North East & Eastern Himalayan: News & Discussion

[Luit]

http://www.inpui.com/2008/11/hmar-history.html

Interesting read on the Hmars.

Introduction: The Hmars are a small tribe living in the North East of India. They speak the Hmar language, which G.A. Grierson placed under the Tibeto-Burman language. They claimed that Manmasi was their ancestor. The word 'Hmar' literally means 'North'. Opinions, however, are sharply divided on the origin of the word 'Hmar'.

One opinion says that the word 'Hmar' was given to them by the Lushais because they lived to the north of them. The word 'Hmar' means 'north' in both Lushai and Hmar languages. If this were true, then 'Hmar', as a nomenclature, would be of a very recent origin. Another opinion holds that the term 'Hmar' is derived from the word 'Marh' or 'Mhar' that means tying of one's hair in a knot on the back. Tradition tells us that the ancestor of the Hmars, Tukbemsawm tied his hair in a knot on his back, and since then, he and his progenies came to be known as the Hmars. Yet another opinion contends that the term 'Hmar' arises from the Chin language 'Mar'. Lt. Col. J. Shakespeare wrote that the Chins called them Mar.

Whatever the case is, it is still not clear how the Hmars got their name. As Dena, a Hmar historian, writes, "Whatever may be the truth, this much is clear to us that the term (Hmar) had not yet gained popularity when the Hmars first came into contact with the British".

The Vais (Plain people) called them 'Kukis' when the Hmars first came into contact with them. It is not clear why the Vais called them 'Kukis but the Hmars had never identified or called themselves as 'Kukis'. They claimed that they are a distinct race different from it. J. W. Edgar, a Civil Officer who accompanied the British column to Tipaimukh on 3rd April 1872 writes that the term 'Kuki' was used by the Bengalis to refer to the hill people but that none of the people wanted to be called by this term. He continued, "…. I have never found any trace of a common name for the tribe among them, although they seem to consider different families belonging to a single group, which is certainly coexistence with what we call the Kuki tribe". Lt. Col. J. Shakespeare in his book "The Lushai Kuki Clans" put the Hmars under the common name of 'Old Kuki' and 'Khawtlang' to 'differentiate them from the Lushais and those currently known as Kukis'. The reason why the Hmars were identified by these names was that the Hmars were too clannish and preferred to be identified by the name of their clans rather than by a common nomenclature. The earlier writers, therefore could not find a common name for them, and seem to identify them, as they deemed appropriate.

HISTORY

The Hmars trace their origin to Sinlung. Numerous poems, songs and tales about this place has been made and handed down from generation to generation. However, the exact location of Sinlung is still open to debate. Several theories and views regarding the origin and location has been forwarded, some of which are:

a) Sinlung must be somewhere in South West China, possibly in the present Tailing or Silung of Yunan Province of today's China.
b) It might have been Sining in central China.
c) It might have been derived from the Chin Dynasty of 221-207 B.C.
d) It might have been a derivative of the Chinese king Chieulung who ruled during 1711 A.D.
e) It might have been a cave, and because it was sealed with a huge stone, it was called Sin (seal, close) Lung (stone, rock).
f) Sinlung was located at Retzawl village in North Cachar Hills of Assam and was named after the rock fortress there.
g) Sinlung was located at Aopatong in the border of Burma and China. The town was named after the chief Silung during the erection of the Great Wall of China.
h) It might be the present Sinlung, located near the Yulung River in Szechuan Province of China.

Although historians differ on the issue of the location of Sinlung and the origin of the name, the fact that they were in Sinlung, however, remains. Sinlung was said to be a city-state where a form of democracy was in existence. While in Sinlung, it was possible that they fought many a war with their neighbouring tribes. Bravery and courage was the greatest virtue and it was here that they started the practice of headhunting.

The Hmars eventually left Sinlung. Theories abound regarding why the Hmars left Sinlung. One view talks of the Hmars leaving Sinlung in search of greener pastures, while another ascribes it to the oppressive rule of the Chinese rulers and the Hmars' inability to repulse their enemies in Sinlung. One of their songs is highly suggestive:



Khaw Sinlung ah
Kawt siel ang ka zuongsuok a;
Mi le nel lo tam a e,
Hriemi hrai a.

Out of city Sinlung
I jumped out like a siel;
Innumerable were the encounters,
With the children of men.


It might be that the Hmars had to 'jump out like a siel' because of the cruelty of the Chinese rulers or because of the famine there. However, the reason why these people left Sinlung has never been clearly told and explained.

When the Hmars left Sinlung, they were probably in one of the successive waves of humanity from China towards the south some thousand years ago. Many historians talk mass movements of humanity in waves from China towards the south, into the Mediterranean basin, into India and into other parts of Southeast Asia during the last few thousand years. These people wereprobably forced out of China by the Ch'in Dynasty who, according to Dr. Edward Thomas Williams, a historian, "violated all the rules of courteous warfare, triumphed and took over the territory and symbols of the rule of the Chou dynasty (their predecessors)". It is believed that the Hmars might have been moving along with one of these waves towards the south, and eventually into India.

Hmar folk tales and songs tell us that the second settlement of the Hmars was in Shan, which was marked by a time of prosperity and peace. Hranglien Songate, a Hmar historian wrote, "In Shan their civilisation advanced much farther than Sinlung; and the people showed greater intelligence. They knew how to celebrate agricultural prosperity, learned better art of war, and made festival of the victory over the enemy. Furthermore, they learned the use of iron implements and moulding of pipes… This way they came to have the proper means of livelihood." Many of the Hmar festivals such as Butukhuonglawm (Spring festival), Lunglâk (Autumn festival) and Sesun (Solemn celebration) have their origin here in Shan. That they have started the practise of headhunting can be seen from one of their song:


Ka pa lamtlâk an tha'n dang,
Sinlung lamtlâk a tha'n dang;
Shan khuoah tha povin vang,
Tuoichawngin hranlu an tlunna;
Thlomu sieka kem in hril,
Za inhawngah hranlu bah kan sâl.

My father's steps were distinctively good,
Sinlung's steps were, indeed, distinctively good;
Few are the good men in Shan State,
Where Tuoichawng brought the enemy's head;
You talked of tips with eagle's claws, (meaning war)
And we hang the heads high with ropes.


Hmar historians wrote that this period of prosperity and peace in Shan was interrupted by a calamitous famine. As a result, the Hmars had to move further. And from Shan they were believed to have moved towards Kachin land, believed to be in the present Northern Burma (Myanmar),probably in and around Hukwang Valley at the foot of the Eastern Himalayas. This belief is substantiated by the similarity of language between the people of this region and the Hmar language till date. Of Kachin land they sang:



Tiena Kachin lei,
Ka pu leilung Himalawi.

Ancient Kachin,
And Himalawi the land of my forefathers.


As Hranglien Songate suggested, the name Himalaya was originally given by this people. He wrote that, as they came to the foot of the great mountains they decided, "Hi ei hma a tlang hi chu lawi el ei tih," (Let us circumvent this mountain before us). They named this mountain 'Hihmalawi tlang'. Here they met another tribe known to them as the Misimis or Mishmis. According to oral traditions, Sura, one of the forefathers and a well-known character fell in love with a Misimi girl named Thairanchawng and married her during those days. While here, they also came across a river, which they named Airawdung (Ai=crab, raw=burn, dung=valley). This river is believed to be the present Irawaddy River of Burma (Myanmar).

From Kachin the Hmars are believed to have moved to Kawlphai Khampat in the Kabaw Valley of Burma (Myanmar), probably by moving along the foot of the Patkai Hill Range. Here, they had three Rengs (chiefs) - Luopui, Lersi and Zingthlo- under whom they greatly prospered. Luopui ruled over the central part of the land while Lersi and Zingthlo ruled over the northern and southern parts respectively. While they were in Khampat, Luopui planted the now-famous Banyan tree that still remains traceable. This was mentioned in one of their song:

Simah Lersi, Hmarah Zingthlo,
Khawmalaiah Luopui;
Luoipui in lenbung a phun,
Khawthlang puolrangin tlan e.

On the south is Chief Lersi,
On the north, Chief Zingthlo;
At the center, Chief Luopui;
Luopui planted a banyan tree,
The hornbills feed on its fruits.

From Khampat, Chief Lersi was said to move towards the plains of Shan while others moved southward and settled in and around Champhai of today's Mizoram. But why did they leave Khampat? L. Keivom, a Hmar historian wrote, "Under what circumstances did …(they) leave Khampat and the Kabaw Valley - whether they abandoned it due to famine or in search of greener pastures or were pushed out by a stronger force - have never been clearly told. That they were nostalgic about the place and the fact that they were longing to return to it would suggest that they might have been forced to leave Khampat against their will. It might be that they had to flee the oppressive rule of the more powerful Shan Swabaws (princes)." Whatever the case was, it is clear that they had to leave Khampat.

From Khampat, it is believed that the Hmars followed the Rûn River (Imphal river) and made settlements on its banks. As they moved southwards, following the Rûn River, they moved along with the Raltes. This was clear from one of their song:

Rûntui kawi e,
Raltenu le Raltepa leh kan inkawia,
Rûntui kawi e.

Meandering Rûn,
We moved along with the Raltes,
Meandering Rûn.

From their settlements along the Rûn valley, the Hmars crossed the Lentlâng (A mountain range running from north to south. They are the eastern offshoots of the Himalayas) and settled in Champhai of today's Mizoram. It is believed that this was how the Hmars came to settle in Mizoram. The Hmars were one of the first to inhabit Mizoram, much before the Lushais or the Pawis. While they were in Mizoram, the names of the villages they inhabited were known by the name of the clans inhabiting them, such as Chawnsiem, Ngurte, Sungte, Zote, etc. The Hmars came to occupy not only Mizoram, but also parts of Manipur, Assam and Tripura as well. Hmar tales and songs told us that they were under Chawnhmang, a Rêngpui (something like a maharaja). There were six minor rêngs (territorial chiefs) - Neilal Thiek, Demlukim Hrangkhawl, Tanhril Saivate, Fiengpuilal Biete, Lawipa Hrangchal and Tusing Faihriem under him to help him in administration..

It is said that after several years, the supreme king Chawnhmang migrated to Tipera (Tripura), and since then, Tripura came to be known as 'Rêngpuiram' (land of the Rêngpui) to the Hmars. Before he left, Rêngpui Chawnhmang gave gifts/presents to each of his minor rêngs - a golden plate and a copper pot to Tusing Saivate, gong and horse to Lawipa Hrangchal, pure silver pot to Neilal Thiek, copper plate and copper gong to Fiengpuilal Biete, gong set and tripper horse to fathers of Demlukim Hrangkhawl, and the royal cloth or robe and kebai thi (necklace) to Tanhril Saivate. The copper pot that was given to Tusing Saivate is still in Retzawl village (Haflong, North Cachar Hills) with the Buongtes. Therefore the great Rêng of the Hmars left his own people and eventually became a Hindu convert. From there, he continued collecting taxes through his army every year, according to the agreement between him and his minor rengs.

It is said that after Chawnhmang's death, a new Rêng took his place. The new Rêng then sent his vai collectors to collect tax. But the Hmars could not understand the language that this army spoke since it was their own people who collected taxes before. When the army reached Champhai, the people shouted,

Vai an hung, vai an hung
Rengpui thal hlawm vai an hung;
An tawng fang ang hawi lova,
Ta puon ang la khawng rei aw.

Vais are coming vais are coming,
Rengpui's arrows (armies), vais are coming;
Their language is unknown to us,
I will strike them like a weaving cloth.

The Rêng's army was attacked (by the women) and their attempt to collect tax was resisted. And the army was sent back. The rêng then recruited Takam Vais and returned with full force and subdued the minor rengs. Hrangchal rêng, Lawipa and Lungtau rêng Hauhnar were arrested. The Hmars remembered this as Takam Vailien (Takam Vai invasion). The Hmar areas therefore became desolated and were left with no leaders or rêngs. Besides, it is said that the Hmars, during this time, started pahnam indo (inter-clan war), which greatly weakens them. Many of their songs talk of this pahnam indo.

Hmar historian Hranglien Songate suggests that these paved the way for the emergence of Lushais. The Hmars for these reasons had to flee from Champhai and its adjoining areas. Consequently the Lushais, who were beyond the Tiau River crossed over to Champhai and started raiding the Hmar areas. Hranglien Songate wrote, "Therefore, the eastern territoriy was left without any chief. This was the first dispersion of the Hmars. As there was a vacuum of power, the Lushais, who were hitherto residing on the eastern side of the river Tiau crossed over and entered the eastern territory. Vanpuia, a Lushai chief killed a hundred siels that the Hmars had left behind and made a great celebration. This was how the Lushais came to the land of the Hmars. Before, the Lushais knew that the areas where the Hmars lived were very fertile, but till then they dared not enter this land. With the invasion of the Takam Vais, and the dispersion of the Hmars, the Hmardom came to an end." This is believed to be the beginning of the end of 'Hmardom'.

Under the Lushai chiefs, the Hmars suffered greatly. Many of the Hmars came under the Lushai chiefs and became their subjects while others who did not want to be under the Lushai chiefs left and settled in the adjoining areas. It was because of this that many Hmars lost their identity and spoke the Duhlian language. As a result, the Hmars are scattered in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (Bangladesh), Tipera (Tripura), Cachar (Assam), Manipur, Meghalaya and Mizoram to the present day. Here they lived under their own chiefs (Lal). The Hmars in Cachar and North Cachar Hills came under the British control after the First Anglo-Burmese War 1824-26. The Hmars in Mizoram came under the Government of Assam since the Lushai Expedition 1871-72, and the Hmars in Manipur came under the British Raj after the Anglo_Manipur War at Khongjom in 1872.

Till then, the Hmars has had no contact with the Western world. They still practise the barbaric way of headhunting and inter-tribal warfare. The outside world was unknown to them and they were unknown to the outside world. And this was more or less the picture when a Welsh missionary Watkin R. Roberts came with the Gospel at Senvawn village in south Manipur on February 1910. Watkin R. Roberts is fondly called and remembered by the Hmars as Pu Tlangval (Sir Youngman). With the introduction of the Gospel, a wind of change swept the Hmar community. Pudaite wrote, "…to the Hmar it was more than just the mere newness that appealed to their heart. It was the amazing transforming power of the Gospel that had captivated their hearts and imaginations. They had been headhunters but now were heart hunters. They had been savage and 'uncivilised' people but now they were counted among the (rank and file of) civilised society of the earth. They had once been filled with fear and with frustration but now with friendliness and assurance of life." As of now 99% of the Hmars are now Christians.

Western education was introduced and their language (Hmar tawng, Khawsak tawng) reduced to writing. The contribution of Pu Buanga (James Herbert Lorraine), a Welsh missionary stationed in Aizawl, was especially significant. It was he who reduced the said language to writing. From then on their way of life underwent a sea of change. They gave up their old practices and embraced many Western culture and traditions for the better. A thatched Church building and a local Primary School became a common sight at most Hmar villages. The first Hmar book, Independent Kohran Hlabu, a hymnal was published in 1923. Among their kindred tribes, the Hmars are now one of the richest in literature. The literacy among the Hmars is now 70% approximately. Many Hmars are now well-educated and work in different service sectors. However, the majority of the Hmars are still cultivators, continuing the age-old practice of Jhumming / slash and burn cultivation.

They also participate in village and state level political activities. Realising the need to form an association or a union, the Hmar Students' Association (HSA) was formed in 1939 at Imphal, Manipur to cater to the needs of the Hmar students. The first Hmar political body, the Hmar Mongolian Federation (HMF) was formed at Lakhipur, Cachar. In 1953, another Hmar political body called the Hmar National Congress (HNC) was formed and it was renamed as the Hmar National Union (HNU) in December, the same year. Another Hmar political body, the Hmar Association was formed in 3 July 1986. That year itself, it was renamed the Hmar People's Convention (HPC). The HPC demanded an autonomous district for the Hmars in Mizoram. The Mizoram Government signed an accord with the HPC in 1994. As per the accord, Sinlung Hills Development Council was formed in the Hmar inhabited areas of Mizoram. The Council has its Headquarters at Sakawrdai, Mizoram.

The Hmars are now more or less a 'civilised' tribe. Most Hmar inhabitations are now well connected with the outside world. In the field of education they have made rapid progress in the last fifty years. Hmar students are now found in the best universities of India. There are students studying abroad as well. These students are second to none. Economically the Hmars, as a whole are well placed and are economically well off in comparison to their kindred tribes. With the abolition of the chieftainship in 1954, the Hmar villages come under an annually elected village authority. Till today, this is in practice. There is no class or caste system in Hmar society. From the richest to the poorest, the oldest to the youngest, all occupy an equal position in a Hmar society. They are now one of the recognised Scheduled Tribes of India.

Looking back at the last hundred years, the Hmars have really come a long long way. From nomadic headhunters, they have transformed into one of the most educated and advanced tribe of North East India. The introduction of Christianity and Western education has transformed them economically, socially and culturally for the better. From one of the most uncultured and backward of peoples, they have come to this present stage. This is really amazing and it is marvellous in our eyes! Yes, it is indeed, marvellous in our eyes!

REFERENCES:
1. Chatterjee, Suhas (Dr.). Mizoram Encyclopaedia, Vol. 2 (Bombay: Jaico Publishing House, 1990)
2. Dena, Lal. Hmar Folk Tales (Imphal: Scholar Publishing House, 1995)
3. Grierson, G.A.. Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. III, Part 3 (Calcutta, 1904) Reprinted in 1967 by Motila Banarsidass.
4. Hmar Literature Society. Nunrobu - 11&12 (Churachandpur, L&R Printing Press, 2000)
5. Darliensung. The Hmars (Imphal: L&R Printing Press, 1988)
6. Hmar, Chongtho L. Hmar Hai Tobul Hlabu Pakhatna : Hmar Traditional Song Book - 1 (Muolhoi, Haflong : Sri Guru Press, 1987)
7. Hrangchhuana, H.B. Hmar Chanchin : Hmar History (Aizawl: Lianpuii Press, 1987)
8. ICI. Manipur Rama Chanchintha a Lûtdan le Independent Church of India Chanchin (Sielmat: ICI Press, 1980)
9. Keivom, L. Hmar Hla Suina (Nairobi: L&R Printing Press, 1980)
10. Keivom, L. Ruminations: Khampat and the Banyan Tree, Delhi Thurawn, Vol. 14, No. 37, 26th August (Thlazing) 2001. Pp. 4-7
11. Keivom, Louis L. Hmar Tolung : A Study of the Hmar History and Genealogy (Imphal: EISO&L Printing Press, 1990)
12. Lalrinawma, H. Hmasang Zofate Chanchin (Aizawl : Lengchhawn Press, 2000)
13. Lalthanliana, (Dr.). Mizo Chanchin : Kum 1900 Hma Lam (Aizawl: Gilzom Offset Press, 2000)
14. Lunghnema, V. Mizo Chronicles (Churachandpur, L&R Press, 1993)
15. Mackenzie, Alexander. The North East Frontier of India (Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1979) Reprint
16. Pudaite, Rochunga. The Education of The Hmar People (Sielmat: IBPM, 1963)
17. Rokung, Lal. Ka Nun (New Delhi: Living Literature Crusade, 2001)
18. Ruolngul, Darsanglien. Chanchintha Kalchawi Part 1 (Sielmat : ICI Press, 1982)
19. Shakespear, John. The Lushai Kuki Clans (London: Macmillan & Co. Ltd., 1912)
20. Singh, K.S. (Ed.). People of India : Mizoram Vol, XXXIII (Calcutta: Seagull Books, 1995)
21. Singh, K.S. The Scheduled Tribes of India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001)
22. Sinate, Lalthankhum. Kohran Hring (Sielmat: Partnership, 2001)
23. Songate, Hranglien. Hmar Chanchin : Hmar History (Pherzawl: Mao Press, 1956)
24. William, Edward T. China : Yesterday and Today (New York: Thomas Y. Crawell Company, 1927)

[Luit]

http://www.morungexpress.com/political_ ... 56146.html

Article 371 (A) — Need for Continuity & Change

The State government has rightly sought a consultation on some vital issue that concerns both the present and future of Nagaland and its people. To be held on Friday i.e. October 8, 2010, the State Level Consultative Meeting will discuss issues related to ownership and transfer of land and its resources vis-à-vis the right of government for regulating the use of land and its resources including minerals for public purposes. The other issue to be discussed is on Municipal Elections and Women Reservation. Given the importance of the subject matter, the consultations will be attended by Tribal Hohos, NGOs, public leaders, women organization, intellectuals and civil societies. It becomes obvious that all the issues to be discussed will be done so within the context and ambit of Article 371 (A), which gives special constitutional rights to the Nagas residing in the State of Nagaland. While Article 371 (A) is a matter of right, the choice to circumvent this or to do otherwise rests with the State Legislature—which is the forum consisting of people’s representatives.

One of the obvious problems seems to emerge from people’s reading of Article 371 (A). There would be one group under the impression that Article 371 (A) is an end in itself and there should be no tinkering with it. The other position is taken by those who see Article 371 (A) only as a means towards the larger end of not only protecting Naga identity and the Naga way of life but also ensuring change so that new challenges of development objectives, social empowerment and other responsibilities can be met. As in most public discourse, the current consultation or debate on October 8 will see a Conservative viewpoint as well as a Liberal one. Up till now since the last four decades of Statehood, the conservative position has held sway for obvious reasons and there was no real need to make any policy changes as far as Article 371 (A) was concerned. This is not the case anymore. And the present political establishment is fully aware of the changing ground reality. For instance even the present DAN government is not averse to women quota in Municipal election. The Opposition Congress has also supported such a move. With the two main political parties coming out of their conservative shell, the status quo position of all these years obviously appear to be not viable any longer.

Public memory may be short but for us who have been closely following the stated positions of political parties on the issue of women’s empowerment, the earlier stand taken by the first Neiphiu Rio government was a reiteration of a similar decision taken by the then SC Jamir led Congress government which had rejected 33% reservation of seats in the State. The present government during its first term had in the first instance actually turned down the proposal for setting up of a State Commission for Women (SCW). The argument of the political establishment was that the status of its women is much better off and does not conform to the general perception of women’s status in India. However, things have moved on and now we have a full fledged Women Commission. This has in no way endangered Naga identity or its way of life, rather it has helped to enhance the human worth of our women population. Agreed that 33% quota for women is something more drastic and not necessarily the same as appointing a women commission. Therefore an honest and informed debate on women reservation is much needed at this juncture.

The government has therefore done the right thing by calling for consultation not only on women quota but also on ownership of land and its resources. Given the conservative and liberal position on the question of Article 371 (A), a way out could be to strike a balance between the two extreme positions and find a middle path solution and one that respects the basic features of Article 371 (A) while at the same time remaining open to new ideas and solutions. There are challenges to be met and new responsibilities to be fulfilled. This is especially true in the context of bringing about economic development, creating jobs and livelihood options, building and managing our towns and cities etc. We can ill afford to cling on to our old mindsets and prejudice. With changes taking place all around us, it would be unwise on our part to remain stuck within the confines of our little village. Continuity and change is the way forward. Let us identify those areas that need adaptation to change and all others that will require safeguard and continuity.

[Varoon Shekhar]

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/indi ... 890440.cms

NDFB kills 15 in Assam, including government employees and Hindi speaking persons.


What kind of garbage movement is this? Where's the heart, the soul? Where are the visionary leaders and representatives of the movement? Why are there no Nelson Mandelas, Dalai Lamas, Lech Wolesas, Nehrus, Martin Luther Kings, Aung Sang Suu Kyis? Why don't they articulate what it is that is hurting them so much, that they have to lash out like this? So let the world see and make an assessment of their 'struggle'.

[Varoon Shekhar]

While thinking a little about this, let me try to answer my own question. Enlightened leaders like Mandela, the DL, Aung San Suu Kyi, Lech Wolesa etc would not even arise in the Indian context, particularly not in the North East. Because there, the issue is not absence of democracy or freedom of expression etc. But a desire to deny Indianness or linkage to India. And fertilised heavily of course by conditions like unemployment, arms smuggling, corruption and neglect.

[darshhan]

An article about Indians of Chinese origin.

http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?268044

The China Link

Chinese labourers brought to northeastern India by the British in early 19th century to work in tea gardens
They were concentrated in Makum, Shillong and Tezpur
Over 2,000 arrested after the ’62 Chinese aggression, ostensibly “to be protected”, but actually to be monitored, at Deoli, Rajasthan
More than half of them sent to China; some families split up. No apology ever rendered.
***

It’s a chilly November morning in Makum, a small town in upper Assam that takes its name from the Chinese word for ‘meeting point’. At a little roadside shanty, a gaunt, unkempt man with distinctly Mongoloid features, reeking of stale alcohol, is making coffee for customers. When we ask him his name, he darts a dagger glance at us, before going back to tossing hot brew into glass cups. “Why do you want to know my name?” he asks suspiciously. “He doesn’t want to reveal his name,” whispers a customer, “because he’s afraid someone will come and arrest him for being Chinese”.

As it happens, Michael Shang—yes, that’s his name—is not Chinese. He is an Indian; a descendant of Chinese settlers in Assam, hailing from a family once among the wealthiest landowners in Makum. That was before the Indo-China War broke out in 1962. As the family was caught up in the war and its aftermath, it lost everything. The shop is all that Michael now owns. So, like many other Chinese-Assamese living in this region, he fears undue attention—a fear rooted in the fact that over 2,000 men, women and children of Chinese origin were rounded up from the Northeast in Nehru’s India and placed in what were, if not concentration camps, miserable places for innocent people to be in—some for as long as six years. More than half of them were sent to China, leaving family members behind.For close to fifty years, the story of the travails of this community has largely remained buried, but a novel by Assamese novelist Rita Chowdhury, Makam, who stumbled upon it on during a chance visit to Makum four years ago, has brought attention to its forgotten plight. Much needed attention, because this is not just a grim but a salutary tale. Echoing the story of how the United States—when it was at war with Japan during World War II—rounded up and quarantined Japanese Americans, it is a tale of how a liberal democracy got away, without a murmur of protest, with racial segregation of a community and the severe infringement of its personal liberty, thanks to a war.

The tale begins, properly, in the 19th century, when the earliest Chinese settlers in the region were brought to India by the British to work as labourers in tea gardens. Explains Mankhee Ho, a researcher on Chinese Indians at Guwahati University, and himself half-Chinese, “Tea originated in China so when the British started cultivating tea in India, they wanted to bring in labourers with the expertise of working in tea gardens. They recruited labourers from Hong Kong, another British colony, many of them from among the poor across China who had come there in search of work.”

While Chinese settlers were employed across northeastern India, it was Makum which came to record the highest concentration, followed by Shillong and Tezpur. Over time, many of the early immigrants married local Assamese and tribal women, and by the time of the Chinese aggression of 1962, were already third or fourth generation immigrants. However, there was a steady influx of Chinese immigrants, and many of the newer arrivals got their children married within the community, or to brides and grooms from China. So, while the majority of the Chinese population had become Indian by then, some of the new immigrants did have Chinese passports.

By 1962, Makum had come to be known as a ‘China colony’ with a thriving Chinese population of close to 2,000 people, and when war broke out, all these people, both ‘pure’ Chinese and all those of mixed blood, whether with Chinese passports or Indian, were tarred with one brush, and became objects of deep suspicion for the Indian authorities. Unlike people of Chinese origin in other parts of India, they lived close to the Chinese border, from where infiltration was suspected.Most of the first arrests took place in Makum—in the dead of the night, with police and army officers, polite but very firm, knocking on the doors of houses, and asking those who were Chinese, half-Chinese or with Chinese blood, to go with them. As witnesses, still to be found in Makum and Shillong, recall, they were told it was for their protection, that they would only be gone for a few days, and should leave their belongings behind. In reality, they became prisoners of war.

The arrested were first taken to a cowshed in Makum—in Shillong it was the district jail—where they were kept for a night before being taken by train—goods trains, in fact—to a camp in Deoli, Rajasthan. Some still remember the horrors of that long, arduous, cramped journey, lasting a week. Says Wong Ye Hoi, now 88, who was picked up by the police while he was working in the tea garden on a winter morning in 1962: “The word ‘Enemy’ was painted across the train and local people were pelting stones at us. Many of us were injured.”

Others remember the Deoli camp. “It was near the Pakistan border and perhaps meant for Pakistani prisoners of war,” recalls 78-year-old Lee Lan Yun, the oldest surviving person among the Shillong Chinese taken to Deoli. “It was a huge area fenced in by barbed wires. I used to feel claustrophobic.” Some families got a barrack, and some semblance of privacy, but many were herded together in dormitories. The searing heat got to the northeasterners, they tried to cool their habitation by covering windows with cloth and pouring scarce water on them.

For some it was even worse—their families were split irrevocably by the forced migration to the camp. Sixty-year-old Francis Chiang, now a Shillong-based shop owner, lost touch with his family at the young age of 16. His father, a Chinese settler in India, was hauled off to live in Rajasthan’s Deoli camp, as were his brothers and sisters. “My mother was not Chinese so she was not arrested but she chose to go with them because she didn’t want to be separated from the family.” Francis, not at home at the time of the arrest, was spared confinement but spent, as he puts it, his entire youth in “loneliness and longing” for his family; with only a photograph of himself with his father for consolation. China was too far to travel to and he was too poor to afford it. Looked after by “sympathetic neighbours” until he could fend for himself, he recently reconnected with his family when he made a trip to China. But as he says, sadly, “Can anyone give me back the years with my family that I lost?”

None of those housed in the camps report torture or sexual harassment, but there were other miseries to deal with. There were, for instance, swirling rumours about who would be deported to China; one was that the menfolk would be deported, and women left behind. There were mini-rebellions in response; finally, entire families were given a choice: would they want to stay in India, or go to China. Willie Ho remembers being told by his father, C.M. Ho, “They made it sound like a choice, but they were actually asking us to go back to where we belonged.” The Ho family were among the very few who returned to Makum, to reclaim their property; about 1,500-odd Chinese-Assamese are said to have been deported to China, leaving their property behind, and losing it forever. Much of it was apparently auctioned, and snapped up by locals.

According to the Chinese-Assamese accounts, the Deoli camp ran for six long years—from 1962 to 1968, even though the Indo-Chinese war barely lasted a month. Some residents remember a visit to the camp by Lal Bahadur Shastri after he became PM, but there was still no positive outcome for the inmates. Says Paul Liang Pyu An, of Shillong, “People began to get released in phases, mostly for China, and some back to the Northeast. A few, like us, were left behind, forgotten, at the camp. We never knew why. We wrote letters to Delhi, pleading for our cases to be reviewed, and finally were able to leave for Shillong in 1968.”
With the majority of detainees from Makum gone to China, the town has the look of a ghost China town. A crumbling building stands where the grandiose Chinese Club once stood. What was once a Chinese restaurant has the look of a haunted house. In Shillong, there are also a few Chinese-Assamese; and what they have in common with their Makum counterparts, apart from tales of sorrow and separation—a woman whose groom was arrested and taken to camp, children born in the confines of the camp, a man who saw his father dying in the camp as a nine-year-old boy—is a lingering sense of fear. “My mission is to have that fear removed,” says Chowdhury. Pointing out that the Chinese-Assamese have never seen a human rights organisation taking up their cause, or received an apology—or even an explanation—from the government for what they went through, she says: “Only a statement from the government that the Chinese-Assamese are their own people, as Indian as anyone else, will remove that fear.”

[Murugan]

Unchecked foreign investment in border areas raises concern

Home Ministry Seeks Tighter Rules To Prevent Foreigners From Buying Stakes In Cos In Sensitive Areas


Amiti Sen NEW DELHI

THE home ministry has sought tighter rules to stop foreigners from operating in sensitive border areas by acquiring stakes in Indian companies, skirting the restrictions imposed on overseas investment in these regions.

The ministry has asked the department of industrial policy and promotion (DIPP), the nodal body for foreign investment policy, to make changes in the rules. Independent experts, however, said it would be difficult to implement such rules.

“We recently got a case where a Chinese company bought shares of an Indian company operating in an area restricted to foreigners in Assam,” a home ministry official told ET.

Foreign companies are barred from setting up operations in certain border areas, even if that particular activity or sector is open to foreign investment. For example, participation of foreign companies in tenders for work packages of hydro-electric projects in sensitive areas is governed by elaborate guidelines.

Foreign companies can, however, get access to these restricted areas by acquiring stake in a company already operating there. This will be particularly easy if the company is operating in a sector where foreign investment is allowed under the automatic route, without permission by the Reserve Bank of India or the Foreign Investment Promotion Board.

The restricted areas are mostly near the borders with China and Pakistan where foreign investment is not allowed due to security concerns.

“We got to know about the back door route when the Chinese company came to us for visas for workers,” the official said. The home ministry informed the company that this cannot be allowed and instructed it to sell shares.

“The policy can be amended to disallow foreign investment in companies registered in geographically restricted areas through the automatic route, but it will be difficult to monitor,” said Puneet Shah, executive director, tax and related services, KPMG.

For instance, a company could be headquartered in Mumbai, but have operations in the north-east. If the policy were to cover even such cases, it would become extremely difficult to monitor.

For instance, many pharmaceuticals companies have set up manufacturing operations in the north-east. It is not clear if the restrictions will apply to such companies, and if applied strictly could discourage investments in these areas.

“This would prevent genuine investment in backward areas and would nullify the intention of tax sops that the government gives to promote investments in such regions,” Mr Shah said.

ET 23 Nov 2010

[Tamang]

ULFA member Paresh Baruah claims his son kidnapped

SHILLONG: ULFA's elusive 'commander-in-chief' Paresh Baruah today said that his son has been "abducted" to put "pressure" on him to surrender.

"By abducting my son, some agencies are trying to put mental pressure on me to surrender and divert me from the organisation's ideology and objective," Barua said in an e-mail to media houses today.

The ULFA leader, however, did not mention as to when and from where his son was allegedly abducted or if his son was still in captivity.

"The attempts to force us to surrender or forsake the ideals and principles of the group by holding our child as hostage will not bear any fruit. There cannot be compromise on the question of sovereignty," he asserted.

Baruah said he was ready to sacrifice his son for the cause of "freedom of Assam".

Security agencies, however, said they have no information in this regard, and that Barua's family was still in Bangladesh.

Baruah also said he has been cooperating in the talks initiative led by jailed ULFA chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa and leaders of the group.

"We will be prepared to continue the armed struggle, till a complete resolution of the conflict is achieved," he said.

A few days back, the outfit had claimed that their two top leaders - Antu Chawdang and Pradeep Chetia - were picked up on December 13 and since then the duo's whereabouts are not known.

[jamwal]

89% (From Arunachal) FEEL PART OF INDIA

Eight out of 10 Arunachalis feel India cares about them. Contrary to the common perception, they don't feel neglected and 86 per cent think India has done enough for them. There are problems of infrastructure and education, but 70 per cent respondents blame it on state politicians.

[Kati]

Paradigm shift in Swu homecoming today

NISHIT DHOLABHAI, The Telegraph, Kolkata, jan 14, 20100

New Delhi, Jan. 13: For Naga rebel leader Isak Chishi Swu, 81, it would be a “homecoming” of a different order tomorrow — he is travelling from Bangkok on an Indian passport.

Swu, the chairman of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah), will land in the wee hours on Friday at Indira Gandhi International Airport in New Delhi. He and his 22-year-old daughter will have their passports, bearing the Ashok insignia, stamped at the Indian immigration counter.

For a rebel leader who has fought the Indian government tooth and nail since the sixties and carried Bangladeshi passport for decades, this will be a paradigm shift.

Swu has lived in the Netherlands, the Philippines and Bangkok from time to time.

A few years ago, he had sneaked into India from Bangladesh via Meghalaya and reached Dimapur with state help. It is also a paradigm shift for the NSCN (I-M) whose ageing leaders — general secretary Thuingalang Muivah is also a septuagenarian — are trying to find a final and lasting solution.

Swu will join long-time associate Muivah in the national capital and jointly appear at a massive reception by the Naga community.

The reception, which was earlier slated for tomorrow, is likely to be deferred because of Swu’s delay in arrival.

“The leader will stay in Delhi for about a month,” said an NSCN source. During the period, talks with the Centre will be conducted in the presence of interlocutor R.S. Pandey.

Along with Swu and his daughter, six others of a family have also been given Indian passports. Antony Shimray, the NSCN leader picked up from Nepal and later arrested in Bihar last year had his family living in Thailand. Sources said the family members are returning home on Indian passports. They, too, earlier held Bangladeshi passports.

The Bangladeshi passports have been surrendered, sources said.

Militants from the Northeast, including Ulfa commander-in-chief Paresh Barua, have used Bangladeshi passports for years, to travel to the Southeast Asian countries and Pakistan.

With India’s security policy evolving, the responses from militants are changing but so have reactions of North Block. “Why should we not allow them to get Indian passports when they are Indians?” argued an official of the home ministry.

In case of Swu, the NSCN has been demanding that he be given his passport, sources said as his Bangladesh passport was due to expire soon. Security agencies are happy that Indian passports will facilitate the authorities to keep a tab on their movements.

The NSCN leader’s willingness to come on an Indian passport indicates his resolve to solve the problem for good. Flag-waving young boys and girls in traditional attire and choirs singing gospel songs will enliven the reception which is expected to be an emotional affair for the NSCN’s supporters.

[abhishek_sharma]

NSCN on arms buying spree, building cadre

http://www.hindustantimes.com/NSCN-on-a ... 51609.aspx

[Abhi_G]

Arunachal Pradesh policy unchanged, says China

BEIJING, Jan 17: China today said its policy that Arunachal Pradesh is a “disputed area” remains “unchanged”, days after it issued stapled visas to two Indian sportsmen from the state which it claims as “Southern Tibet”.

“China’s position is consistent and clear about the China-India border issue including the disputed area of Eastern section and the Indian side is aware of it. The position has remained unchanged,” the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman’s office told PTI here.

Eastern section of the India-China border covers the Arunachal sector which is part of the dialogue mechanism to resolve it. India-China so far held 14 rounds of talks without much of success.

The Foreign Ministry issued the clarification today to a question asked last week over the controversy of issuing stapled visas to two Indian sportsmen from Arunachal to take part in the Weightlifting Grand Prix at Fujian province.

However Rong Ying, a Senior Research Fellow at the state-run China Institute of International Studies, said while China’s stand on the dispute remained unchanged, perhaps the stapled visas were given as a “pragmatic” step to allow people of Arunachal to visit China.

“Certainly we have to take the reality into consideration as it is a disputed area and also we have to be pragmatic if people wants to travel to China,” Rong, an India specialist at the Institute told PTI.

He said personally he believes that the stapled visas were issued to enable the people of the area to travel to China while the two countries made efforts to resolve the boundary dispute.

Both sides have to be pragmatic keeping the reality into consideration, he said, apparently meaning that India too should permit those with stapled visas from Arunchal to travel to China.

“I think there is no shift in China’s policy but it will be good to facilitate their travel,” he said, adding that otherwise the people of the area cannot travel to China until the dispute is resolved.

During his recent India visit, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao promised to address the issue.

Rong also denied that there was any shift in China’s Kashmir policy as a result of the stapled visa issue and Beijing continue to maintain that India and Pakistan should resolve their outstanding disputes, including Kashmir.

“I agree with the argument that China’s relations with India and Pakistan are on a different footing,” he said, adding there need not necessarily be any “inter linkages”.

“It is not a change. It has been for many years, perhaps since the end of the cold war,” he said.

[Kati]

......Tie this up with the latest info in 'Intel & National Security' thread......


‘Missile spy’ slur on Northeast rebels

NISHIT DHOLABHAI, The Telegraph, Kolkata, jan 31, 2011

New Delhi, Jan. 30: Alleged Chinese spy Wang Qing was allowed to leave India despite evidence that Beijing had tasked Northeast insurgents to get information on India’s long-range missile installations, intelligence sources have told The Telegraph.

They said that since early 2010, the government had known that China had extended its northeastern militant links far beyond traditional ally NSCN-IM and was training several of these outfits.

In September, the government learnt that Manipur’s United National Liberation Front (UNLF) had been asked to gather intelligence about Indian long-range missiles that are directed towards China, the sources said.

This apparently came out from an examination of the laptop of Ningombam Dilip alias Ibochou, an UNLF leader who was arrested in Guwahati on September 7.

This was around the time that top leaders from the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah), Ulfa, UNLF and at least two other Northeast outfits had attended a meeting in China’s Guangzhou, the sources said.

Shortly before that, Wang had allegedly visited India and travelled illegally to Nagaland. She then repeated her visit this month and was caught in Dimapur, Nagaland, on January 18.

India issued a demarche to Beijing last week after deporting Wang on January 21 and expressing “displeasure” to China the next day. That she was not arrested and was let off within three days reflects New Delhi’s reluctance to precipitate matters with Beijing.

The sources cited several instances of China’s increased help to Indian militants:

Ulfa chairman Paresh Barua apparently relocated to China’s Yunnan province in April 2009;

A top Naga leader met a retired Chinese general named Lee at a hotel in Kunming, Yunnan, in the first week of May 2009;

A UNLF leader, Lancha, met Chinese officials at Ruili in Yunnan;

Beijing helped Ulfa establish a camp at Laiza in Myanmar’s Kachin in March last year, and later advised it to relocate 100 cadres from western to eastern Kachin.

The NSCN (Khaplang), UNLF, Manipur’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and several other Manipuri and Naga militant groups have opened bases and training camps in the northern Myanmar jungles with Chinese support, the sources said.

Filling a ‘gap’

Beijing’s increased support for the rebels was apparently prompted by the change of government in Dhaka.

“Beijing’s ties with the northeastern rebels have depended on China’s evaluation of the strength and grit of the people in power in Delhi, and the viability and reliability of the insurgent groups,” former Intelligence Bureau director Ajit Doval said.

“Whenever assistance from Bangladesh to the Northeast insurgents became difficult, the Chinese stepped in to fill the gap.”

Since the Sheikh Hasina government is becoming increasingly intolerant of Indian insurgents, their friendship with Beijing can only be expected to flourish, Doval said.

UNLF chief Raj Kumar Meghen alias Sanayaima, detained by Dhaka in October and handed over to India in November, has revealed that his Myanmar-based aide, N. Birjit, was in regular touch with the Chinese embassy in Yangon, the sources said.

They added that the arrest of NSCN-IM leader Anthony Shimray from Nepal had thrown light on how Chinese agencies had been providing arms and ammunition to Indian rebels.

Wang, 39, had arrived in Delhi on January 1 posing as an employee of a Chinese timber company but, allegedly, later met Naga militant leader Muivah in the guise of a Hong Kong-based TV reporter. The NSCN-IM, which is in talks with the Centre, has denied any such meeting.

Wang is said to have travelled without permission to Nagaland under an assumed name and visited the NSCN-IM headquarters in Hebron.

[Stan_Savljevic]

Brawman in his Kaoboys book gives a long laundry list of what was known about chini meddling in the NE. The best response to this from the Indian side has not been given, perhaps that is where the key lies. It would be stupid to assume that the Indian side does not do anything in return, but who knows. Also if you see the series of outlook articles, the Indian side is going to seek consular access to Lhasa to let know the other side of what we know. Another series of mock battles will follow, I guess. Unfortunately, all this is a series of slow punchings with poor memory in public records.

[Kati]

Any news....whether chini hand was at play in the resent past's yellow vs red brigade's fight in Thailand?...was it the dragon's way of lessening pressure on Myanmar by unkil?...after that Bangkok unrest things have cooled down for Myanmar also.......Further, regarding the recent border flare-up between Thailand and Cambodia ...was chini-bhai blessing Cambodia? Possible, Chini-bhai is investing very heavily in Cambodia giving them millions of dollars of financial support, setting up their mobile phone network, etc.......
Bharat has been playing too defensive for too long against dragon on the NE issue......what are the possibilities that can be exploited for dragon's southern flank? dragon is using heavy trade and business in this region to tie up Northern Myanmar, northern Thailand, cambodia and laos. probably exception is Vietnam. Vietnam is allowing trade, but with an wary eye.

[PrasadZ]

Any news....whether chini hand was at play in the resent past's yellow vs red brigade's fight in Thailand?...was it the dragon's way of lessening pressure on Myanmar by unkil?...after that Bangkok unrest things have cooled down for Myanmar also.......Further, regarding the recent border flare-up between Thailand and Cambodia ...was chini-bhai blessing Cambodia? Possible, Chini-bhai is investing very heavily in Cambodia giving them millions of dollars of financial support, setting up their mobile phone network, etc.......
Bharat has been playing too defensive for too long against dragon on the NE issue......what are the possibilities that can be exploited for dragon's southern flank? dragon is using heavy trade and business in this region to tie up Northern Myanmar, northern Thailand, cambodia and laos. probably exception is Vietnam. Vietnam is allowing trade, but with an wary eye.

For Thailand's nationalists, Cambodia and Burma are emotive wedge issues to be used when they want the country united behind king and country. A Thai parliamentarian, Panich Vikitsreth, entered the disputed border with Cambodia to make a point and (I guess) to divert attention from red shirt protests (one of the guys with him is a known yellow shirt rabble rouser, with possible links to the the PM, Abhisit). I think the incident has more to do with the red-yellow divide playing out in Bangkok right now than with Cambodia or China.
About China's influence in Cambodia, what I see on the ground in Bangkok is Thailand's huge influence on Cambodia and Laos. Large porous borders, strong cross cultural links and shared regional forums like ASEAN that Cambodia and Laos have with Thailand and nothing comparable with China. China's investments in these places is like their investments in Africa - its welcome but doesnt seem to win them many friends. Myanmar's border with China is, hardly, a settled issue
Is there a wedge issue for Indian nationalists to use? Not yet. But as the Burmese news items shows, we will see some wedge items appear as China increases its presence here. For now, India should chi ku - keep our head down and build up infrastructure and influence. Get bimstec going, maybe.

[Airavat]

Tripura to earn Rs 150 cr annually from power

It may be noted that Union Power Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde in his maiden visit to Tripura had predicted a bright future for the North-east, especially Arunachal Pradesh and Tripura. Arunachal Pradesh alone can produce 60,000 MW hydropower if its full potential is tapped, he had said while speaking at a conference on opportunities in the power sector at Prajna Bhavan here recently.

He said that Tripura would also become one of the richest States in the entire country after coming up of three power projects – Palatana, Manarchak and the power unit at NEEPCO’s RC Nagar plant. According to a study, the North-east can meet the country’s 65 per cent energy requirement but only five per cent is tapped so far. Referring to the erection of transmission line up to Bangladesh, Shinde assured that he would look into the matter. “Bangladesh is one of the best neighbours and Tripura’s demand can be considered,” he said.

[AKalam]

Buying power from Tripura would be ideal for Bangladesh and some early tangible move on the ground may provide the single biggest boost for AL and Hasina govt. at the next election cycle. Taking power via transmission lines in Bangladesh to West Bengal and other states in India, as a part of a region wide vision for water and power resources management, can be a win-win for both countries.

[krisna]

Buying power from Tripura would be ideal for Bangladesh and some early tangible move on the ground may provide the single biggest boost for AL and Hasina govt. at the next election cycle. Taking power via transmission lines in Bangladesh to West Bengal and other states in India, as a part of a region wide vision for water and power resources management, can be a win-win for both countries.

+1
huge boost to develop the north eastern region and BD.

[Kati]

Actually Tripura is ought to send the extra power to lower Assam, Manipur and Mizoram if more transmission lines can be laid over mountain ranges (they run the state parallelly from north to south). The gas based power plant set up between udaipur (in South Tripura) and Agartala is good enough to turn the state around. Bangladesh itself is sitting on a huge gas reserve, and can set up more such power plants similar to Tripura, and export the extra capacity to West Bengal, Sikkim and western Assam.

[VinodTK]

SPECIAL FEATURE: ARUNACHAL PRADESH ‘Potential for growth'

[VinodTK]

NE rebels firm up ties with China

More recently, details have emerged about the arms that are being supplied by China to the rebels in Yunnan province and then being smuggled into India through Thailand and Myanmar. For at least one of these transactions, the NSCN (I-M) is said to have paid `31 crore to the Chinese, indicating that the militant outfit is flush with funds, presumably from the narcotics trade in the region.

[partha]

Son treks into Bhutan’s snowy mountains in search of CM father

Even as over 10,000 people, including 3,000 Army personnel scour the treacherous terrain in search of the Pawan Hans chopper that went missing on Saturday morning with Arunachal Pradesh Chief Minister Dorjee Khandu onboard, his son Tashi Tsering Khandu has taken upon himself the task of marching into the eastern Himalayas to try his luck.

Tashi, 36, is leading a team of 100 young men, mostly from Tawang, and is currently on a foot-march deep inside the Sakteng and Merak areas of eastern Bhutan, looking for his father’s chopper. Tashi is the second of four sons and two daughters of the Chief Minister.

[krithivas]

Exiled Tibetans discuss shifting Dalai Lama's role
http://www.seattlepi.com/news/article/E ... 389611.php

Exiled Tibetans are debating how to change their constitution to allow the Dalai Lama to leave political life.
The 75-year-old Dalai Lama says he remains the Tibetan Buddhist spiritual leader but it is time the political leader be elected. The change reverses centuries of Tibetan political tradition.

[member_19686]

for Rs2,000 and rice at Rs70 a kg!
Published: Thursday, Sep 29, 2011, 10:30 IST
By Prasanta Mazumdar | Place: GUWAHATI | Agency: DNA

Manipur has been literally held to ransom by two tribal organisations who have enforced ‘economic blockades’ on the two national highways in the state on the issue of the demand for the creation of a new district.

Fifty-eight days into the blockades, the prices of essential commodities have spiraled like never before. According to locals, petrol is being sold at Rs120 to Rs140 and diesel Rs70 a litre in the black market in Manipur capital Imphal.

“An LPG cylinder is being sold at Rs1,600 to Rs2,000 in the black market. We are buying mustard oil at Rs120 a litre and we presume the one we are buying is also not pure,” said Abdul Haque, leader of All Manipur Students’ Union.
He said the situation wouldn’t have come to such a pass had the government allegedly not connived with the traders. Haque alleged the government remained silent as it was getting its share from the traders.

The situation is said to be worse in the four hill districts where the Nagas are in majority. “Can one imagine how difficult living could be when rice is sold at Rs70 a kg?” asked Julie Singlai, leader of an Ukhrul-based students’ organisation. Ukhrul is one of the four hill districts in Manipur.

Julie said potatoes and onions were being sold at Rs50 to Rs60 per kg. LPG is out of market at many places in the hill districts. “We get everything from Imphal. However, in the wake of the blockades, there is an acute shortage of the essential items now,” she added.

The government denied there had been any shortage of the essential items. “The situation has improved in the last few days though the prices have gone up to some extent,” minister and government spokesman N Biren told DNA. He said vehicles carrying essential commodities were being escorted into the state through national highway 53.

“We’re doing everything possible to check the prices,” he added. Around a dozen vehicles have been torched by the protestors on national highway 39 ever since the blockades.

It all began on August 1 when the Sadar Hills District Demand Committee imposed economic blockades on NH 39 and 53 demanding the creation of Sadar Hills district. Soon after, the United Naga Council, the apex Naga organisation of Manipur, enforced similar blockades on the same routes in protest against the government’s alleged attempts to bifurcate Naga-dominated areas to create the new district. The tribal Kukis are in majority in Sadar Hills and their demand for the creation of the new district exists since the 70s.

“We’re closely monitoring the situation,” the Manipur government spokesman said. Scores of people had died in ethnic clashes between the Kukis and the Nagas in 1992.

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_tw ... kg_1592889

Would we have had the same uncaring attitude if say Delhi or Haryana were blockaded for nearly 2 months?

Then we wonder where the feeling of neglect comes from.

The Nagas had blockaded Manipur last year also.

[ramana]

Link to Arunachal Times:

http://www.arunachaltimes.com/index.html

Quite a nice paper.

[ManuT]

It seems the permit raj has ended for most part in NE. I would imagine this would be applicable to mango people too.



Now, only Pak & China nationals need special permits to visit NE
TNN, Jan 1, 2011, 04.01am IST
India|nagaland|Mizoram|Manipur |Foreigners Registration Officer
NEW DELHI: Foreigners, excluding Pakistani and Chinese, visiting India on valid visa will not have to take special permit to travel to Manipur, Mizoram and Nagaland from January 1 as government has scrapped the provision to boost tourism in these northeastern states, beginning New Year. The relief, however, won't be applicable to foreigners who would like to go to Arunachal Pradesh. Even in the three exempted states, the relief will initially be for one year.

"The government has decided to exclude Manipur, Mizoram and Nagaland from the Protected Area regime notified under the Foreigners (Protected Areas) Order 1958, initially for a period of one year," a MHA statement said. However, all foreigners visiting these states will have to register themselves with Foreigners Registration Officer (FRO) of the district they visit within 24 hours of their arrival.

The restriction was in force since pre-independence days. Now, Arunachal Pradesh is the only state left in the north-east where foreigners are required to take prior permission before any visit. Citizens of some specified countries, including Pakistan and China, would, however, continue to require prior approval of the MHA before their visit to these three states.


Read more: Now, only Pak & China nationals need special permits to visit NE - The Times of India http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/i...#ixzz19mJrF2ga

[ramana]

The headline is psy-ops by Telegraph. Recruitment ot paramilitary is aprivilege not a sop.

Paramilitary jobs sop for surrendered militants


When will India be rid of the idiots in media?

[Stan_Savljevic]

Whether its a sop or a privilege, such facilities are not accorded in the other NE states to my best knowledge. Therein lies the rub on the state of affairs in Manipur. Its internal-Meitei peace moves against Naga-Kuki skulduggery. Quite complicated as GKP used to say...

I think one should be tolerant of Telegraph in these matters, they are probably one of the very few mainstream media focussing on the NE giving voice to both pseudo-anti-governmental opinionators with the revoke AFSPA card as well as BSF/CRPF/Assam Rifles spokespersons, the rest do zilch. Telegraph even has a new Guwahati page these days.

[ramana]

I am very well acquainted with Manipur situation. One day will post a pic of a shawl from there.

[ramana]

Assam Tribune:

Dodgy Nexus nurdle to solving NE insurgency

Dodgy nexus hurdle in solving NE insurgency
Staff reporter
GUWAHATI, Oct 12 – A dodgy relationship between a section of politicians, bureaucrats and businesspersons is a hurdle in seeking to resolve the insurgency issue in North East India.

Over the decades, these elements have formed a nexus that allows Government funds, and untaxed money to be routed to various insurgent outfits, which are subsequently used for carrying out various subversive activities against the State.

This was revealed by a well placed intelligence official, who mentioned that anti-insurgency efforts as well as operations are challenging because a section of politicians and bureaucrats have a stake in it. ‘It appears that some of them have benefitted from insurgents who encourage if not compel them to divert funds meant for development activities in the region’, he stated.

He said that funds meant for various sectors, especially rural development, have increased manifold in the last few years. The fund flow is well known to a section of politicians and bureaucrats, who in tandem, siphon off substantial amounts. A part of that is routed to some insurgent groups in States like Assam, Nagaland and Manipur.

The routes used to channel the funds are difficult to trace because a section of unscrupulous bureaucrats are adept in covering the tell tale tracks.

The State Governments too are not keen to probe deep into the diversion of funds because of the involvement of politicians to a great extent.

The intelligence official indicated that the massive scam that took place in the erstwhile North Cachar Hills could not have taken place if files were not approved by the Ministers concerned along with the respective department’s bureaucrats.

To investigate such scams to the logical conclusion, he favoured investigations carried out in close co-operation of the various NE Police forces as the diverted funds were not retained in one state but spread over the North East. He said that investigations should ideally focus on bank accounts of the suspects and their near associates.

“Banks have a very comprehensive system of maintaining records, they are in a position to check the movement of cash, cheques and drafts down to a day…” he remarked.

Intelligence inputs also suggest that ill gotten wealth has gone into investments in various sectors. At times the state police know where huge investments have come from, but have to look the other way as powerful politicians are either involved, or their close ones have a stake in the nefarious dealings.

So what is he doing other than telling reporters? Why can t he roll up the bankers for laundering money?

IOW GOI funds ae being used to fund terrorists in NE.

[Stan_Savljevic]

IOW GOI funds ae being used to fund terrorists in NE.

There is more to it.

The GoI funds autonomous councils which were mooted as a part of the Assam Accord. That may be the only part of the Accord that may still be working as the IMDT Act has been set aside by a judicial verdict. Of these, the Bodoland Territorial Autonomous Authority/Council is probably the biggest. While one part of the Bodo terrorist group -- the Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT) -- surrendered and disbanded, a remnant grouping re-christened itself as the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) and re-started the cycle of extortion economy. Due to the force of Op. All Clear in Bhutan in 2002, the NDFB itself splintered to form NDFB (Progressive) which went on tri-partite talks with GoI and the GoAssam, while another splinter group conveniently named, NDFB (Anti-talk Federation or ATF) went back to normalcy of extortion and gun-running. The ATF faction could nt have functioned without overt and covert support within the state apparatus. This is more true in much of the "tribal" strongholds of Assam such as Bodos, Dimasas, Karbis, Hmars, Kukis, etc. You can see a glimpse of this nexus in the NIA chargesheet on DHD (Jewel Garlosa faction). Select tidbits are available here: http://dharma-yuddham.blogspot.com/2011 ... halem.html

Garlosa himself was arrested in Bangalore, Niranjan Hojai in some South East Asian country before being brought to Guwahati, and then magically escaping one fine day. He was re-captured in Nepal and the chargesheet was filed after that. Last elections in the Dimasa belt was fought between Tarun Gogoi and the Akhil Gogoi led Krishak Muktir Songrom Samiti. KMSS of course burnt its backside by going not just after this DHD case, but after the whole corruption mess, big dams, etc. None of the parties in Assam have any credibility on corruption matters, either PK Mahanta or Gogoi or Akhil Gogoi, so the issue got ignored by people. BJP gains in places where there is a vertical polarization between Hindus and Muslims, more specifically Barak Valley. Even there, its looking like demography will have a landslide win. Keenly waiting to see how the 30% Muslim percentage has changed as the details of the 2011 census are yet to be out in the case of Assam.

The nexus is deep, and clearing the Northeast of all terrorism is like running after a mirage of stability in a region that is deeply divided. Plus, there is chini/paki/amriki/EJ funding with unbridled cooperation of the Burmese for strategic depth in Nagaland. NDFB is an EJ grouping like NSCN and NLFT. Cutting the source of all these fundings means getting the border secure, which in itself is a hard job. If you ask my opinion, India should opt for managing terrorism than working towards ridding the region of terrorism. The latter is ideal, the former is practical. Realistically speaking, if the Northeast (especially Manipur) starts looking like J&K, I think MHA and GoI will settle for that. Of the 8 states, the major issue lies with Manipur. Nagaland and Assam are in a slow-mo dragging towards co-option like Mizoram was done with. Arunachal is a side-effect of Nagaland and cant be cured until Nagaland is. Tripura is being overcome by demographic overwhelming. Mizoram is reasonably stable and will remain so for a while. Meghalaya and Sikkim are seeing reversion and demographic changes whose effect will be known only in a while. Overall, Manipur is the one with need for infinite focus, yet there is absolutely none. The GoI has essentially given up for the time-being on Manipur. With a tri-fold splintering of demographics between Meiteis, Kukis and Nagas, with more terrorist groups than districts, etc., Manipur is truly the basketcase of the Northeast terrorism. And however you dice and slice it, the Vaishnavite theme of Meiteis is not seen as a link to India proper by them (or at least the segment which is most articulative with either guns or pens).

[D Roy]

seeing reversion and demographic changes

I have a request. Could you elaborate this a little bit?

[Varoon Shekhar]

Why are these people so reactionary, sorry to say. Is it class background + insufficient education + unemployment + a real perceived sense of being 'different'.

If you look at all these movements in the North East, over the years, not *one* of them is visionary, progressive or uplifting. There is no Aung San Sui Kyi, Dalai Lama, Nelson Mandela, Desmond Tutu, Lech Walesa, Martin Luther King- nothing. Pure reaction and negativism, top to bottom, through and through.

India and Indians need to spotlight this area in such a way that does emphasise the differences, but also stress that the differences have been and are accommodated, just as in the rest of India. And also point out that together with the differences are the similarities. Even if it means being a little corny and referring to the common underlying human spirit.

[Stan_Savljevic]

Why are these people so reactionary, sorry to say. Is it class background + insufficient education + unemployment + a real perceived sense of being 'different'.

The blame lies on both sides, calling it reactionary etc., is just missing the point. In our great wisdom, mainstream India refuses to see that others could claim a genuine sense of victimhood and separation from the main theme of India. For example, while J&K is seeing connectivity in terms of the rail line that intends to connect Jammu with Kashmir, similar projects in the Northeast are nowhere in the pipeline. In fact, the GoI expects to connect Mizoram with Burma via the Kaladan project, Tripura and Meghalaya are more connected to Bangladesh than to India proper somuchso that border haats are becoming the norm today, Sikkim is more tied to its demographic future of forging close relations with Eastern Nepal and the Dooars, Darjeeling than to the rest of West Bengal, Arunachal is much easily tied to Burma than even Upper Assam, etc. You can check out the rail connectivity map in the Northeast and the eastern-most point is to the slight east of Tinsukia with no connectivity in many of the states that made Assam province of British India. You can blame it on the crappy terrain, you can blame it on Nehruvian policy of preventing the chinis from over-running the border territories, you can find a 100 gazillion excuses. But the fact is victimhood does nt arise out of complete vacuum. Why, in fact, mainstream newspapers are just now warming up to news reports on the Northeast with a steady trickle these days. Putting a poster "tribal" motif in the Rep Day parade or in a Sare jahaan se achha national integration replica or talking about Nongrum or Keishing after an outpouring on Kargil does nt absolve mainstream India of its major crime of ignoring much of its own. My point is you need two to tango, you cant blame it all on poor education, EJ efforts, unemployment, or this or that. Much of the blame on why our periphery continues to view the mainstream with cynicism and disdain should lie in equal measure with the mainstream's self-indulgence in its own selfish affairs.

There is no Aung San Sui Kyi, Dalai Lama, Nelson Mandela, Desmond Tutu, Lech Walesa, Martin Luther King- nothing. Pure reaction and negativism, top to bottom, through and through.

You are making a mistake of viewing the different mutinies in search of an identity with western eyes. The Congress of pre-47 India did not travel far and wide in a sustained manner to develop grassroots efforts in all of India. And then it threw out Subhas Bose and the subsequent efforts in the Forward Bloc and Communist parties threw people away from the mainstream. The post-56 course of Communism in India has been to look inwards, and in this sense much of West Bengal has to take the blame. From being India's capital to being a shambolic example of inward looking myopic outpost of mainstream India, Calcutta of today is symbolic of our misdeeds. Why is the Northeast looking at Chittagong for an outlet when Haldia is available? Why is Haba Bhawan a more conducive atmosphere to make political transactions for much of the Northeast than A.K.Gopalan Bhavan? Cutting across partylines, we see the same theme. Bengal is in need of healing and its lack of healing and a sense of inward looking which is exemplified by the idea of JC Bose, Subhas Bose, Gopal Bose, is perhaps why the Northeast of India is not embraced as tightly as we would have liked. And you cant blame it all on Bengal, the can got kicked from the mainstream. Its in India's own benefit to address perceived victimization and provide the healing touch. Else, Shyam Saran's worst nightmare of the periphery more connected to the neighborhood than to the mainstream will become a more closer reality tomorrow. It is actually progressing in that direction in any case.

[Stan_Savljevic]

seeing reversion and demographic changes

I have a request. Could you elaborate this a little bit?

The Northeast is a setting of contested identities that have not emerged completely. There is much fluidity in this sense. On one fine day, some sub-grouping calls itself Kuki/Chin/Mizo and on another day, it calls itself Naga. That is why there are intra-Kuki slugfests, intra-Naga slugfests (NSCN-IM is Tangkhul Naga vs. NNC was Angami Naga vs. NSCN-K is Konyak Naga), and inter Kuki-Naga slugfests, in addition to slugfests with the CRPF/BSF/AR/Government/establishment/informers. There you go... In the past, this difference used to mean the distinction between a nomadic lifestyle (Naga) vs. settled lifestyle (Mizo), which essentially comes from the terrain that the main groups occupied (Valley/fertile soil for Naga and Hilly terrain for Mizo). These days, the distinction is lesser. This is despite the overall Christianization of the region. Religiosity cannot paper over and cover up sub-identities and there is only so much an overt unifier can unify.

In Mizoram, the Mizos dominate, but the Nagas, Hmars, Brus etc. are not negligible. In Manipur, there is a four-fold toss-up between Hindu Meiteis, Muslim Meiteis (Pangals), Nagas and Kukis. In Meghalaya, its a contest between Garos, Khasis, Jaintias amony many other sub-groupings. As some sub-groups remain fluid in terms of identity, there is a constant pissing off this re-alignment sets in between the main identities. So one group decides to sue for peace with the government, gets pissed off over some takleef act by a sub-group, and reverts back to its terrorism mode to lash out on all kindsa issues including misgovernance or lack of governance, corruption, rights, identities, etc. At the end of the day, people are more aware of the power of demographics and conversion acts than we give them credit for.

Specifically, a Hmar group has taken to terrorism in Mizoram after remaining under the cloud after the Mizos got their "rights" and the state. In Meghalaya, a Garo group (GNLA) has become a pita for everyone, which has forced a Khasi group (HNLC) to not co-opt with the government on its peace moves. Its quite complicated politics, and we dont even understand it completely to pass judgments, but yet we do. What to do... What is worse is to mis-understand when Meiteis say Vaishnavism to think of Vaishanvism as the mainstream knows it. They have their own religion too, you can check it on wiki if you did nt know it already. There is anger against being forced to use Bengali script in "tribal" Tripura, where Kokborok pride has become the norm of the day. The same whine was used by Nagas who whined against the Ahomese for forcing the use of Assamese script for Nagami. Etc etc. When Sana Yaima claims Manipur was a princely state, he is right. It was, but so were a 100 million others. But Manipur was a princely state with its own inner line permits that prevented people from venturing in even during the Brits. That is why we had a NEFA and a NWFP. These were territories that mainstream India could nt/did nt/would nt venture into. You can blame it on the brits, you can blame it on anything, but fact is things have remained isolated. You cant bulldoze development overnight, especially with the mainstream not even making an effort to embrace the periphery.

PS: I wrote more, lost it in the ether.

[Rahul M]

varoon, NE has very legitimate grievances. the problem in the meitei community for example is due to the high level of education in that community coupled with a total lack of employment opportunities. that is an explosive combination for any community. like in many other areas we stupidly continued the british policy and ignored them for far too long. however, unlike stan I am more hopeful about the future.

[Varoon Shekhar]

That's very well written and informative. It's just perplexing that there hasn't been even *one* progressive, visionary leader, over 60 years. Someone who could galvanise the people as a whole into a popular, progressive movement for constructive political, economic and social change.Gun-toting hooligans slaughtering migrant labourers, or when the labourers are not around, butchering other North-Easterners in internecine warfare, does not constitute an elevating, uplifting movement. One can emphasise one's "identity" and the need to preserve that identity, without slaughtering poor migrant labourers or simply someone who speaks in another dialect, or belongs to another "tribe". India generally has not done a good job of publicising these massacres. Recall the 'necklace killings' that extreme elements of the ANC committed during the apartheid era in South Africa. Yet no one doubted the overall justness and progressiveness of the movement. In North East India, these internecine killings have been far, far more, and based almost purely on 'difference', with no overlying vision of a better society.


There should be something inherent in the movement itself that makes people the world over sit up and say "Yes, those people are oppressed, and victims of a severe injustice, thus progressive minded persons should sympathise and even support their cause, because it will be to the benefit of everyone, including India". Perhaps expecting some civility and values in these movements is sissy and wimpy?

[ramana]

Varoon et al see the Myanmar thread to read about the upgrading Sittwe deep water port and the Kaladan River multi modal transit service.

[Stan_Savljevic]

however, unlike stan I am more hopeful about the future.

Its not like I am hopeless. If I were hopeless facing the unifiers and centralists of the forum who keep harping at the regional and sub-regional divides of India, I would have quit this game ages back . At the end of the day, there is blame either side. Sub-regional identities dont arise from thin air or hifalutin conspiracies or resentment borne out of mala-fide intentions or ill-will or opprobrium of the `Other.' They arise from back and forth and in that aspect, many regions of India need to heal: TN, WB, Northeast, Punjab, J&K, the Red Corridor and more. As we speak, this is happening and will continue to happen independent of the patience level of the average J(ing)oe. Claiming that these regions resent the idea of India as is popular these days is just pure missing of the boat. It fits within the grand theme of fitting simplistic theories to complicated realities.

I believe that mainstream India of which we somehow have become an "accidental" part primarily because of good edu/infra/connectivity issues and strange political happenstances should read more before we develop firm and iron-clad opinions on many matters.

[Stan_Savljevic]

It's just perplexing that there hasn't been even *one* progressive, visionary leader, over 60 years.

I assume your time-frame starts from 1950 from what I can guess. Because Lokapriya Gopinath Bordoloi was one such figure. How do you rate Lalthenhawla's abdication in favor of Laldenga to secure the Mizo Accord? Have you seen any parallels in India today? While you cast the stone at the Northeast for lack of progressive and visionary leaders, what is your standard on the rest of India? To me, politics in India (at large) is purely local and inward looking and very very few have migrated from that aspect to donning the visionary hat. Even those who don the visionary hat don the dual hat of being petty when it matters and generous when it matters. Indira asked Vajpayee to address the UN session on J&K affairs, Vajpayee characterized her as Durga mata, yet she was the one who put him in jail under MISA. Needless to say, piegonholing the region on ambiguous questions will only lead to more confusion, not less .

Gun-toting hooligans slaughtering migrant labourers, or when the labourers are not around, butchering other North-Easterners in internecine warfare, does not constitute an elevating, uplifting movement.

Labor migrates towards need. The Ahomese invited the Bengali laborers (primarily Muslim and secondarily Hindu) not in 1970s, but from 1890 and up. These laborers made Assam their own home, worked hard on shady and unfertile lands, and brought some sustainable model of the economy. While things looked settled, pre-Partition fears undid all these and created some newer fears on what could become Banga-Assam, which obviously did nt come from nowhere but from honored wretches such as Maulana Bhasani. Look at all the people BD honors by naming its airports and symbols: Shah Jalal, Bhasani, Suhrawardy, ... You cant blame insecurity on one party here. Its a two way street. You cant ask the Assamese to be not insecure when they have precedents of their own stupidities right in front of them. You can understand their fears, and coax them to develop a win-win. Not berate them for the crimes of a few.

On the same question, where did you think the bonhomie between Rabindranath Tagore and the Manikya King, Bir Bikram come from? Out of thin air and out of intellectual curiosity alone?! Why do you think there is a Manik Sarkar government in Tripura today? Are the fears of NLFT and ATTF of being swamped in "their" own lands a suspicion arising out of grandstanding or is it real and on the ground? In India and at many places, victims of many crimes get some sympathy. Over time, the same victims become victimizers. Murphy's first unwritten law on human behavior states that it is just human tendency to become an oiseaule if left to oneself. The second unwritten law states that some people are kind with the right hand and oiseaulish with the left. You can add more . How else do you explain the BCs in TN fighting for assertion on the one hand and putting down SCs on the other? Maya?!