there cannot be and should not be any condition from any party, other than commitment to non-violence and to negotiations.

Fifth, negotiations should be initiated simultaneously at four different levels, including: (a) an intra-Kashmir dialogue between the leadership of the Kashmiri political resistance and the leadership of Azad Kashmir, Gilgit Baltistan and the leadership of minority groups in Kashmir; (b) talks between the Governments of India and Pakistan; (c) talks between the Governments of India, Pakistan and the Kashmiri leadership; and (d) talks between India, Pakistan, Kashmir, China and the United States.

Obama secretly offered Pakistan to nudge India on Kashmir: Book

Finally, Ghulam Nabi Fai called for third party facilitation to make sure that the talks between India, Pakistan and the Kashmiri leadership remains focused. He suggested that the third party facilitator be a person of an international standing such as Nobel Laureate Bishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa or Kofi Annan of Ghana or Kjell Magne Bondevik, former Prime Minister of Norway or Mary Robinson, former President of Ireland and former UN High Commissioner on Human Rights.

Fai asserted that the various rounds of talks between India and Pakistan, including the summit between Manmohan Singh and Nawaz Sharif in New York in September 2013 took place due to a deeper engagement by Washington with New Delhi and Islamabad. He claimed that there is a realisation that both countries need to address all issues including Kashmir, and that the people of Kashmir support India-Pakistan talks. However, he said, talks without defined parameters and time frame will lead nowhere.

The sentiments of Kashmiris, he insisted, are for Azadi. Quoting a survey conducted by the monthly magazine, Outlook, and released by UNI on November 5, 2004, he said the survey claimed that 78 per cent of the people of Kashmir want Azadi. He quoted another survey conducted by the Hindustan Times, CNN-IBN and NDTV on August 12, 2008, which allegedly showed that 87 per cent people of Kashmir preferred Azadi for Kashmir.

Ghulam Nabi Fai back in business in US

Fai asserted that the London-based Chatham House had undertaken a survey in Kashmir which was released by BBC on May 27, 2010. This claimed that 90 to 95 per cent of the people of the Valley want Azadi. He concluded that sentiments for Azadi are increasing and appealed to the President Barack Obama to recall his speech of October 30, 2008, where he said that, “We should probably try to facilitate a better understanding between Pakistan and India and try to resolve the Kashmir crisis.”

Former US Senator Mike Gravel expressed unhappiness with the treatment America had meted out to Aafia Siddiqui, Sami Al-Arian and Ghulam Nabi Fai. Hatem Bazian said that the Muslim leaders and institutions were under attack in the United States and Ghulam Nabi Fai’s case was only the latest example. Naeem Baig, President of the Islamic Circle of North America, pledged his organisation’s support to the cause which seeks to detach the State of J&K from the Indian Republic.

Given the out-and-out pro-Pakistan stance of meetings organised by Ghulam Nabi Fai, which completely blacks out the historical reality that J&K was a kingdom ruled by Maharaja Hari Singh who acceded to the Republic of India, it is truly astonishing that Indian ‘elites’ accepted his hospitality and attended his seminars for years without ever breathing a word about what transacted at these gatherings. This would have continued unabated, had not the US Administration arrested him for accepting ISI funds and lobbying for Pakistan without registering himself under appropriate laws.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby Paul » 07 Apr 2014 14:50

Alternative to NC is PDP. Mehbooba Mufti is even more pro secessionist. There are no easy options in J&K.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby Pratyush » 07 Apr 2014 15:26

The one option available is not acceptable to majority of the political parties in the country.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby member_28539 » 07 Apr 2014 16:44

I had a Kashmiri duo of boy & girl a few days back asking for donations to the "really poor & displaced kashmiris hungry for even a peice of bread". :shock: They were running around under the label of " Jammu & Kashmir Relief Committee" Reg. No.: 5689.

Highly suspicious people they were uttering non-sensical description of their bad life & subsequent migration to delhi & how they were ill treated by armed forces and yada yada... :roll:

They had couple of expats in their loop untill I intervened to give them a piece of my mind & told them to bug-off... :evil:

The certificates of this organization they were showing to collect donations were signed for Sept, 2011 :?: . I guess this is just another facet of their Jihad or monetary appriciation via playing both sides which they are so good at.

Regards,
Joshi_Sa

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby ramana » 07 Apr 2014 23:03

Anindya wrote:West back to meddling in Kashmir

On March 30, 2014, Ghulam Nabi Fai, as secretary general of the World Kashmir Awareness Forum (he previously operated under the aegis of the Kashmiri American Council) declared a six point agenda for resolution of the so-called Kashmir issue, at a seminar on ‘Kashmir: A reminder to the American policy makers’ in Fremont, California. :eek:

Separatist Ghulam Nabi Fai back to dirty tricks

The function was sponsored by the American Muslim Alliance and Pakistani American Democratic Forum which are headed by political scientist Agha Saeed. Prominent speakers included former US Senator Mike Gravel, President of Islamic Circle of North America Naeem Baig, and Arab American leader Hatem Bazian.

Expounding his thesis as keynote speaker, Ghulam Nabi Fai said Kashmir is a political issue and has to be resolved through political means as it cannot be resolved through military means. Secondly, there must a cease-fire from all sides during negotiations as talks cannot be held when parties are killing each other. Third, talks must be tripartite between India, Pakistan and the genuine leadership of the people of Kashmir (whatever or whoever that means). Fourth, he said there cannot be and should not be any condition from any party, other than commitment to non-violence and to negotiations.

Fifth, negotiations should be initiated simultaneously at four different levels, including: (a) an intra-Kashmir dialogue between the leadership of the Kashmiri political resistance and the leadership of Azad Kashmir, Gilgit Baltistan and the leadership of minority groups in Kashmir; (b) talks between the Governments of India and Pakistan; (c) talks between the Governments of India, Pakistan and the Kashmiri leadership; and (d) talks between India, Pakistan, Kashmir, China and the United States.

Obama secretly offered Pakistan to nudge India on Kashmir: Book

Finally, Ghulam Nabi Fai called for third party facilitation to make sure that the talks between India, Pakistan and the Kashmiri leadership remains focused. He suggested that the third party facilitator be a person of an international standing such as Nobel Laureate Bishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa or Kofi Annan of Ghana or Kjell Magne Bondevik, former Prime Minister of Norway or Mary Robinson, former President of Ireland and former UN High Commissioner on Human Rights.

Fai asserted that the various rounds of talks between India and Pakistan, including the summit between Manmohan Singh and Nawaz Sharif in New York in September 2013 took place due to a deeper engagement by Washington with New Delhi and Islamabad. He claimed that there is a realisation that both countries need to address all issues including Kashmir, and that the people of Kashmir support India-Pakistan talks. However, he said, talks without defined parameters and time frame will lead nowhere.

The sentiments of Kashmiris, he insisted, are for Azadi. Quoting a survey conducted by the monthly magazine, Outlook, and released by UNI on November 5, 2004, he said the survey claimed that 78 per cent of the people of Kashmir want Azadi. He quoted another survey conducted by the Hindustan Times, CNN-IBN and NDTV on August 12, 2008, which allegedly showed that 87 per cent people of Kashmir preferred Azadi for Kashmir.

Ghulam Nabi Fai back in business in US

Fai asserted that the London-based Chatham House had undertaken a survey in Kashmir which was released by BBC on May 27, 2010. This claimed that 90 to 95 per cent of the people of the Valley want Azadi. He concluded that sentiments for Azadi are increasing and appealed to the President Barack Obama to recall his speech of October 30, 2008, where he said that, “We should probably try to facilitate a better understanding between Pakistan and India and try to resolve the Kashmir crisis.”

Former US Senator Mike Gravel expressed unhappiness with the treatment America had meted out to Aafia Siddiqui, Sami Al-Arian and Ghulam Nabi Fai. :rotfl: Hatem Bazian said that the Muslim leaders and institutions were under attack in the United States and Ghulam Nabi Fai’s case was only the latest example. {These two have global Islamist issues and not Kashmir in their mind. So can be ignored.} Naeem Baig, President of the Islamic Circle of North America, pledged his organisation’s support to the cause which seeks to detach the State of J&K from the Indian Republic.

{i]{This guy must be a Pakistani for his objective fits with theirs. Can be safely ignored.}[/i]

Given the out-and-out pro-Pakistan stance of meetings organised by Ghulam Nabi Fai, which completely blacks out the historical reality that J&K was a kingdom ruled by Maharaja Hari Singh who acceded to the Republic of India, it is truly astonishing that Indian ‘elites’ accepted his hospitality and attended his seminars for years without ever breathing a word about what transacted at these gatherings. This would have continued unabated, had not the US Administration arrested him for accepting ISI funds and lobbying for Pakistan without registering himself under appropriate laws.



The fact that he is speaking in Bay Area shows that US has activated the Casmere card as prelude to the govt change in India. From jail house to main street shows bigger forces at play.


The underlying sub-text of Fai's rant is to bring arole for US in Kashmir.
All his rants dont make sense otherwise.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby jamwal » 17 Apr 2014 11:02

http://www.rediff.com/news/2002/aug/05inter.htm
Thupstan Chhewang : BJP candidate from Laddakh


'No point in keeping Ladakh as part of J&K'

After nearly 36 years of repeated demands, the people of Ladakh were finally granted a special status in 1995. Though the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council fell short of the Union territory status they had been asking for, it was still the first time that some degree of autonomy was introduced in the predominantly Buddhist district.

The Ladakhis also discovered democracy for the first time -- during the first election, in 22 out 26 constituencies, the Congress candidate was elected unopposed.

Thupstan Chhewang, a young and dynamic leader was elected the first Chairman (or Chief Executive Councilor) of a Cabinet comprising four other executive councilors.

Today, Leh, the high altitude headquarters of the Himalayan district, is devoid of its usual foreign and Indian tourists. This is mainly due to the notice given by some foreign governments following the threat of a war between India and Pakistan. But while walking on the streets of Leh or visiting the gonpas (monasteries) one has the impression of the most peaceful place on earth.

Claude Arpi spoke to Chhewang about the Hill Council's achievements, the aspirations and frustrations of the people of Ladakh, the relation of Ladakh with India and the future of the erstwhile independent Buddhist kingdom.

Mr Chairman, today in Leh, we do not see many tourists. The prospect of a war and the notice issued by foreign governments has made guest houses, shops and restaurants empty. Will this badly affect the economy of Ladakh?

Certainly! Any incident happening, whether at the border between Kashmir and Ladakh or anywhere else in India effects the inflow of tourists into Ladakh. Of course, this time, there was a threat of war. As you know, foreign governments issued a notice banning their nationals from visiting this part of India. All Ladakhis related to the tourist trade are suffering.

In 1975, Ladakh was opened to tourism. The best year so far in terms of income from tourists was 1989. Unfortunately, in 1990, the Kashmir problem started. This has affected us very badly, because, although Ladakh has never been affected by terrorism, like the valley or some parts of Jammu, we are part of the Jammu & Kashmir state and people equate Ladakh with Kashmir.

It needed a lot of persuasion from our side to convince the foreign missions in Delhi that Ladakh, even if we are part of the same state, was completely free from acts of terrorism. Since then, the tourist inflow has been gradually increasing. Last year we had 25,000 foreign visitors and this year we were expecting to do better than in 1989.

After 10 days in Leh, I have the impression that it is the most peaceful place in India.

Yes, but this time there was a real threat, though on the ground you can hardly see it. Now the threat has receded and we hope many tourists will visit Ladakh.

What percentage of income is due to tourism?

It is difficult to say. As you may have seen, there is no scope for heavy industries or other economic developments in Ladakh, mainly due to geographic and climatic conditions. Subsistence agriculture has been, for many centuries, the main source of livelihood for Ladakhis. Tourism has been a good opportunity to supplement their income. It has a lot of potential.

But only a portion of the income due to tourism comes to the Ladakhis, because most of the tourists come through travel agents, based in Delhi or elsewhere. Even the crafts you can find in Leh come from outside and the shops are owned by Kashmiris or Tibetans. The local people only get profit indirectly. It is more the trekkers and the adventure-tourists who are spending directly in the villages and thereby profiting the local population.

Is one of the objectives of the hill council to develop your own cottage industries so that you do not have to import your crafts from Kashmir or Janpath (most of the crafts in the shops in Leh Bazar are similar to ones sold in Janpath, New Delhi)?

Definitely! In the old days the people of Ladakh along with subsistence agriculture had to produce what they needed. You realise that we had no road linkage with the rest of the country till 1962 (at the time of the Chinese aggression). During those days, every house was a cottage industry. We were producing what we needed. We had the skills and the training. But after this so-called modern development came to Ladakh, people became a bit more prosperous, mainly due to some government schemes and presence of the army which is the largest employer in Ladakh. The army is an important factor of our economy.

When people started to earn, this created a sort of dependency. We were poor, but self-sufficient, there was no starvation, but now though people have more income, they also have more expenses as now you can find any product under the sky. We definitively want to revive the old cottage industries, these products will be definitively liked by visitors. For this purpose, we take the help of NGOs.

For the past 5-10 years, there has been a change. For example natural food items are very popular but also souvenir items. We are also working on the quality of the products by providing training to improve the skills of the people.

Will the opening of new roads such as the tunnel under Rothang or the proposed direct road through Spiti to Tsomoriri help in the economic development of the region?

The construction of an all weather road linking Ladakh to the rest of India will definitively help. As you know, the two present national highways (Srinagar-Kargil-Leh and Manali-Kyelong-Leh) remain closed for 6-7 months in a year due to the high altitude mountain passes being blocked by snow. The passes open in June and are closed again by the end of October.

We have requested the Government of India to build an all-weather road through Spiti valley and Tsomoriri (in Ladakh). From the village of Khyber in Spiti to the tail end of our last road, there would only be 80 km to build and one pass at 18,000 feet to cross which like Kardung-la (the highest motorable pass in the world) could remain open the whole year. (Some passes due to their geographic position get much less snow than others and can therefore remain open during the winter).

The tunnel across the Rothang Pass which the prime minister has recently sanctioned is not going to serve our purpose, because it only links Manali to Lahaul valley. To reach Leh by that road, you have to cross 3 or 4 more passes which are blocked during the winter. It is not going to help us and the government is mistaken if they believe that Ladakh is going to be linked that way through winter. Another road linking Darcha in Lahaul district to Padung in Zanskar, is also being sanctioned. Again, it does not help our problems because this road will also go through heavy snowfall areas.

The only solution is the Spiti road which is itself linked to Simla during all the year through the Kinnaur road.

In 1995, after many years of agitation, Ladakh was granted a Ladakh Autonomous Development Hill Council (LAHDC). It was a compromise for the Ladakhis who had been asking for Union Territory (UT) status. After 7 years do you feel your expectations have been fulfilled and are they falling short of your aspirations?

It is very very short of what we had expected. We are still demanding UT status. We feel that the state of Jammu & Kashmir is composed of three distinct regions, Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh which have nothing in common. Ethnically they are different; their language and cultures are different, their needs and requirements are totally different. Even ecologically, we fall in a different zone.

We have been saying that Ladakh possesses all the norms to create a separate state, unfortunately because of the Kashmir issue with all its international ramifications, nobody is ready to consider our demands.

As you mentioned, as a compromise we accepted the LAHDC, but, though some powers have been delegated to the council, we are facing a lot problems in implementing decisions. Everything has to be routed through Kashmir. Until and unless, we are separated from Kashmir, our problems will not be addressed and solved. There is no point is keeping Ladakh as part of Jammu and Kashmir.

We shall continue to try to convince the GOI and the government in Srinagar. For the time being, they are telling us that because of Article 370, there is no provision for the division of the state. But we have pointed out that there are also protests in Jammu which wants a separate state. Ultimately, there has to be some kind of reorganisation of the state. There is the need for three distinct political entities; otherwise the people will never be satisfied, their demands as well as their needs and requirements will not be fulfilled.

Today, the political scene in the state is dominated by the Kashmir valley.

When people talk about Kashmir, they do not think about Ladakh, they do not also think about Jammu, although in terms of area, Ladakh alone is more than 2/3 of the state. In terms of population, the regions of Jammu and Ladakh together are more important than the valley, so how can the government continue to neglect these two regions of the state?

They (the government) only has this kind of policy to appease the majority of the valley which are Muslim. So, something has to be done. Unless and until the problems of Jammu and Ladakh are taken into consideration, there will be no solution. But it is a complex issue.

Both regions (Ladakh and Jammu) have had their own separate agitation, for example, the Jammu agitation led by Shyama Prasad Mookherjee in the early 50s and your own agitation led by the Ladakh Buddhist Association. Have both movements ever been linked?

No, never! Historically, Ladakh was an independent kingdom till 1836, when it was invaded and annexed to the Dogra state of Jammu. In 1947, when India was granted independence, we were part of the principality of Jammu and Kashmir. It is how we became part of the Jammu and Kashmir state.

At the time of partition, the people of Ladakh approached the maharaja and later (in 1949), they approached the Indian prime minister with the same demand: we do not want to be part of the Jammu and Kashmir state. We wanted Ladakh to be directly administered by Delhi. We already had an apprehension that Ladakh would be discriminated against by the Kashmiris and it has happened now for the past 40 years. At that time already, our leaders had asked that Ladakh should be considered as a separate unit, but once the Kashmir issue became an international issue, we have been used as scapegoats.

Ladakh is today kept as part of the state to balance the demand of the valley for azadi, but it is at the cost of the aspirations of the people of Ladakh.

What is your position vis-à-vis Article 370?

It is definitively not needed. Same opportunities should be given to all, why to create a special status for one state? It can only encourage similar forces in other areas such as the Northeast or elsewhere where people are demanding solutions outside the Constitution of India. But, of course, there is a need in a federal system of a democratic set up to empower the people, but it has to be uniform.

Why should we have two flags in the same country? Or if you give this to Kashmir, you should also give the same kind of power or status to other states. You cannot have a different set of rules for one state only, it will encourage people in other states to agitate for the same thing.

Article 370 has to be abrogated and in fact, it could bring the people of Kashmir in the mainstream. It has separated Kashmir from the rest of the country.

Will your case have more weight if you were to combine your demands with Jammu?

Of late, there were efforts to have a common platform, but Jammu is a divided lot. Leaders have diverse opinions and they have other preoccupations, while in Ladakh it has been a concerted effort since 1947/48. The demand has been persistent.

But definitively, if Jammu, Ladakh and the other minorities in the state which share this sense of discrimination, could come together and have a common platform, it would be more forceful. They are some efforts in this direction.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby jamwal » 17 Apr 2014 11:04

Joshi_Sa wrote:I had a Kashmiri duo of boy & girl a few days back asking for donations to the "really poor & displaced kashmiris hungry for even a peice of bread". :shock: They were running around under the label of " Jammu & Kashmir Relief Committee" Reg. No.: 5689.

Highly suspicious people they were uttering non-sensical description of their bad life & subsequent migration to delhi & how they were ill treated by armed forces and yada yada... :roll:

They had couple of expats in their loop untill I intervened to give them a piece of my mind & told them to bug-off... :evil:

The certificates of this organization they were showing to collect donations were signed for Sept, 2011 :?: . I guess this is just another facet of their Jihad or monetary appriciation via playing both sides which they are so good at.

Regards,
Joshi_Sa


They are everywhere. Sometimes asking money for natural disasters, sometimes migrants or kids of people who killed by terrorists and so on.
All are frauds.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby gunjur » 23 Apr 2014 15:34

Apologies if already posted.

Reliance pushed for India-Pak peace talks: Sanjaya Baru's book
Buried deep inside the pages of Sanjaya Baru's controversial book, The Accidental Prime Minister: The Making and Unmaking of Manmohan Singh, are startling revelations about the contours of settlement of Kashmir issue. Also the claim that peace process between India and Pakistan was pushed by the corporate group Reliance, who wanted an assurance from Islamabad that they would not bomb their refinery in Jamnagar Gujarat.

With the book being released amidst election campaign for the 16th Lok Sabha, these revelations were lost in the cacophony of a debate on "cipher" prime minister Manmohan Singh and the "power centres", referred to Congress president Sonia Gandhi.

Prime minister's back-channel envoy Satinder Lambah and Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf's advisor Tariq Aziz, who met several times had laid down a four-step framework agreement, approved by the political heads. The formula had so far been in the realm of speculation in the diplomatic corridors, with former Pakistan foreign minister Mehmood Ahmed Kasuri spilling beans a couple of years ago, saying both countries had reached almost close to the settlement of six-decade old Kashmir problem, that has rocked the relations and resulted four wars between the two countries. From India's side, there was always a hush-hush with the ministry of external affairs denying there was any roadmap in its records.

Baru writes that Lambah's meetings with prime minister Singh were always kept secret, with only the PM's second personal secretary Jaideep Sarkar in loop. Sarkar would often take leave officially from office, on the pretext of preparing his son for exams or reporting sick, to accompany Lambah to meet his Pakistani interlocutors either in Islamabad or at a third place to prepare ground for the agreement and the summit meetings.

According to the framework agreement, the first step, would be to make the LoC just 'a line on a map' and allow men, material and trade between the two parts of Jammu and Kashmir, so that life returns to pre-Partition era, when people could travel without visa, permits to each other's villages and cities.

The second step would be to strengthen local self-governments on both side of the LoC, so that people can elect their own governments, if necessary under international supervision. That means elections on both sides would be supervised by an international body rather than the Election Commission of India.

The third step, which was the trickiest, entailed the creation of 'joint' or 'cooperative' institutions under the charge of Kashmiri leaders to coordinate policies on matters of common interest. This joint mechanism involving governments and elected representatives of both sides would take decisions on everything except foreign affairs and defence which would be handled by New Delhi and Islamabad respectively.

And if all these steps worked well to restore peace, the fourth and final element would be the 'agreed withdrawal' of troops on both sides.

Baru claims that Singh followed the path laid down by his predecessor Atal Bihari Vajpayee during his January 2004 visit of Islamabad. Vajpayee had entrusted the back-channel contacts to R K Mishra, who also doubled up as chairman of Dhirubhai Ambani's aide. Manmohan Singh wanted Musharraf to own and propagate the Kashmir 'peace formula'. He was under the impression that it would be tough for Musharraf to sell this formula in his own country. But it turned out that Singh had underestimated the resistance from within his own party and also from two key ministers, Pranab Mukherjee and A K Antony, and national security advisor M K Narayanan. The road map was finally buried after Musharraf ruled ended in 2008 and has been waiting since then to be resurrected.


So it seems that pakis greatest and biggest insurance agents are reliance. Also this article shows how cheaply can indian politicians can be "bought" in the market. Even pakis can buy them. :evil: :( If so called piss process had been implemented, then it was time to forget that JnK was even part of india. :( :(

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby Vikas » 23 Apr 2014 15:56

ramana wrote:So when are J&&K LS elections and who are the candidates and prospects?


Along with Congress Mukth Bharat what is needed is Abdullah Mukth Kashmir!

These parasites have siphoned off all devleopment aid from India and bred discontent claiming to be Kashmiri nationalists.

Then Muftis' family is same type.


Best option is to split J&K into 4 parts with Ladakh and area for KP's being given the status of UT.
Jammu will be free from the dominance of KM.
In fact I would go out on limb and propose that Kashmir be divided further into 2 parts to keep them in check.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby UlanBatori » 23 Apr 2014 18:34

For all those who think Peace in Kashmir is best achieved by withdrawing Indian troops etc:

There Goes Kashmir, But For the Indian Army

If you want to imagine and try to even begin to understand what happened in Kashmir 1948, read that.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby vishvak » 23 Apr 2014 19:33

Shouldn't India sent humanitarian assistance to the people facing the barbarians and wreck the plans of barbarians with solid defense as well as resettlement of the affected people.

Just because barbarians massacred innocent people does not mean that innocent people can't return to motherland.

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Re: J&K News and Discussion-2011

Postby chetak » 30 Apr 2014 12:20



Open Letter to Mr. Rajiv Gandhi
By Jagmohan
April 21, 1990

Dear Shri Rajiv Gandhi,

You have virtually forced me to write this open letter to you. For, all along, I have persistently tried to keep myself away from party politics and to use whatever little talent and energy I might have to do some creative and constructive work, as was done recently in regard to the management and improvement of Mata Vaishno Devi shrine complex and to help in bringing about a sort of cultural renaissance without which our fast decaying institutions cannot be nursed back to health. At the moment, the nobler purposes of these institutions, be they in the sphere of executive, legislature or judiciary etc. have been sapped and the soul of justice and truth sucked out of them by the politics of expediency.

You and your friends like Dr. Farooq Abdullah are, however, bent upon painting a false picture before the nation in regard to Kashmir. Your senior party men like Shiv Shankar and N.K.P. Salve have, apparently at your behest, been using the forum of the Parliament for building an atmosphere of prejudice against me. The former raked up a fourteen-year old incident of Turkman Gate and the latter a press interview an interview that I never gave to hurl a barrage of accusations of communalism against my person. Mani Shankar Iyer, too, has been dipping his poisonous darts in the columns of some magazines. I, however, chose to suffer in silence all the slings and arrows of this outrageous armoury of disinformations. Only rarely did I try to correct gross distortions by sending letters to the editors of newspapers and magazines. My intention was to remain content with a book, an academic and historic venture which, I believed, I owed to the nation and to history.

But the other day some friends showed to me press clippings of your comments in the election meetings in Rajasthan.

That, I thought, was the limit. I realised that, unless I checked your intentional distortions, you would spread false impression about me throughout the country during the course of your election campaign.

WARNING SIGNALS: Need I remind you that from the beginning of 1988, I had started sending "Warning Signals" to you about the gathering storm in Kashmir ? But you and the power wielders around you had neither the time, nor the inclination, nor the vision, to see these signals. They were so clear, so pointed, that to ignore them was to commit sins of true historical proportions.

To recapitulate and to serve as illustrations, I would refer to a few of these signals. In August 1988, after analysing the current and undercurrents, I had summed up the position thus: "The drum-beater of parochialism and fundamentalism are working overtime. Subversion is on the increase. The shadows of events from across the border are lengthening. Lethal weapons have come in. More may be on the way". In April 1989, I had desperately pleaded for immediate action I said: "The situation is fast deteriorating. It has almost reached a point of no return. For the last five days, there have been large-scale violence, arson, firing, hartals, casualties and what not. Things have truly fallen apart. Talking of the Irish crisis, British Prime Minister Disraeli had said: "It is potatoes one day and Pope the next". Similar is the present position in Kashmir. Yesterday, it was Maqbool Bhat; today it is Satanic Verses; Tomorrow it will be repression day and the day after it will be something else. The Chief Minister stands isolated. He has already fallen-politically as well as administratively; perhaps, only constitutional rites remain to be performed. His clutches are too soiled and rickety to support him. Personal aberrations have also eroded his public standing. The situation calls for effective intervention. Today may be timely, tomorrow may be too late". Again, in May, I expressed my growing anxiety: 'What is still more worrying is that every victory of subversionists is swelling their ranks, and the animosity is being diverted against the central authorities". But you chose not to do anything. Your inaction was mistifying. Equally mistifying was your reaction to my appointment for the second term. How could I suddenly become cammunal, anti-muslim and what not ?

When I resigned in July 1989, there was no rancour. You wanted me to fight, as your party candidate, election for the South Delhi Lok Sabha seat. Since I had general revolusion for the type of politics which out country had, by and large, come to breed, I declined the offer. If you had any serious reservation about my accepting the offer of J and K Governorship for the second term, you could have adopted the straight forward course and apprised me of your views. I would have thought twice before going into a situation which had virtually reached a point of no return. There would have been no need for you to resort to false accusations.

May be you do not consider truth and consistency as virtues. May be you believe that the words inscribed on our national emblem - Satyameva Jayate - are mere words without meaning and significance for motivating the nation to proceed in the right direction and build a true and just India by true and just means. Perhaps power is all that matters to you - power by whichever means and at whatever cost.

REALITY: In regard to the conditions prevailing before and after my arrival on the scene, you and your collaborators have been perverting reality. The truth is that before the imposition of Governor's rule on January 19, 1990, there was a total mental surrender. Even prior to the day (December 8, 1989) of Dr. Rubaiye Sayeed's kidnapping, when the eagle of terrorism swooped the state with full fury, 1600 violent incidents, including 351 bomb blasts had taken place in eleven months. Then between January 1 and January 19, 1990, there were as many as 319 violent acts - 21 armed attacks, 114 bomb blasts, 112 arsons, and 72 incidents of mob violence.

You, perhaps, never cared to know that all the components of the power structure had been virtually taken over by the subversives. For example, when Shabir Ahmed Shah was arrested in September 1989, on the Intelligence Bureau's tip- off, Srinagar Deputy Commissioner flatly refused to sign the warrant of detention. Anantnag Deputy Commissioner adopted the same attitude. The Advocate-General did not appear before the Court to represent the state case. He tried to pass on the responsibility to the Additional Advocate General and the Government council. They, too, did not appear.

Do you not remember what happened on the day of Lok Sabha poll in November 22, 1989? In a translating gesture, TV sets were placed near some of the polling booths with placards reading "anyone who will cast his vote will get this". No one in the administration of Dr. Farooq Abdullah took any step to remove such symbols of defiance if authority.

Let me remind you that Sopore is the hometown of Gulam Rasool Kar, who was at that time a Cabinet Minister in the State Government. It is also the hometown of the Chairman of the Legislative Council, Habibullah, and also of the former National Conference MP and Cabinet Minister, Abdul Shah Vakil. Yet only five votes were cast in Sopore town. In Pattan, an area supposedly under the influence of Iftikar Hussain Ansari, the then Congress (I) Minister, not a single vote was cast. Such was the commitment and standing of your leaders and collaborators in the State.

And you still thought that subversion and terrorism could be fought with such political and administrative intruments.

Around that point of time, when the police set-up was getting rapidly demoralised, when intelligence was fast drying up, when inflitration in services was bringing stories of subversives plan like TOPAC, your protege, Dr. Farooq Abdullah was either going abroad or releasing 70, hardcore and highly motivated torrosists who were trained in the handling of dangerous weapons, who had contacts at the highest level in Pakistan occupied Kashmir, who knew all the devious routes of going to and returning from Pakistan and whose detention had been approved by the three member advisory board presided over by the Chief Justice. Their simultaneous release enabled them to occupy key positions in the network of subversion and terrorism and to complete the chain which took them again to Pakistan to bring arms to indulge in killings and kidnappings and other acts of terrorism. For example, one of the released persons, Mohd. Daud Khan of Ganderbal, became the Deputy Commander-in-Chief of a terrorist outfit, Al-Bakar, and took a leading part in organising a force of 2,500 Kashmiri Youths. Who is to be blamed for all the heinous crimes subsequet}y committed by these released 70 terrorists? I would leave this question answered by the people to whom you are talking about the "Jagmohan Factor".

The truth, supported by preponderence of evidence, is that before January 19, 1990, the terrorist had become the real ruler. The ground had been yielded to him to such an extent that dominated the public mind. He could virtually swim like a fish in the sea. Would it matter if the sea was subsequently surrounded?

LABELLING ANTI-MUSLIM: In your attempt to hide all your sins of omission and commission in Kashmir and as a part of your small politics which can not go beyond dividing people and creating vote banks, you took special pains to demolish all regards and respects which the Kashmiri masses, including the Muslim youth, had developed for me during my first term from April 26,1984, to July 12,1989. Against all facts, unassailable evidence, and your own previous pronouncements, you started labelling me as anti-Muslim.

May I, in this connection, also invite your attention to three of the important suggestions made in my book, Rebuild- ing Shahjahanabad: The Walled City of Delhi. One pertained to the creation of the green velvet between Jama Masjid and Red Fort; the second to the construction of a road linking Parliament House with the Jama Masjid complex, and the third to the setting up of a second Shahjahanabad in the Mata Sundari road-Minto road complex, reflecting the synthetic culture of the city, its traditional as well as its modern texture. Could such suggestions I ask you, come of an anti-Muslim mind?

FORUM OF PARLIAMENT: How you and your associates use the fonum of Parliament to undermine my standing amongst the Kashmiri Muslims, was evident from what N.KP. Salve, MP, did in the Rajya Sabha on May 25, 1990.

Referring to the so called interview to the Bombay Weekly, THE CURRENT - an interview which I never gave - Salve chose wholly unjustified expressions; "There was a patent and palpable attitude of very disconcerting communal bias and, therefore, he (Governor) was happy under the garb of eliminating the terrorist, the saboteurs and the culprits, in eliminating the whole community as it were; now the Governor has himself given profuse and unabashed vent to his malicious malignity, hate and extreme dislike, branding every member of a particular community as a militant".

I know Salve. I do not think, if left to himself, he would have done what he did. Clearly, he was goaded to say something which was against his training and background. But the elementary precaution which any jurist, at least a jurist of Salve's imminence, would have taken, was to first check up whether any such interview weekly had been given by me, and if so, whether the remarks attributed to me were actually made. The unseemly haste was itself revealing. The issue was raised on May 25, while the weekly was dated May 26 June 2, 1990. You yourself rushed a letter to the President on May 25, on the basis of the interview that in reality did not exist. You explained that V.P. Singh had appointed a person with "Rabid Communalist Opinion" as Governor. You also got your letter widely published on May 25 itself.

Since your party men did not allow me to have my say in the Rajya Sabha, even when an opportunity came my way to speak on the subject, I was left with no other option but to file a 20 Lakhs damage suit against the Current Weekly in the Delhi High Court. The case may take a long time and I may donate the damages, if and when awarded, to charity, but I intend sparing no effort to expose all those who have played dirty roles in the disinformation-drama.

ARTICLE-370: You created a scene on March 7, 1990, at the time of the visit of the All Party Committee to Srinagar, and made it a point to convey to the people in 1986 I wanted to have Article 370 abrogated. At that critical juncture, when I was fighting the forces of terrorism with my back to the wall beginning to turn the corner after frustrating the sinister designs of the subversives from January 26, 1990 onwards, you thought it appropriate to cause hostility against me by tearing the facts out of context. Whether this act of yours was responsible or irresponsible, I would leave to the nation to decide.

What I had really pointed out in August-September 1986 was: 'Article 370 is nothing but a breeding ground for the parasites at the heart of the paradise. It skins the poor. It deceives them with its mirage. It lines the pockets of the "power elites". It fans the ego of the new sultans, in essence, it creates a land without justice, a land full of crudities and contradictions. It props up politics of deception, duplicity and demagogy. It breeds the microbes of subversion. It keeps alive the unwholesome legacy of the two-nation theory. It suffocates the very idea of India and fogs the very vision of a great social and cultural crucible from Kashmir to Kanyakumari. It could be an epicentre of a violent earth-quake, the tremors of which would be felt all over the country with unforeseen consequences.

I had argued, 'The fundamental aspect which has been lost sight of in the controversy for deletion or retention of Article 370 is its misues. Over the years, it has become an instrument of exploitation in the hands of the ruling political elites and other vested interests in bureaucracy, business, judiciary and bar. Apart from the politicians, the richer classes have found it convenient to amass wealth and not allow healthy financial legislation to come to the State. The provisions of the Wealth Tax, the Urban Land Ceiling Act, the Gift Tax etc, and other beneficial laws of the Union have not been allowed to be operated in the State under the cover of Article 370. The common people are prevented from realising that Article 370 is actually keeping them impoverished and denying them justice and also their due share in the economic advancement.'

My stand was that the poor people of Kashmir had been exploited under the protective wall of Article 370 and that the correct position needed to be explained to them. I had made a number of suggestions in this regard and also in regard to the reform and reorganisation of the institutional framework. But all these were ignored. A great opportunity was missed.

Subsequent events have reinforced my views that Article 370 and its by product, the separate Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir must go, not only because it is legally and constitutionally feasible to do so, but also because larger and more basic considerations of our past history and contemporary life require it. The Article merely facilitates the growth and continuation of corrupt oligarchies. It puts false notions in the minds of the youth. It gives rise to regional tensions and conflicts and even the autonomy assumed to be available is not attainable in practice. The distinct personality and cultural identity of Kashmir can be safeguarded without this Article. It is socially regressive and causes situations in which women lose their right if they marry non-State subjects and persons staying for over 44 years in the State are denied elementary human and democratic rights. And, above all, it does not fit into the reality and requirement of India and its vast and varied span. What India needs today is not petty sovereignties that would sap its spirit and aspirations and turn it into small "banana-republics" in the hands of 'tin-pot dictators', but a new social, political and cultural crucible in which values of truth and rectitude, of fairness and justice, and of compassion and catholicity, are melted, purified and moulded into a vigorous and vibrant set-up which provides real freedom, real democracy and real resurgence to all.

I must also point out that when other States in the Union ask for greater autonomy, they do not mean separation of identities. They really want decentralisation and devolution of power, so that administrative and development work is done speedily and the quality of service to the people improves. In Kashmir, the demand for retaining Article 370 with all its 'pristine purity', that is, without the alleged dilution that has taken place since 1953, stems from different motivation. It emanates from a clever strategy to remain away from the mainstream, to set up a separate fiefdom, to fly a separate flag, to have a Prime Minister rather than a Chief Minister, and Sadr-i-Riyasat instead of a Governor, and to secure greater power and patronage, not for the good of the masses, not for serving the cause of peace and progress or for attaining unity amidst diversity, but for serving the interests of 'new elites', the 'new Sheikhs'.

All those aspiring to be the custodians of the vote-banks continue to say that Article 370 is a matter of faith. But they do not proceed further. They do not ask themselves: What does this faith mean? What is its rationale? Would not bringing the State within the full framework of Indian Constitution give brighter lustre and sharper teeth to this faith and make it more just and meaningful?

In a similar strain, expressions like 'historical necessity' and 'autonomy' are talked about. What do these mean in practice? Does historical necessity mean that you include, on paper, Kashmir in the Indian Union by one hand at a huge cost and give it back, in practice, by another hand on the golden platter? And what does autonomy or so called pre-1953 or pre-1947 position imply? Would it not amount to the Kashmiri leadership saying 'you will send and I will spend; you will have no say even if I build a corrupt and callous oligarchy and cause a situation in which Damocles' sword of secession could be kept hanging on your head'?

KASHMIRI PANDITS: You and the like of you have made India a country which has lost capacity to be true and just. Anyone trying to be fair is dubbed communal. The case of the Kashmiri Pandits bears eloquent testimony to this fact.

Whatever be the vicissitudes of the Kashmiri Pandits' history and whatever unkind quirks their fate might have brought to them in the past, these all pale into insignificance in companison to what is happening to them at present. The grim tragedy is compounded by the equally grim irony that one of the most intelligent subtle, versatile, and proud community of the country is being virtually reduced to extinction in free India. It is suffering not under the fanatic zeal of mediaeval Sultans like Sikander or under the tyrannical regime of Afghan Governors, but under the supposedly secular rule of leaders like you, V.P. Singh and others whose unabashed search for personal and political power is symbolised by calculated disregard of the Kashmiri migrants' current miserable plight and the terrible future that stares in their eyes. And to fill their cup of pain and anguish, there are bodies like 'Committee for Initiative on Kashmir' which are over-anxious and over active to rub salt into their wounds, and to label anyone who wants to stand by them in their hour of distress as communal.

In a soft, superficial, permissive and, in many ways, cruel India which has the tragic distinction of creating over one lakh refugees from its own flesh and blood and then casting them aside like masterless cattle to fend for themselves on the busy and heartless avenues of soulless cities, chances for Kashmiri Pandits to survive as a distinct community are next to nothing. Split, scattered and deserted practically by all, they stand today all alone, looking hopelessly at a leaking, rudderless, boat at their feet and extremely rough and tumultuous sea to face before they can reach a safe shore across to plant their feet firmly on an assured future.

The deep crisis through which the Kashmiri migrants, or for that matter, the entire Kashmir, is passing is really the crisis of Indian values - the perversion, in practice, of its constitutional, political, social and moral norms. If I visited the camps of the refugees and tried to extend the firm hand of justice to a community in pain, if I instructed that, instead of cash doles, the migrant Government servants should be given leave salary, and if I conceded the demand of a widow of the person brutally killed by a terrorist, for allotment of a house on payment, I became communal, a known anti-Muslim, about whom concoted stories were planted in the press. If, on the other hand, someone falsely accused the Indian Army and the Governor's administration, if he assailed Jagmohan in particular, of giving inducements through provisions of plots and trucks, without giving particulars either of plots or of trucks, his accusations got published all over the press, his reports were flaunted in national and international forums and were copiously quoted in Parliament by the members of your party and he was labelled as secular and progressive and champion of human rights and what not. Hard Evidence about 'Jagmohan Factor'. I do not like to refer to anything that looks like indulging in self-praise. But not to let you get away with your calculated campaign of disinformation, about Jagmohan communal factor, I must invite attention to some hard evidence about what the people of the Valley actually thought about me before you and your proteges started the smear campaign on my appointment for the second term.

Your principal prop of current politics of Kashmir, Dr. Farooq Abdullah, was not to be left behind in the drive launched to create an 'anti-Muslim' image of mine. In his interview published in the Times of India of August 30, 1990, he said, "A known anti-Muslim was appointed as Governor of a Muslim majority state". How untrue, how unfair, was the propaganda, should be obvious from the fact that on November 7, 1986, at the time of his swearing-in-ceremony, Dr. Farooq Abdullah, in a public speech for which the records exist, said: "Governor Sahib, we should need you very badly. It is, indeed, amazing that such remarkable work could be done by you in a short time through an imbecile and faction-ridden bureaucracy. If today three ballot boxes are kept - one for the National Conference, one for the Congress and one for you, your ballot box would be full while the other two ballot boxes would be empty".

The misfortune of our country is that we have leaders like Dr. Farooq Abdullah who have no regard for facts or truth and whose superficiality is matched only by their unprincipled politics.

Incidentally, did it not strike you that Dr. Farooq was virtually accusing your late mother of being anti-Muslim because she was the Prime Minister when, in April 1984, a 'known anti-Muslims' was appointed for the first term, as 'Governor of a Muslim majority State"?

Apparently in consultation with you, Dr. Farooq Abdullah, on February 15, 1990, issued a written statement to the press in Urdu in which he inter alia, said, "The Governor, in the personification of 'Hallaqu' and 'Changez Khan', is bent upon converting the valley into a vast graveyard. On account of continuous curfew since January 20, it is difficult to say how many hundreds of people have become victim of the bullets of the army and paramilitary forces, and in this general slaughter how many hundreds of houses have been destroyed. At this moment, when Kashmiris are witnessing their beloved country being converted into a vast graveyard. I appeal to the national and international upholders of humanity to intervene in Kashmir and have an international inquiry made into the general slaughter of Kashmiris at the hands of army and paramilitary forces".

Here is your 'patriot' calling Kashmir "Aziz Wattan", suggesting a separate country. Here is your 'national leader' asking for an international inquiry into the general slaughter of the Kashmiris by the Indian Army and paramilitary forces. Here is your 'responsible friend' speaking about the continuous curfew for 25 days in the valley and his consequent inability to find out many 'hundreds of innocent and unarmed Kashmiris' had been massacred and how many hundreds of Kashmiri houses razed to the ground, although he knew perfectly well that there had been a number of days when there was no day- curfew, partially or wholly, and the authorities had brought out the list of casualties, about 40 up to February 16, and were daily asking the public to provide with the additional names, if they had any, so that correction in the official list could be made. Here is an erstwhile Chief Minister who did not care to explain how 'innocent and unarmed' people were ruthlessly shooting down IAF officers, BSF jawans, senior officers of the Television and Telecommunications Department and young men in the streets; and how, while inciting people through lengthy and fiery statements, he did not find a single word to condemn such brutal murders.

Is the nation not entitled to know why you have not disowned such unfortunate behaviour on the part of Dr. Farooq Abdullah? And how do you account for his recent statement as published in The Times of India of February 7, 1991: 'I directed my partymen to lie low, go across the border, get training in arms handling; do anything but not get caught by Jagmohan'?

Stabbing me in the back at personal level, perhaps, did not matter. But by keeping the pot boiling, you and your proteges prolonged the agony of Kashmir and caused many more deaths and much more destruction. The politics of unscrupulousness was brought to its lowest depth.

ROOTS: You once said, 'I do not read history; I make history'. Apparently, you do not know that those who happen to make history without reading it, usually make bad history. They cannot understand the undercurrents and the fundamental forces that really shape the course of events and determine the ultimate destiny of a nation.

In the absence of historical perspective, you and the like of you never perceived the roots and tendrils which gave rise to the current crop of separatism and subversion in Kashmir. Poisonous seeds were persistently planted in the Kashmir psyche. And these were liberally fertilised. Those of you whose obligation it was to stop these plantations and their fertilisation, were not aware of even the elementary lesson of history; to compromise with the evil was only to rear greater evil; to ignore the inconvenient reality was only to compound it; to bow before the bully was only to invite the butcher the next day.

I could cite scores of cases to support my contention. Here I would restrict myself to only two examples.

Softness and Surrender. On October 2, 1988, Mahatma Gandhi's birthday his statue was to be installed in the new High Court complex at Srinagar. The function had been announced. The Chief Justice of India, R.S. Pathak, was to do the formal installation. But a few Muslim lawyers objected. They threatened to cause disturbance at the time of the function. The Chief Minister gave in, almost willingly, to the bullying tactics. The function was cancelled.

What are the implications of what happened? A secular Kashmir, part of a secular India, could not have, even in its highest seat of justice, a statue of the Father of the Nation, of a sage, who laid down his life for communal harmony. Who was the person spearheading the move against the installation? It was none other than Mohd. Shafi Bhat, an advocate of the J and K High Court and an active member of the National Conference, who was later on given party ticket for Srinagar Lok Sabha seat in the elections held in November 1989 and with whom you kept warm company during your visit to Srinagar on March 7, 1990, to create as many difficulties as possible for Governor's administration.

At that time there was National Conference (F) Congress (I) Ministry in office. Such was its lack of adherence to principles, such was the character of Congressmen who formed part of the Ministry and such was its disposition to cling to power that not even a little finger was raised when the function was cancelled.

The bully's appetite could not have been whetted better. Intimidation could not have secured better results. The troublemakers could not have perceived a more casual and non-committed adversary. Was it not natural for them to nurture higher ambitions and think that more spectacular results could be achieved by deploying a more aggressive and threatening strategy? Only a naive would believe that in the context of the Kashmir situation, softness and surrender on basic principles would not act as an invitation to terrorism and militancy.

The Union Government enacted the Religious Institutions (Prevention of Misuse) Act, 1988. It was made applicable to all the States of the Union except J and K. Because of Article 370, concurrence of the State Government was needed for extension of this law to the State. But the same was not given. Why? Because J and K is different: what an argument for having a law which aimed at eradication of misuse of religious premises for political purposes.

Nowhere was this law needed more than in the State of J and K. Nowhere were religious places misused more than here. Nowhere were seeds of fanaticism and fundamentalism sown every Friday more assiduoulsy than from the pulpits of the mosques here. Nowhere was it preached more regularly than here that Indian democracy was un-Islamic, Indian secularism was un-Islamic and Indian socialism was un-Islamic. And yet, neither the State Government which was ruled by two supposedly secular parties, nor the Union Government took the matter seriously. What intrigued the most was that the law which was considered good for 100 million Muslims in other parts of India, was not considered good for 40 lakh Muslims of Kashmir.

What was the use of the nationalist forces ruling the country when they would not act in national interest at all, when they remained mental slaves of the politics of communalism; when they were inclined to place reliance on words and not on deeds; when they did not lead, but succumbed; when they encouraged, and not defeated, separatist elements; when, instead of building a new society strong in human and spiritual values, they did everything, wittingly or unwittingly, to repair, renovate and strengthen the old decaying and smelly citadel of obscurantism; and when they invariably gave precedence to expediency over the basic goals and principles of our Constitution? What could be the result of all this? Did it require any unusual insight to understand where such fissipurious forces would take us?

I leave it to the well-wishers of the nation to consider, without any political or personal bias, a basic question. How was it that Dr. Farooq was calling me Hallaqu and Changez Khan, and you were travelling all the way to Srinagar to 'expose' me as anti-Article 370, anti-Kashmiri and anti-Muslim and, at the same time, Miss Benazir Bhutto was vowing to tear me to pieces - 'Jagmohan ko Bhag-Bhag Mohan Kar Denge' ?

There are many other facets of Kashmir's truth which lie buried underneath the heaps of disinformation and also of superficiality and shallowness. These days I am busy in an attempt to remove some of these heaps. One day, I hope, the country will acquire the true perspective of the problem. The Kashmiri masses would also realise that I was their greatest well-wisher. I wanted to save them permanently from the exploitative oligarches and also from the machinations of religious 'Czars' and forces of obscurantism.

You have already committed the sin of letting down the Bharat Mata in Kashmir. Now do not add to it another sin of letting down the other Mata also. There is, after all, some power above. Conscious of her. She may condone your negligence. But she would not condone your sin of blaming an innocent person for what were your own faults, particularly when he had been persistently reminding you of your obligations.

So far as I am concerned, I am content with my gloomy pride of having done the correct thing in Kashmir. True, I seemingly and, perhaps, temporarily, lost the goodwill of some of the locals. But I was not seeking a certificate from anyone. I had gone for the second term to do a national duty.

The country's polity and administration have assumed such a character that it has become incapable of solving from its roots, any serious problem. Elections have virtually lost all meaning. And these would continue to be meaningless until and unless Indian democracy and its constitutional structure acquires a healthy cultural base, a pure soul and soil, from which the seed of justice, truth and selfless service could sprout and blossom into a Great Tree providing shade and shelter from Kanyakumari to Kashmir. Currently, the inner light is gone, and we are being led virtually by blind men with lanterns in their hands. We stumble from one crisis to another. As a poet says:

It has happened
and it goes on happening
and it will happen again.

With best wishes,
Yours sincerely,
Jagmohan

Reproduced from:
Converted Kashmir - Memorial of Mistakes
A Bitter Saga of Religious Conversion
Author: Narender Sehgal
Utpal Publications, 1994


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