North East & Eastern Himalayan: News & Discussion

D Roy · Post by **D Roy** » 08 Dec 2012 14:12

People should know their Mahabharata.

Arjuna's most valiant son who defeated him in battle ( during the course of the Ashwamedh) was Bhabhruvahana whose mother Chitrangada was the princess of Manipur.

And who trained Bhabhruvhana? - Uloopi of course, Arjuna's naga princess wife.

And yes yes I know the naysayers on this forum will contest which "naga" ( i.e mythical serpent race etc) group did Uloopi belong to. But don't worry, she belonged to the right one. People should remember that Naga deity worship was always very strong in the eastern part of India.

Manipur and Nagaland are both an integral part of India's history as seen in the Mahabharata. They are as indic as indic does.

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 13 Jan 2013 18:02

A lot of drama has happened between the nagas and meitei in the last month or so.

A meitei film actress was doing a stage show in a naga dominated region inside manipur when a naga militant from the NSCN-IM faction molested her and assaulted others, fired some rounds. Several meitei organisations have held mass protests in last few weeks demanding arrest of the NSCN-IM militant, anal livingstone. The manipur govt does not have the power to arrest anal because the central govt has restricted them from doing so since the GoI and NSCN-IM are engaged in ongoing talks. Livingstone is still walking free.

In the after math, few insurgents from the meitei group raped two tribal(maybe naga) girls.
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During the british raj, the english had a problem in dealing with the tribal nature of the people living in the eastern belt of north-east india. A few baptist missionaries were able to penetrate their society and calm them down. The british incorporated evangelism in their forward policy to extract compliance from north east. Post independence(1947), the GoI carry forwarded and sustained that policy for NE india. Till recently(~2000), no one was allowed to venture into the north-east except the locals and missionaries.

The policy has been helpful to india but quick solutions often leave complex problems. Christianity has become a political weapon against peripheral tribes while most christian societies in NE border closely around fundamentalism with state politics and student bodies echoing the call of the church. The meiteis of manipur have come within the firing range of the nagas.

Ceasefire pact successful, says Lt Gen (Retd) Kulkarni, Naga civil society meet in Delhi Pan Naga Development Council likely to be final settlement

The nagas of manipur have been protesting for their own state which is supposed to join with nagaland for the grand culmination of "Nagalim" - a christian state which they believe can unite all naga tribes(almost a dozen) under one state.

The problem for manipur is that while the naga population is small, they still sparsely occupy more than half of manipur which is now subject to be ripped apart. The meitei's also lack a corridor which can connect them to the rest of india for supplies. This gives the tribals the ability to enforce a successful economic blockade on the meitei population.
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The whole GoI - NSCN(IM) talks are a farce because it cannot solve the problem of the north east. The GoI is basically trying to keep calm with broken promises.

Apologies if the below article was already posted but it explains what is happening in north-east in an explicit manner

Chasing a chimeric peace

Come Assembly elections in Nagaland, orchestrated noises claiming that peace is within reach are bound to get louder. Political actors know that traumatised by decades of external and internal bloodletting, the Naga craves nothing more than peace. The recent demonstrations of competitive eagerness by Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio and Nagaland’s legislators to support the ‘peace’ purportedly being cooked between Delhi and the NSCN (IM) were nothing but drama. In a political two-step, Union Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde has assured the Nagas of a ‘peace’ gift before the elections early next year.

The Naga public, however, is all too familiar with this periodic show. They know that peace is a distant dream — not inherently distant but because Delhi, by design or default, makes it so. They know that by ignoring the crucial stakeholders and pampering a set of gun-toting men who have little resonance with the broad Naga family, Delhi might cobble together a deal — one that will bring anything but peace.

The polemics of the fractious Naga politics have been rendered more complex by Delhi’s reckless interventions. Instead of appreciating the intricacies of the Naga polity — comprising over 25 tribes, each a proud owner and inheritor of a distinct culture, language, tradition and geography, espousing a distinct world view, falling within the broad rubric of the Naga family — Delhi deals with it as if it were a homogenous collective with common aspirations. Thus it believes that making a deal with one set would satisfy the rest. How else to explain its abiding faith in the peace process with the NSCN (IM), quintessentially an entity of Tangkhul tribes of Manipur, having little resonance with other Nagas notwithstanding its pan-Naga(nagalim) rhetoric?

Powerful groups ignored

There are other potent Naga militias aligned along tribal lines not in the orbit of the Centre’s peace enterprise. The NSCN (K) holds sway over almost the entire eastern Nagaland — nearly half the State and its people — and resonates well with the locals including the Konyaks, the largest of Naga tribes.

The NSCN (KK) — essentially a militia of the Sumis, one of the larger Naga tribes — control a large swathe of Nagaland adjoining Manipur and also has heavy presence in Dimapur district. The Naga National Council (NNC), the mother of all Naga militias though now a rump of its older self, deeply resonates with the Angamis, the second largest Naga tribe, and their kin tribes in Kohima and adjoining regions. Besides these militias, the traditional bodies that carry much weight with their respective tribes, are also not in the reckoning of Delhi’s peace enterprise.

The peace project, thus severely truncated, got further undermined with the exclusion of the Nagaland State government. I.K. Gujral, the Prime Minister who presided over the formalisation of engagement with the NSCN (IM) in 1997, decided to ignore the State government. He did it, in the face of professional advice to the contrary, to placate the belligerent Th. Muivah, the NSCN (IM) supremo. To Mr. Muivah, the popularly elected Nagaland government was illegitimate and S.C. Jamir, the then Chief Minister, was his bête noire. Nagaland and Delhi had different political dispensations at the helm then, making it easier for Mr. Gujral to ignore Mr. Jamir. Subsequent governments in Delhi preferred not to rock the boat and nonchalantly carried on with the charade.

Having achieved exclusion of the State government from the process, Mr. Muivah insisted on Mr. Jamir’s removal. He knew his biggest challenge was not managing a distant Delhi but an inconvenient Naga government at home. In the run-up to 2003 elections — the first after the ceasefire — he threw tantrums seeking Mr. Jamir’s dismissal and holding elections under President’s Rule. K. Padmanabhaiah, the Centre’s interlocutor, played along and sought to influence L.K. Advani, the then Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister. Mr. Advani was not moved, but the Assam Rifles — a Central force with the mandate to enforce the ceasefire rules and ensure that armed NSCN (IM) cadres remained confined to designated camps and did not interfere in the elections — turned a blind eye to widespread violations by the outfit.

Tactical alliance

Mr. Muivah’s boys had the field to themselves. They targeted candidates not aligned with the NSCN (IM). Popular cries for reining them in went unheard. Mr. Muivah had propped up Neiphiu Rio, a renegade Congressman turned acolyte who had forged a tactical electoral alliance with the BJP, the ruling party in Delhi.

Mr. Rio came to power and his government became a proxy for the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagalim (GPRN), of which Mr. Muivah is the self-styled ‘prime minister’. Many a times it became difficult to determine who ruled the State — Mr. Rio or Mr. Muivah.

With the State government’s backing, the NSCN (IM) sought to enlarge its footprint in Nagaland. Its manoeuvres provoked a fierce backlash from other Naga militias. Bloody clashes ensued. The State witnessed an unprecedented spike in violence until the rivals undid the military gains of the NSCN (IM) and restored the balance of power in their favour. Over 800 people were killed in about 1,500 bloody clashes with the NSCN (IM). Though constitutionally mandated to maintain public order, Mr. Rio extricated himself from his responsibility on the plea that the State government was not a party to the ‘peace process’ with the militias and it was for the Centre to rein them in.

Excluded from the ‘peace-process’ and its obligations, Mr. Rio was free to give currency to the ‘revolutionary’ vocabulary of ultra-Naga nationalists. He reversed previous State governments’ policy of ‘equidistance’ from all militias and advocated a policy of ‘equi-closeness’. He debunked the 16-point agreement between the Centre and the Naga People’s Convention in 1959 and called the Nagaland State, its product, illegitimate. Indeed, he tried to turn the clock of Naga history back to the 1950s, negating all the gains since then.

Misery in Manipur

Another crucial stakeholder excluded from the ongoing peace project is the Manipur government. Delhi’s hush-hush deal with the NSCN (IM) has devastated Manipur and brought untold miseries to its people. Since the professed objective of the outfit is to dismember the State and take away two-thirds of its territory, a protracted negotiation with it without the Manipur government on board has given room for wild speculations and stirred visceral existential fears among Manipuris. It resurrected the Metei insurgency. It has turned neighbours — the plainspeople and the hill people — into bitter enemies.

It is impossible to expect a sustainable peace from the ongoing process between Delhi and the NSCN (IM). An endeavour for peace that excludes crucial stakeholders is a travesty.

(R.N. Ravi is a retired Special Director, Intelligence Bureau. E-mail: [email protected].)

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 21 Jan 2013 21:08

This is the first part of a release statement from a section of the naga tribe(maybe the Tangkhuls) that advocates a mix of communism and christian nationalism, they want a christian country called "nagalim". These people currently hold influential positions in militancy activities and administrations posts in certain parts of naga areas. They are talking about the future course of actions with the GoI. It's a bit big.

Nagalim: Indo-Naga Cease Fire Analysis - Part 1 -

Exploration of policy alternatives/ recommendations and strategies for their Implementation

Naga International Support Centre:

Contents

I. Introduction
II. Achievement
III. Problems with the current approach
IV. Why GOI is interested in Cease-fire
V. What Nagas need to know
VI. Options
VII. Recommendations
VIII. Conclusion

Indo-Naga Cease fire (1997-2009)

I. Introduction:

The historic Indo-Naga peace talks held on 31 July 2007 at Circuit House, Dimapur extended the cease-fire between the Government of India and the NSCN (I-M) for an indefinite period of time, albeit with the focal condition that it is "subject to the progress of the talks". The implication of this agreement is that any slackness on the center's part would result in the talks being called off at "any time". The change in the condition of cease-fire has been acclaimed as a tactical move to put pressure on the Government of India to be on their toes. The two sides till now have held 59 rounds of talks both in India and abroad. However, no headway seems to have been made on the core issues. The objective of this paper is to explore a set of policy alternatives/ recommendations and outline a strategy for implementing them. It is also the objective of this paper to expose the mind of the Government of India.

II. Achievements:

Though the Cease-fire has not brought any substantive progress on the core issues, it has created a conducive ground situation for continued engagement between India and the Nagas represented by the collective leadership. A relatively peaceful law and order and security situation has been prevailing not only within the territory of Nagaland state where cease-fire is formally effective but in the adjoining states as well since the declaration of cease-fire in 1997. The Naga collective leadership has proved to the Government of India and the outside world that Nagas are peace-loving people and want to resolve this long-standing issue peacefully. During this period the collective leadership has explicitly made it clear to the Government of India that resolving this issue will be to their mutual benefit. The Government of India seems to have understood what exactly the Nagas want while on its part; it is yet to come up with its position. It will never.

III. Problems with the Current approach:

A press statement issued by the MIP of NSCN (I-M) during the last extension of the cease-fire reportedly had said that its leaders had flayed the Government of India for what was described as "hurting the sentiment of the Nagas". Rightly so. The Government of India has not responded to any of the core proposals made by the Naga leaders despite holding 59 rounds of talks.

For the GoI, it appears imperative to solve the Naga issue while maintaining the country's territorial integrity. Government of India is aware that it is indispensable to look beyond the Mizoram or Punjab models to find a permanent solution to the Naga problem, but there is no model yet in its mind. Consequently, the Government of India rather than providing a point-to-point answer to the demands of the NSCN (IM) simply states its willingness to solve the crisis. Nevertheless, the perpetual extension of the terms of the cease-fire on the pretext of proper implementation of the agreements through periodic reviews is clearly seen as a ploy of the GOI to buy time in order to bury the peace process under the wrap of time.

On the integration issue, the Government seems to be reluctant to make a commitment because of the serious problems associated with it. None of these states which has Naga population are likely to accept the NSCN (IM)'s demand. Even as the talk is between the GOI and the Nagas, the Government is unlikely to cede the territories of other states claimed by the Nagas. The Government of India has been time and again giving assurances to these states that their territorial integrity will be respected (at all cost?). Then the only motive of the GoI, it is speculated, is to extend the term of the cease-fire for as long as possible and sit on it.

In the face of this inbuilt stasis in the peace talks it is suggested that the period of ceasefire must be used to strengthen the Naga issues. A formidable task before the Nagas is emotional integration even before territorial integration is realized. Lamentably, there are no social-political institutions in Naga society adequately equipped that can be tasked to achieving this emotional integration. This is made even more difficult with the emergence of vested interest since the creation of Nagaland State in 1963. The last 50 years have also taught Naga political leaders the comfort of power and money and the art of double speak (Money has been flowing in to Nagaland in the name of curbing insurgency. Nagaland with a population of 19.88 lakhs (2001) has a budget of 3599 crs (2006-7) compared to Manipuri with a population of 23.88 lakhs with a budget of only 3362 crs). They have not allowed the public to come together by building their own constituents.

It is for a matter of record that Nagas are being administered by four state governments taught by four different educational boards and there is a wide difference in economic and social status of the Nagaland Nagas and the Nagas outside Nagaland. It seems that these fissures have become so deep seated that despite the various integration meetings subsequent to the ongoing peace process, not much headway has been made at the ground level. Quit notices are being issued to members of certain non- Nagaland Naga tribes working in Nagaland even now with disconcerting regularity. Evidently, a lot needs to be done in strengthening the existing institutions to achieve a real integration.

IV. Why GOI is interested in cease-fire

It is important here to delve a little deeper as to why GOI would like to continue the current cease fire as long as possible. The obvious reason of course is GOI has nothing to lose while it has been reaping enormous tactical gains. There are two main reasons: 1. To facilitate GOI's Look east policy. 2. And through this development process, weaken and disintegrate the cadre and other outfits in the region.

GOI has a huge agenda in the North East states as a land bridge to the ASEAN countries to aggressively push its 'Look East policy'. The relatively peaceful atmosphere during the peace process has been successfully used to facilitate this policy. In early 1990s India initiated economic liberalization process and simultaneously launched the 'Look east policy'. ASEAN was then thriving with economic boom-known as 'Asian Tigers'. This policy was reinforced and intensified by the BJP government and the present UPA government.

1. Look east policy has several components which include political, economic, security and strategic.

i. Political: 1990s saw the need for India to engage with the ASEAN. India moved very fast. India is a member of ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) since 1996 and has acceded to ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), became a summit partner to ASEAN in 2002 and signed the ASEAN-India Partnership for peace, Progress and shard Prosperity in 2004. She is also a founding member of East Asia Summit (EAS) in 2006. India is now closely entwined in ASEAN process. While actively engaging with other ASEAN countries, India is sponsoring many development projects in CLMV (Cambodia, Loas, Myanmar & Vietnam) countries for meaningful integration of these countries with the rest of ASEAN.

ii. Economic: Ever since the launching of India's Look east policy and the onset of regional integration of Southeast Asia, both India and ASEAN have developed a mutual comprehensive understanding in terms of shared vulnerabilities, shared economic progress and common stake in creating a peaceful and prosperous Asian Economic Community. The signing of the Framework Agreement on comprehensive Economic Cooperation and the signing of an ASEAN-India Free Trade Area (AIFTA) with the combine GDP of 1.5 trillion and a market of 1.5 billion people is the most obvious example of growing synergy between India and ASEAN. India has been intensifying its trade relation with Myanmar in the recent past because it has some strategic implications for India. Myanmar is the only member of ASEAN that shares a border with India and a greater connectivity with Myanmar would provide India the gateway to ASEAN. Trade relations with Myanmar can also accelerate the development process in Northeast India and thus India is interested to invest in various infrastructure projects in Myanmar

iii. Security & Strategic: The proposed land linkage to the ASEAN countries through India's North east and Myanmar will give a distinct security and strategic gain to India. The improving infrastructure and up gradation of military facilities will facilitate easy and quick movement of military hardware to the border areas as and when contingencies arise which in turn will largely constraint the free movement of insurgent groups and the conduct of gorilla warfare.

iv. China factor: India has learnt a hard lesson from the loss it had suffered in the early 1990s. While it was giving ideological lecture to the military junta, the Chinese never slept to aggressively push down its influence (political, economic & military) in Myanmar. Now India is struggling hard to somehow compete if not contain that influence. With the Coco Islands on lease from Myanmar, China can access the Indian Ocean and has facilities to not only watch the naval activities on the eastern cost of India but also to spy on India's missile launching program. China's influence in Myanmar can disturb India's maritime strategic calculations as China can access the Arabian Sea via Pakistan's Gwadar port and the Indian Ocean via Myanmar. In addition, China has also signed an agreement to develop the harbour of Hambantota in Sri Lanka. Chinese access to these strategic locations can provide the potential for a maritime encirclement of India by China. China is also assisting Myanmar to develop its naval bases in Sittwe, Hianggyi, Khaukphyu, Mergui and Zadetkyikyan by building radar and refuelling facilities that could help Chinese submarine operations in the Bay of Bengal.

2. Implication to Northeast and Naga movement:

Physical infrastructure in the region will definitely improve because this region has to serve as a land bridge to the east. However, sadly, the inflow of large investment of big capital will also be used for exploiting rich mineral, hydro and bio diversity resources of the region particularly of the Nagas. In this process certain group of people will immensely benefit although the gap between the rich and poor will further widen. The interested group including local politicians will not want to share the benefit with the public in general and with tribes outside Nagaland in particular. The enthusiasm for territorial integration will rock the bottom. Secondly, as many members of the cadre will be benefitted from this development process as already been seen during the last 10 years of peace process, their love for comfortable civil life will continue to be a huge stumbling block for the movement's sustenance.

V. What Nagas need to know:

The Nagas need to know that it will be almost impossible for any underground faction to eliminate another faction, partly because every faction has a support base both within and outside Naga territory. All the factions must know by now that there are people within Nagaland/Nagalim who would like to see factional fightings continue so they can continue amassing wealth for themselves. In this the vested interests are in unison with outside forces who wish to divide and rule the Nagas.

All the factions should also be aware that unless they come together and deal with the Government of India (GOI) unitedly, separate and piecemeal negotiation will simply give GOI ample time to prepare sophisticated strategies to ensure that Naga political struggle does not progress any further. By now all the factions ought to realize that Assam (Asom), Manipur, and Arunachal, emboldened by the tacit support of GOI, will continue to oppose integration of all contiguous Naga. But what is most appalling is that the Nagas are at war with each other. Let us be very clear about this: the GOI will get serious only when the Nagas are united; until such time they will continue to play politics indefinitely. Time is the essence.

The Nagas need to learn from the very struggle of India for independence against the Britishers. In the struggle for India's independence, the freedom fighters resorted to different paths- some moderate and the others extreme in the early 20th Century. This differences in approaches (on one side led by Mahatma Gandhi and on the other by Subash Chandra Boss raising his own army outside India and collaborating with the axis power during the World War II) continued till the dawn of India's independence. However, their goal was just one namely, the independence of India. The freedom fighters drained their energies in expelling the external forces and not on eliminating each other. Is there a lesson for us in this?

The Nagas must know that even though armed aggression has stopped during cease-fire a new threat is emerging in the shape of economic offensive, where in the name of development nagas will be integrated and subordinated to mainland India. It is interesting to note that while the peace process is being on, the GoI has intensified its efforts in focusing on the development of the Northeast region. 10 % of the Union budget is allocated for the region while the population and area of the region are mere 3.88% (2001 census) and around 8% respectively. Particularly, the state of Nagaland will be benefiting in the coming years with many developmental and educational projects. The current budget has allocated Rs 700 crores for rail link from Dimapur to Kohima, Nagaland will get its own High Court very soon and its university is being upgraded by opening new engineering college and Medical College while the Nagas living in other states remain marginalized and dejected. Recently two SEZs have been announced. It has been reported that Nagaland has opened up for oil exploration (Champang Oil) that will accrue to the State Government to the tune of US$ 115 million in the coming 3-4 years. While one can understand the reason why NSCN (IM) has become a stakeholder of this project, it casts a doubt as to how it will serve the interest of the Naga movement. Prosperity breeds revolutionary lethargy. Moreover, large investment of big capital inevitably leads to increasing power of money bags, who in the current reality of the sub-continent are from the mainland; it also leads to inflow of skilled and unskilled workforce that too will flow in from the mainland. For instance, Wokha that is the site of hydal project also witnessed the highest growth of population in the decadal census of 1991-2001. What will be the impact of all this on Naga society?

VI. Options

1) Staying on course

The current approach does not seem to be very useful for the furtherance of the cause of the Nagas. Some of the reasons are:

i. There has not been any forward movement in the core issues proposed by the collective leadership. The reasons may be: a) the proposals put forward by the collective leadership entail a major constitutional changes that no political leaders of any party in India would like to imagine. b) Nagas remain as disunited as ever and Government of India still has enough maneuvering space. c) Any concession to the Nagas will open a Pandora box.

ii. While the talk seems to be facing a wall, the Naga cadre specially, the arm cadre has apparently become complacent after experiencing the comfort of civil life. There have been reports that the instructions for dispersal of government funds in Ukhrul District are flowing from Hebron camp. Will this blur the vision of the middle rung cadre, is a question which needs objective answer. The cadre has also become even more venerable due to their complete exposure to Indian intelligence department over the last more than one decade in terms of the details of their sympathizers, movements, personal contacts. How easy for the GOI to crack down once the peace process ceases.

iii. The peace period has led to disproportionate prosperity of Nagaland without much progress on the core issues. While prosperity of our Naga brethren in Nagaland should not be a cause of envy for others, but when it is used as tool by GOI to blunt the sharpness of Naga nationalism and create friction and discord in Naga polity, this needs to be viewed and judged critically. It is not in the interest of a nation to have half of its populations feasting in the banquette of its enemies.

iv. The current peace process has not brought much internal unity. In fact it has increased competition among the factions to get the attention of the Government of India. NSCN (K) has separately declared cease-fire with the GOI and NNC has been trying to reassert its importance. Much effort to bring together all factions have not achieved anything much. While the NSCN (I-M) is trying to negotiate with the GOI, NSCN (K) has condemned the NSCN (IM) for having dropped sovereignty in the list of its demands. Whereas NSCN (K) has not come up with any proposals for settlement and been dumped by NSCN (I-M) as a stooge in the hands of some politicians who are at loggerhead with the collective leadership. How long will this war of words go on? And who, ultimately benefits?

v. It may be mentioned here that India has not fought war for the last 35 years now; it is an emerging regional and economic power, a de facto nuclear power and signatory to almost all United Nations Conventions. It has almost all the institutions and mechanism to counter any anti-Indian propaganda. In view of this, it may not be very easy to convince its good will to understand and grant what the Nagas want. India is doing a sleeping act-it is difficult to wake up a person who is not actually sleeping. Granting any concession whatsoever outside the parameter of Indian constitution is more of face loss than gaining international applause for doing democratic charity. J& K, which had special status with separate constitution, separate flag etc. when it began its statehood is today as ordinary as any other state in India. This is the kind of game India is playing with Nagas too.

2) Withdrawal from cease-fire:

Withdrawing from the cease-fire at this juncture is not a viable option either. I do not know the exact strength and preparedness of the cadre. However, it may not be difficult to assume that a) our cadres who are in the camp and in other various mission are not mentally prepared to go underground now. b) Withdrawal from the cease-fire without any tactical preparation will leave the movement in shamble. There is possibility of resistance from some quarter that will be detrimental to the interest of the movement. There is a need to show to the world that the movement can withstand the shift from peace process to any other eventuality. And it appears that it is not ready yet for that. VII.

Recommendations

New approach:

While the ten-year long cease-fire appears to have not produced the desired result, immediate withdrawal is likely to lead to a more difficult situation. The new approach recommends a planned withdrawal with a series of spade-work. The planning will have three components.

1) Internal:

While outcome of the ongoing negotiation will depend on various variables, the two most important of them are the internal strengths of the negotiating parties and the external pressure the internal factor can generate. In our case, it is the strength of NSCN (I-M) and its capacity to hold the Naga society together including integrating (NSCN (K) and NNC) into its fold. We have witnessed during the last 60 years of our struggle how difficult it is to have solidarity/unity in Naga society. One cannot undermine the importance of unity among Nagas at this juncture. There are three options to deal with other factions:

i) Elimination of other factions: Since the signing of the Accord in 1975 and the cruel annihilation attempt by (K) in 1989, the three groups appear to be trying to eliminate each other, physically if possible. However, time has told us that this has not happened and will not happen as each group has its own support base in the society. There are also other vested interest and external forces operating taking advantage of this disunity. We have seen the worst happening now- the deepening hatred between the factions. ii) Appeal for reconciliation with condition: In the recent times, NSCN (I-M) has tried to put the past behind and appealed to the conscience of the other two factions (NSCN (K) and NNC) of their heinous crimes of the past. It had called the other two to severe ties with the common enemy as a condition for reconciliation.

While the softening of its stand of NSCN (IM) is to be appreciated, this does not appear to appeal the other two factions. Main reasons among others can be: a) the leadership of the other two factions seem to have lost vision for the Nagas. In this vision vacuum, there is no incentive for them to renounce the leadership position they are commanding in their respective factions and become subservient to the collective leadership of NSCN (I-M). On the other hand, they are enjoying the patronages of some Naga politician and the Government of India. b) This strong disincentives will not allow their already elated egos to say sorry for their past wrong doing. c) With the kind of bitterness and venoms that have been spewing at each other over the past several years, it may be very difficult for them to be convinced that the forgiveness can be genuine and there is no hook attached to it.

iii) Appeal for reconciliation without condition: While one can understand the difficulty for the collective leadership to extend unconditional reconciliation, there seems to be no other way but to recourse to this. Even this offer is unlikely to move the minds of the leaders of other factions for the reason stated above. However, it will manifest the immense strength of the collective leadership to the Naga society and will mount pressure on other factions. It is the general perception of the Naga society that in doing so no compromise of principle will be made but instead enhance the credibility of the collective leadership. The arguments for this approach are:

The ultimate goal of Naga movement is peace and rights of the Nagas to live as a nation. Naga society is weak and this is more the reason why Nagas need to stand together. It is the way of showing sincerity of the collective leadership and its inner strength to forgive without condition for the greater cause of the Naga people.

If the other factions still reject this offer (which is likely), their motives will be exposed and their support base will shrink.

If the collective leadership is positive that the other factions will respond to such appeal and at the same time cannot help nurturing bitterness against them- still this approach is apt because 'revenge tastes best when it is cold'.

iv) Models of reconciliation: In recent times of the world history, eleven countries have set up reconciliation commissions under various nomenclatures such as 'Truth and Reconciliation Commission', 'Reconciliation Commission' etc. Most of these Commissions are set up within a sovereign country to reconcile the crimes perpetrated by two parties (Government on one hand and liberation forces on the other, if there is) within the country. A few including Timor Leste set up the TRC for reconciling between two countries (Indonesia and Timor Leste). Some of these Commissions are set up to investigate the crime committed by one party while in most cases (including South Africa) to investigate the crimes committed by both the parties. The Commissions are set up, of course, after the event of the crime.

Irrespective of the situations they have been set up, the main intention of these commissions is political and nation building (in case of internal) and smoothening bilateral relations (in case of two independent countries). After going through all these models, it is difficult for Naga case to draw a parallel with any one of them. Two main difficulties in drawing parallel are: There is no legal recognized state authority to set up such Commission. Thus there is no sovereign pressure on the erring parties to honour the findings of the investigation. These reconciliations are purely political in nature, while the need to have reconciliation among all factions in Naga movement is functional and operational because we are still a struggling nation.

Reconciliation in case of the above examples is an effort to make the past become a history. Whereas, reconciliation effort in Naga struggle process will be to create history of liberation.

Unless Naga people unite and stand up as one people, Government of India will not take us seriously. We, Nagas need to find our own model for reconciliation in the interest of Naga nation.

Reconciliation process should also include our Kuki brothers living in the so called 'Naga territory'. As one looks back, the early 1990s upheaval was a retarding factor for the movement. Whether we like it or not, Nagas and Kukis share the same future and the sooner we make the Kuki brothers realize this the better it is for both. It is necessary that being a larger and more responsible community, Nagas need to relentlessly extend good will to them and win their confidence. I am made to understand that Kukis in Nagaland are at peace with our counterpart Naga brothers there.

To be continued ....

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 21 Jan 2013 21:39

btw, those who are looking to track the activities in the NE, here are some sites;

thesangaiexpress.com - run by meitei ethnic group

e-pao.net - divergent views. maybe run by a group comprising many ethnic groups(meitei, nagas, kukis etc)

hueiyenlanpao.com - run by meiteis

morungexpress.com - naga ethnic groups

nagalandpost.com - naga ethnic groups

assamtribune.com
theshillongtimes.com
northeasttoday.in

youtube.com/user/istvnetwork This is the closest thing for a video news service served in english and meitei

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 28 Jan 2013 19:58

F$%king idiot.

Punjab politician, Ajit Singh Mofar has come up with a solution to the stray dog menace - "Dump them in the North East"

Agnimitra · Post by **Agnimitra** » 28 Jan 2013 23:52

nvishal wrote:F$%king idiot.

Punjab politician, Ajit Singh Mofar has come up with a solution to the stray dog menace - "Dump them in the North East"

Surely there's got to be a way Mr. 'Mofo' can be sued for such "jokes" in a legislative assembly?

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 07 Feb 2013 17:27

North east update:

45 militants from People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak surrendered to the assam rifles

Random dead bodies keep turning up from places. Don't know if they are related to militancy or just normal law and order problem

A few crude bombs went off in manipur on republics day making a mockery of the intense police security. Thankfully, no one was killed. Leaving religious, cultural and ethnic differences aside, the civil society and numerous education institutions came out on the street for a display of cultural heritage shows - click here for many photos

Elections in nagaland. Dominant naga groups had urged new delhi to settle the naga issue before the elections. Naga issue in short is a demand to merge all naga inhabited regions into one autonomous administrative body which means tearing away huge parts of manipur along with assam and arunachal. A solution has been pending in talks since decades. Meanwhile election rallys have begun with sonia gandhi expected to visit. The Nagaland Peoples Front has urged people to boycott the congress. Election manipulations by the militant groups are common.

member_20036 · Post by **member_20036** » 08 Feb 2013 22:39

chaanakya · Post by **chaanakya** » 09 Feb 2013 20:44

nvishal wrote:North east update:

45 militants from People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak surrendered to the assam rifles

Random dead bodies keep turning up from places. Don't know if they are related to militancy or just normal law and order problem

A few crude bombs went off in manipur on republics day making a mockery of the intense police security. Thankfully, no one was killed. Leaving religious, cultural and ethnic differences aside, the civil society and numerous education institutions came out on the street for a display of cultural heritage shows - click here for many photos

Elections in nagaland. Dominant naga groups had urged new delhi to settle the naga issue before the elections. Naga issue in short is a demand to merge all naga inhabited regions into one autonomous administrative body which means tearing away huge parts of manipur along with assam and arunachal. A solution has been pending in talks since decades. Meanwhile election rallys have begun with sonia gandhi expected to visit. The Nagaland Peoples Front has urged people to boycott the congress. Election manipulations by the militant groups are common.

That is a very nice set of photos. Thanks.

I think they deserve presence in RD Parade.
Area looks very clean and roads in good condition.

member_20036 · Post by **member_20036** » 19 Feb 2013 22:25

NAGALAND election

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 20 Feb 2013 00:34

For those wondering about the nature of elections in nagaland... it is no different than any other part of india. The regions are divided into turfs with each tribal militia supervising their territory. People are vulnerable and a few hundred rupees is enough to buy their votes. Groups raise unrealistic(and overlapping) demands with the centre and this is turned into a manifesto for elections.

There are always two parallel running govts in nagaland:
1) official govt, ie the elected ones and
2) unofficial govt, ie the tribal organised mafia. They're not actual militants but self styled only.

No 2 engages in year long extortion, kidnapping etc to fund their unofficial govt activities. Reports of incoming supply trucks through national highways being illegally taxed are common. The official govt is always compromised with militant supporters so it ignores the other govt. The groups do occasionally execute their victims.

Supratik · Post by **Supratik** » 27 Feb 2013 01:03

Was looking for the geographical limitations of the demand for Kamtapur state and found it here

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1120709/j ... S0RlTBBM0k

It basically covers the entire North Bengal and Western Assam and overlaps Gorkhaland and Bodoland. If these two states are formed expect the Kamtapur demand to get energized. Two potential benefits are that it will be a good counterbalance to illegal immigration from Bd and free the tribal regions from venal Bengali and Assamese politicians and political parties.

Supratik · Post by **Supratik** » 27 Feb 2013 01:15

http://www.sentinelassam.com/mainnews/s ... 2-21&ppr=1

Rabha hasong autonomous council elections are coming up. RHAC comprises Goalpara and parts of Kamrup districts of Assam. Instead of autonomous councils for each tribe the entire Western Assam and North Bengal can be joined to form a separate tribal state.

RamaY · Post by **RamaY** » 27 Feb 2013 02:08

When are the results coming out?

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 28 Feb 2013 13:49

@Supratik
There's a huge problem with setting up more autonomous councils in the NE to pacify the local protests. In the long run, these autonomous regions will not develop economically or socially because of the restriction of movements of people and material from other tribes and the people beyond NE. There are just too many autonomous councils in the NE and the place is ripe to explode into more ab-normalcy in the future.

-----------
Centre to act tough on NE insurgents

e-pao.net/epSubPageExtractor.asp?src=news_section.News_Links.News_Links_2013.Centre_to_act_tough_on_NE_insurgents_20130225

“We realized signing agreements with militant groups just for the sake of peace is not working out. The moment we sign a peace agreement with a group, another faction crops up within the same group and which starts opposing the talks,” said a senior government official.

“In the name of operational cease-fire agreements, these outfits besides breaking up into factions with diverse stands, also keep the weapons in their own possession, they keep on procuring weapons and ammunition from domestic sources or even from abroad, and continue with their training activities. This has prompted the new thinking in government circles,” the source said.

The article doesn't name the source so I'm not sure if there is indeed a policy change in NE. The current policy of new delhi wrt NE is to make ceasefire/peace deals with the local militant groups in lieu of autonomy etc etc. After decades of peace deals, the policy has yet not managed to normalize the region with continuing incidences of extortions, kidnappings, bomb blasts and shootouts.

Supratik · Post by **Supratik** » 28 Feb 2013 16:31

nvishal wrote:@Supratik
There's a huge problem with setting up more autonomous councils in the NE to pacify the local protests. In the long run, these autonomous regions will not develop economically or socially because of the restriction of movements of people and material from other tribes and the people beyond NE. There are just too many autonomous councils in the NE and the place is ripe to explode into more ab-normalcy in the future.

It is a Hobson's choice. If you go by the current status quo it means tribals totally overwhelmed by Bdeshis supported by the Assamese and Bengali political regimes or you have tribal no-go areas e.g. autonomous councils or states which limits non-tribal rights specially on land like in Arunachal. I would go with the latter even if it is imperfect.

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 01 Mar 2013 13:21

RamaY wrote:When are the results coming out?

The usual incumbents have been voted back into power

LF back in Tripura, NPF in Nagaland and Congress in Meghalaya

The Left Front, which has won for the fifth consecutive term in Tripura, secured a three fourths majority with 50 of the 60 seats, with major partner CPI(M) itself securing 49.

In Nagaland, NPF swept back to power for the third consecutive time winning absolute majority securing 38 of the 59 seats. Election in one seat was countermanded following the death of a candidate.

In Meghalaya, the Congress bagged 29 of the 60 seats, falling two short of an absolute majority

Meghalaya Result Status (60/60 constituencies)
Indian National Congress 29
Nationalist Congress Party 2
Hill State People’s Democratic Party 4
National People’s Party 2
United Democratic Party 8
Others 15

Nagaland Result Status (59/60 constituencies)
Naga Peoples Front 38
Indian National Congress 8
Nationalist Congress Party 4
Bharatiya Janata Party 1
Janata Dal (United) 1
Others 7

Tripura Result Status (60/60 constituencies)
Communist Party of India (Marxist) 49
Communist Party of India 1
Indian National Congress 10

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 14 Mar 2013 18:22

51 kids(many from North-east) found in inhuman homes in Jaipur

Jaipur, March 13: Fifty-one children lured with promises of a good life by a purported pastor but starved and kept locked up amid dirt and filth have been rescued from two unregistered homes in Jaipur.

A team from the Rajasthan State Commission for Protection of Child Rights yesterday raided Grace Home in Mansarovar colony and Father’s Children Home in Siddharth Nagar on a complaint from the parents of a child who died of tuberculosis.

Twenty-nine children, 27 of whom were girls between five and 17 years, were found in the two-room Grace Home, which was stinking and littered with rotting vegetables and broken liquor bottles. The windows were locked and a foul stench was emanating from a single broken toilet.

Of the girls, all of whom appeared traumatised, at least 16 were from the Northeast, chiefly Manipur and Nagaland, commission chairperson Deepak Kalra said. Some hailed from Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh.

She said the children were kept locked up all day, starved, never sent to school and had no visitors. They did not even have a woman caretaker — a 14-year-old boy played their supervisor. Their only recreation was a half-hour at a nearby park once a week, she said.

It was also not clear what the motive in keeping the children was and whether the purported owner, Jacob John, was getting grants to run the homes and ripping it off.

“The children are mostly from very poor Christian families and were lured with promises of a better life. Only when one child returned home and died of TB did the parents complain. We acted on their tip-off. It is surprising the neighbourhood did not realise something was amiss in that home,” Kalra said.

She said John, believed to be a pastor, had been taken into police custody. Neither of his two homes is registered with the government nor are there any papers.

Another commission member, Govind Beniwal, said 22 boys, between seven and 22 years, were rescued from Father’s Children Home. “That home is also run by Jacob. There the conditions are bad but not as inhuman as Grace Home,” he said.

Recently, police rescued nearly 100 children from trains bound for Bihar and Bengal. While 63 were rescued from Jaipur station from a Jodhpur-Howrah train, 34 were rescued from Bharatpur station from an Ajmer-Sealdah train. Sources said there was a huge demand for child labour in Bengal in summer.

Notice board hint at foreign funding

It is still not clear how Grace Home was funded, but pictures of smiling children with foreign volunteers on its notice board hint at foreign funding. The source of funding will also be investigated by the police.

This is not the first time that children from the north-east have been brought to indian cities and kept in suspicious conditions by christian NGOs. In the past, raids have been done in bangalore and chennai too and hundreds of children rescued.

One thing I find difficult to understand is why would a parent send a kid as little as five years old thousands of miles away to live with a stranger. My only guess is that these parents are poor and they don't want their kids to grow up in a militancy infested land so they're vulnerable to these gangs.

member_19686 · Post by **member_19686** » 17 Mar 2013 03:54

Have more kids, Mizo church tells couples
TNN Mar 12, 2013, 02.29AM IST

AIZAWL: The 45th general conference of the Presbyterian Church Women Wing being held at the Republic Veng locality in Aizawl passed a resolution that an awareness campaign advocating women to conceive more children should be launched.

The delegates of the general conference on Saturday decided that the matter should be taken up by the central committee of the Kohhran Hmeichhia or the Women Wing and prepare the detailed programme.

The agenda was initiated by Bungkawn and Bawngkawn Pastoral women wings and they said all Mizo couples should be encouraged to have more children and added that poor couples who have more children should be provided some assistance.

Earlier, the Presbyterian Church leaders have issued statements encouraging Mizo couples to bear more children and the womenfolk seemed to have taken the cue by adopting the resolution.

Though it might be in contravention to the national family planning policy, church leaders have always propounded the concept of multiplying in accordance with the teachings of the Bible in the Old Testament.

They claimed that physical increase in population would lessen the risk of being assimilated by larger communities surrounding the small Christian-dominated state and that economically it would be more advantageous as more Mizo workforce would be produced.

The delegates of the conference also adopted an agenda that decent dress should be formulated for the bride and the bridesmaid during church wedding and the matter was handed over to the central committee.

http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes ... -committee

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 28 Mar 2013 17:09

A documentary about the kids in manipur. They lack a real father figure.

North-east is said to have a matriarchal society but something else happens on ground. The men in these regions need nothing less than a swift kick in their behinds. It's actually pathetic. The women work in the bazaars out of compulsion while these idiots spent their day being a bum. Consumption of alcohol, gutka etc is a major nuisance too.

Supratik · Post by **Supratik** » 28 Mar 2013 23:33

Assam, WB headed for demographic disaster (data from 2001). Kerala is another place to watch out for.

http://www.jsk.gov.in/articles/district ... _rajan.pdf

It is strange that in Bd they have TFR of 2.1 whereas in WB and Assam they have TFR of 4-5. What may be the underlying cause?
Literacy cannot be a causes as literacy in Bd is not good. Is it poor governance in WB and Assam i.e. lack of healthcare facilities?

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 02 Apr 2013 18:58

NE students protest compulsory Hindi paper in DU courses

This has been going on since a week. Apparently someone convinced a few NE students that it was cool to protest against the hindi language from being taught in a hindi state.

Lilo · Post by **Lilo** » 05 Apr 2013 23:49

nvishal wrote:

51 kids(many from North-east) found in inhuman homes in Jaipur

This is not the first time that children from the north-east have been brought to indian cities and kept in suspicious conditions by christian NGOs. In the past, raids have been done in bangalore and chennai too and hundreds of children rescued.

One thing I find difficult to understand is why would a parent send a kid as little as five years old thousands of miles away to live with a stranger. My only guess is that these parents are poor and they don't want their kids to grow up in a militancy infested land so they're vulnerable to these gangs.

^^^
As is usual with EJ run homes, sexual abuse too eventually came out into light.

Illegal Jaipur shelter - Owner Pastor Jacob John sexually abuses Naga girls placed under his watch
Two of the 51 children rescued from two illegal shelter homes in Jaipur this month have accused its owner, pastor Jacob John, of sexually abusing them.

A 17-year-old Naga girl has alleged she was repeatedly raped while another girl rescued last Sunday from John's house alleged she was molested.

The girls revealed the alleged abuse during counseling sessions over the last one week. Their statements will be recorded in court Saturday after which police will file a fresh chargesheet against John. The pastor is in judicial custody and is accused of illegal detention and trafficking.

The 27 girls and 24 boys, mostly tribals from the Northeast, were rescued after raids by child rights and welfare bodies and Jaipur Police. They were found to be living in cramped rooms and rotting vegetables and grocery was recovered from the homes.

"Medical tests of all the children have been done and gynaecological tests have been done for two girls who have alleged rape and molestation," said Lata Singh, state coordinator of FXB India Suraksha, who informed the Child Rights Commission about the homes.

"One of the girls revealed during counseling that she was repeatedly raped from the age of 11. Some children have also recalled other teenaged girls who lived in the home earlier were forced to sleep with Jacob John at night. They are said to have gone back to their homes but since there are no records of who all lived in the homes, we cannot even trace them now," she said.

Biju George Joseph, Jaipur's acting police chief, said the pastor had claimed the children had been willingly sent to the homes by their parents and this would be investigated.

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 11 Apr 2013 23:48

Uniform surrender-rehab policy for NE, J&K militants

Every time I read something about rehabilitating surrendered militants I'm reminded of the ikhwans of kashmir. These were surrendered militants that were absorbed by the indian army as part of a rehabilitation programme. This new army was called the Ikhwan-ul-Muslimeen. As time passed, these idiots only ended up becoming another nuisance for the administration. With the new found power under the army uniform they terrified the locals, raped and sometimes killed. Not surprisingly the programme was scrapped.

prahaar · Post by **prahaar** » 12 Apr 2013 01:23

You are exaggerating the situation. Ikhwans gave more positive results than the likes of moderate terrorist or even peaceful separatist.

kish · Post by **kish** » 14 Apr 2013 15:30

Is this give and take to access the Sittwe Port in Mayanmar?

New Delhi asks Manipur to supply electricity to Myanmar

New Delhi has asked Manipur government to supply electricity to the neighbouring country Myanmar despite shortage being faced by the state. Manipur chief secretary has received an instruction from the Centre regarding the matter asking the state government to take up steps immediately on the power supply on the basis done with Bangladesh by the Centre, a highly reliable source in the Manipur secretariat said Friday.

The instruction further asked the state government to construct a 400 KV/500 KV transmission line up to Mandalay in Myanmar and invite all NE states to join hands in investing Myanmar for setting up electricity generating plants.The source further said that investment to Myanmar was ‘a must’ to avail cheap and environment friendly electricity. As the neighbouring country has a huge potential of power generation.

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 21 Apr 2013 15:05

kish wrote:Is this give and take to access the Sittwe Port in Mayanmar?

New Delhi asks Manipur to supply electricity to Myanmar

Weird isn't it? Manipur itself suffers from heavy load-shedding. I guess the NE region doesn't have much to sell so there's little that myanmar wants. The south-east asia states seem to be interested in investing in an industrial corridor across the NE but are hesitant because of the parallel govt run by the insurgents who are trying to make money by extorting the local traders. The trade route has been narrowed down to cross through the manipur region because politicians in delhi have difficulty controlling the guys in nagaland and mizoram. Yet this entry part of manipur is dominated by tribal communities so that's subject to hijacking also.

It will be interesting to see how south-east asia and new delhi makes ends meet.

---------------
Meanwhile, I made this map showing all the autonomous regions/districts across north-east india.

Note the regions of assam, manipar, nagaland etc have an official govt but they either have very little integrity or run proxily though insurgent, ethnic and/or religious extremist groups.

More autonomous districts are likely to form in west bengal, assam, arunachal pradesh, manipur, nagaland and mizoram.

member_23047 · Post by **member_23047** » 23 Apr 2013 22:12

Just a nitpick but the Gorkhaland Territorial Council does not extend to the entire district of Darjeeling, it is only in the three hill sub divisions of Darjeeling, hence the map would be slghtly different, the colored parts would only be immediately south of Sikkim and not around the chicken neck area Linking North Bengal and North east with the rest of West Bengal.

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 23 Apr 2013 23:09

Ok check this one
http://i.imgur.com/rgTosWR.png

@Mods: i cant edit my post above AnantDz. maybe you could stick this photo in that post and delete this comment

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 08 May 2013 12:37

In 1997, some 40,000 Reang tribal aka Bru had escaped mizoram and took refuge in tripura after clashes with the majority mizo people. They have been living in northern tripura in camps.

The tripura govt has been having problems maintaining the large group of refugees for so long and has been pushing the mizo govt to repatriate them back into mizoram. The problem is that the brus don't want to go because they don't trust the mizo's; the later(like MANY other groups in NE) are ethnic jingos and crypto religious nutcases.

The bru too have been posing a co-existence problem both for mizoram and tripura.

Bru refugees in Tripura still reluctant to go home

Mizoram ready to receive Bru refugees: Home Min

Bru Refugees Likely To Return To Mizoram

jiteshn · Post by **jiteshn** » 23 May 2013 13:10

Explosion in Mizoram temple

An explosion ripped through a temple inside the premises of the 26th battalion Assam Rifles in Aizawl early on Thursday morning.

The explosion shattered 26 window panes and some window frames, the police said.

Police suspected that the explosive used was gelatin and the bundle of gelatin sticks must have been thrown from the main road as the compound housing the temple was encircled by the road.

The explosion came on the day when the opposition Mizo National Front (MNF) is organising a rally called ‘Milem Biak Duhloh Kawngzawh’ or ‘Anti-Idol Worshipping Rally.’

Agnimitra · Post by **Agnimitra** » 11 Jun 2013 02:00

Conference in Guwahati -

Islam has never deterred women from enjoying their rights: Legal experts

Guwahati: The status of women in Islam and the needs to reform the laws were discussed in a seminar ‘Status of women in Islam and the need to reform and codify Muslim personal Laws in India’ in Guwahati on Sunday. Experts from different fields joined the seminar and highlighted the rights of women given in Islam.

Law experts and scholars agreed that knowing the religion and Quran in better way will solve all the problems. “The religion has never deterred women from enjoying the rights. In fact Islam is the only religion in which women are given a high place. One has to be aware of one’s rights to be called a better citizen,” said senior advocate and professor Hafiz Rashid Ahmed Choudhury, addressing the seminar which was organized by My-FACTS and Bagh Hazarika Centre for Cultural Studies.

...

The participants also advocated that by spreading awareness and education all the ill-concepts can be eradicated from the religion. Justice Aftab Hussain Saikia, chairman of Assam Human Rights Commission, who is also the former Chief Justice of Jammu and Kashmir High Court and Sikkim High Court also attended the event. Justice Saikia also highlighted the status of women in Islam and Quran.

member_19686 · Post by **member_19686** » 26 Jun 2013 19:26

4,000 non-tribals flee Meghalaya town post-violence

Samudra Gupta Kashyap :
Guwahati, Mon Jun 24 2013

Mob violence following rumours about the rape of a mentally challenged tribal girl in Tura on Friday has triggered a mass exodus of non-tribals from the West Garo Hills district in Meghalaya.

While three of the accused were rescued by the police after they were severely assaulted, one was found dead due to critical injuries. However, medical tests dismissed rape and said that the girl was molested.

In the last two days, thousands of non-tribals, mostly from adjoining Dhubri and Goalpara districts in Assam, have left the place. West Garo Hills SP M K Singh said most of them who have fled were working in coal mines and construction projects, and as domestic helps. "Since Friday evening between 3,000 to 4,000 have people have left," the SP said.

Curfew has been imposed in the district to quell violence. The police resorted to firing in several places on Friday evening. Curfew was relaxed from 9 am to 5 pm in Tura on Sunday as no untoward incidents were reported on Saturday, the SP said.

West Garo Hills Deputy Commissioner Pravin Bakshi had convened a peace meet on Saturday. It was attended by the representatives of the Mothers' Union, youth groups, church leaders and the local MLA.

The meeting condemned the incidents of molestation and mob violence. It appealed to the society to ensure peace and harmony in the district.

A series of rape cases have been reported from Meghalaya in the last few months. On December 13, 2012, a high school girl was gangraped in Williamnagar.

In this case, it turned out that 14 of 17 the accused were juveniles. Two weeks ago, Nurul Islam, a police SI, was arrested on charges of raping two girls who had managed to escape from the custody. It had led to massive public outcry in Tura.

In Shillong, the police on Friday arrested Mohammad Shahid Ahmed (27) following allegations that Ahmed had attempted to rape two minor girls on June 21. He was arrested after the girls' mother lodged an FIR with the police. The girls whom he tried to rape are eight and nine years old.

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/4000- ... /1132907/0

Curfew relaxed in Meghalaya

Sunday, June 23, 2013

Shillong: Curfew was relaxed for eight hours in Meghalaya's West Garo Hills district Sunday, two days after it was imposed following mob violence after an alleged bid to molest a mentally challenged girl, an official said.

The girl was allegedly harassed by five migrant labourers, sparking Friday's mob violence in Tura, which left one person dead, police said.

The curfew was relaxed Sunday for eight hours, from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. "The night was peaceful and there were no reports of any untoward incidents in the curfew-bound areas," Pravin Bakshi, deputy commissioner of West Garo Hills district, told.

The authorities also warned "mischief makers" that they would be booked under the Meghalaya Maintenance of Public Order and Meghalaya Preventive Detention Act if found instigating communal tension.

Bakshi said the district authorities will monitor the law and order situation during the curfew relaxation and further ease the curbs accordingly.

On Saturday, the Meghalaya government ordered a magisterial inquiry into the violence in the district headquarters. A migrant labourer from Assam's Dhubri district was killed and three vehicles were set ablaze in the incident.

The mentally challenged girl was allegedly molested by five labourers. Three of them were caught by the mob, while two managed to flee.

Mohammad Raju Alam, Nehar Ali and Babul Sheikh were beaten up by the mob before police arrived and arrested them. The three have been admitted to Gauhati Medical College and Hospital.

http://zeenews.india.com/news/north-eas ... 57185.html

member_19686 · Post by **member_19686** » 07 Jul 2013 17:32

Flood fury continues in Assam, nearly one lakh people hit
PTI | Jul 6, 2013, 04.50 PM IST

GUWAHATI: The rain-fed mighty Brahmaputra and its tributaries flowing above the danger level across Assam have hit nearly one lakh people inundating human habitations and farmland in ten districts with Dhemaji being the worst-hit.

Incessant rainfall in the catchment areas of the state's upper reaches and neighbouring Arunachal Pradesh has raised the water level of the Brahmaputra throughout the state and it was flowing above the danger level at Nematighat in Jorhat, official sources said.

Its tributaries Jia Bharali at N T Road Crossing in Sonitpur district and Dhansiri at Numaligarh in Golaghat district were also flowing above the red mark.

The first wave of floods this season since June last has claimed so far one human life in Morigaon district besides an elephant and an antelope perished in Nagaon district near Kaziranga National Park in Golaghat district.

The surging waters have flooded Dhemaji, Nagaon, Golaghat, Jorhat, Kamrup, Karimganj, Lakhimpur, Morigaon, Sivasagar and Tinsukia districts affecting nearly one lakh people and rendered many homeless.

Severe erosion was also reported in many places along the fast flowing rivers washing away huge chunk of land, the sources said.

The flood has also hit the habitats of the one-horn rhinoceros at Kaziranga National Park in upper Assam and Pobitora Wildlife Sanctuary in lower Assam.

Over 70 per cent of Kaziranga is under water forcing the animals to take shelter on highlands and in the Karbi Anglong hills outside the 430 sq km Park by crossing National Highway 37, the sources said.

With 60 per cent of the 38.80 sq km Pobitora Santuary overrun by the surging waters of the Brahmaputra on its northern side and the Kopili and Kolong rivers in the southern part, they said rhinos, deer, pigmy hogs, wild buffalos and other animals were taking shelter on the high platforms built there for their succour.

Roads, bridges and culverts have been damaged in Golaghat district affecting road communication, while an embankment breached each at Madanpur and Chandpur in arimganj district, they said.

Meanwhile, five relief camps were set up in Dhemaji district with gratuitous relief materials provided to its inmates and other flood affected people across the state.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/indi ... 944159.cms

member_24042 · Post by **member_24042** » 07 Jul 2013 21:04

Buddhism in NE India is under attack. Evil EJ jerks are on a converting spree in Sikkim and Arunachal. We need to be vigilant. Also Hindus are getting converted too (Tripura and Asom). We need to make NE India pure again so only Dharmics inhabit it. These states of Nagaland, Mizoram, Meghalaya have NO love for India and are hostile to Indian civilization. Manipur is following the same route sadly.

Victor · Post by **Victor** » 08 Jul 2013 02:06

AIUDF Opposes making Assam a tribal state

ULFA pro-talk group led by Arabinda Rajkhowa had demanded granting ST status to six ethnic communities of Assam. By granting ST status to six more communities of Assam, it may become a tribal dominated state.

AIUDF general secretary and MLA Hafiz Bashir Ahmed Kasimi said... to deprive more than half of the State’s population of their political and other rights by making Assam a tribal state is something which will not be acceptable to everybody

Well, maybe not everybody but it may very well be acceptable to the majority. Assam CM Tarun Gogoi himself belongs to one of these tribes (Tai Ahom) and is OK with the proposal. This may be the only way to ensure the survival and preeminence of the non-BD population of the area. Without it, Assam will become an islamic state within a generation. Naturally the BDs, as represented by the AIUDF (now Assam's 2nd most powerful party after Congress), are upset.

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 20 Jul 2013 18:50

NE update from the past few:

Usual bombings and killings

Usual bandhs carried out by one or more ethnic groups against others

Some indian military men busted for illegal money making activities.

Half a dozen nagas from a particular insurgent faction were gunned down by the military. The org is in a ceasefire with the indian military. The ceasefire agreements restrict these guys to stay within their own "camps". They do stray pass the line but killings are rare. The group alleges conspiracy so I wonder what happened here

A grenade attack on non-local mason workers killing 2 something. Part of the insurgency in NE has a mongoloid/non-mongoloid element to it.

Meitei community demanding PM of india to include them in ST category. Frequent tensions with hill people enjoying schedule 6(leeching) rights.

Plans to create a huge water reservoir by sinking kms of forrest lands

MMS scandals rocking up the conservative state, people burning down police vehicles

Nagas calling other nagas as non-nagas (A funny but bizarre mc carthy-ism type campaign against those naga tribes that haven't yet succumbed to identity restructuring)

Meiteis demanding ILP, a system to manage immigration

Meitei mayek has been revived to replace bengali script. Some centuries ago, a bengali preacher arrived here and got the meitei king to burn down the old meitei books almost endangering the language. Now it has been reconstructed and back in form. Btw many cultures here don't have a writing script so history was passed down orally as much as possible. The tribal hill communities use english script.

Kuki protest/economic blockade demanding own state(carved out of manipur)

Increased reporting of rapes have terrified the locals

Local paan-walla reports that the meitei king is selling off portions of his palace so the state govt of manipur has begun confiscated the palace back. Protests by the people against the take over are happening.

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I think india screwed up by taking over manipur. Post-partition, indian kings of all princely states were ordered to pack up or get booted out. The meitei kingdom happened to come under this reckoning. While this offensive ended the feudal system across india, in manipur, it has had an unexpected effect on the meitei society.

The collapse of the meitei kingdom has a uncanny resemblance to the hindu kingdoms of cambodia where the society fragmented and plunged into chaos in the years following its collapse and like the cambodian rule, the meitei state/rule too seems to be going down along with its hindu kingdom. The hill tribals are intelligent enough to recognize and exploit the opportunities created by the collapse of the kingdom and the cultural/institutional void left that they know sanamahism will not be able to fill.

The power equation is going to pass from the meiteis to the kukis or the nagas. There is complex tribal culture here that does not recognize common traits. The problem is particularly visible across the three states(nagaland, manipur and mizoram) that border myanmar and districts of megalaya and assam.

The tibetan states(sikkim and AP) and the rest of NE are a contrast.

Supratik · Post by **Supratik** » 20 Jul 2013 21:18

Victor wrote:AIUDF Opposes making Assam a tribal state
ULFA pro-talk group led by Arabinda Rajkhowa had demanded granting ST status to six ethnic communities of Assam. By granting ST status to six more communities of Assam, it may become a tribal dominated state.

AIUDF general secretary and MLA Hafiz Bashir Ahmed Kasimi said... to deprive more than half of the State’s population of their political and other rights by making Assam a tribal state is something which will not be acceptable to everybody
Well, maybe not everybody but it may very well be acceptable to the majority. Assam CM Tarun Gogoi himself belongs to one of these tribes (Tai Ahom) and is OK with the proposal. This may be the only way to ensure the survival and preeminence of the non-BD population of the area. Without it, Assam will become an islamic state within a generation. Naturally the BDs, as represented by the AIUDF (now Assam's 2nd most powerful party after Congress), are upset.

Excellent idea. Make it tribal and reserve areas e.g. autonomous councils and assembly/parliamentary seats.

nvishal · Post by **nvishal** » 28 Jul 2013 22:12

This is an article from 2008 by Dinesh Kotwal, Research Fellow, IDSA. It's very long but it summarises the naga insurgency rather well. I'm posting it in full because i'd like to have a copy of it on BRF.

No bold highlights, it should be read in full.

The Naga Insurgency: The Past And The Future

The Naga Insurgency: The Past And The Future
Dinesh Kotwal, Research Fellow, IDSA

Insurgency has been defined as a protracted struggle conducted methodically, step by step, in order to attain specific intermediate objectives leading finally to the overthrow of the existing order.1 In modern times, insurgency covers a full spectrum of conflicts ranging from subversion, to guerilla warfare and the convergence of guerilla bands into regular units to fight in a conventional manner. The spread of insurgency has been more predominant in the developing and underdeveloped countries. Differences in language, religion and ethnicity often act as motivating factors for the insurgents. The success of insurgents in China, Vietnam, Algeria and various other countries has further strengthened the belief in certain quarters that it is an effective instrument for achieving political and military goals against powerful governing authorities.

India has inherited numerous problems of the Raj days, but perhaps none of them are as intractable and protracted as the one energised by the tribesmen of the erstwhile Naga Hills and Tuensang that now constitute the State of Nagaland.2 Nagaland was the first to take up the path of violence which was soon followed by Manipur, Mizoram and finally by the whole Northeastern region. The Nagas, the Mizos and the Manipuris began to advocate for independent states, whereas, others asked for greater autonomy. Along with this demand, there arose a strong reaction against the people who had entered the region from erstwhile East Pakistan and later Bangladesh as well as from other parts of India. The local tribals labelled these entrants as foreigners. They claimed that these "foreigners" were interfering in their life-style and were a potent danger to their culture and existence. This gave birth to a demand that the outsiders i.e. foreigners must quit their land. Meanwhile, the insurgents in Nagaland also grew in strength and formed an underground Federal Government and Federal Army to fight for their cause. This was the beginning of the anti-national activities on the national map.

The strategic and geographically crucial location of the Northeast ensured that this region had a special place in the plan of the British. Boxed in by four countries viz., China, Myanmar, Bangladesh and Bhutan, with only a 22 km wide chicken-neck corridor of Siliguri linking it with mainland India, the region fitted well into the scheme of the colonial rulers to turn into their "Crown Colony" under the "Coupland Plan".3 It would have eventually been used as a springboard to further their interests against Myanmar, India and China. The "Quit India Movement" and the ensuing mass upsurge left little time in the hands of Britishers to execute their plan. Unfortunately, even after independence the scenario remained more or less the same as the differences could not be bridged. Leaders got deeply involved in the problems like mass exodus, maintenance of law and order and rehabilitation of refugees, which arose after the partition. The inhabitants of Northeastern India continued to live in isolation, following their established culture, customs, traditions and laws. It was nearly after a decade of independence that the need was felt to reach out to this neglected area and its people and bring them into the national mainstream.

Used to their own way of life, the tribals looked specially at the overtures of the Central government. The slogan of economic upliftment did not appeal to the people who were leading a rather abstemious life. Attempt to draw them into the mainstream were deemed as an infringement of their independence and culture. This approach aggravated the situation and the locals began to see the national integration moves as forced Indianisation and they started fearing loss of their distinct identity. The outcome of such apprehensions was unrest and disturbance, which then evolved into insurgency.

The Naga insurgency being the force behind other insurgencies in Northeastern India, has been analysed in the first part of this fellowship project. Subsequently, the insurgencies in Manipur and Tripura, the Assam cauldron and present status of violent movements in the state of Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram will be looked at. The implications of these secessionist and violent movements on the internal security of India will be highlighted in the final paper.

This paper aims to examine the Naga insurgency, which has evolved into a complex problem with political, social and economic ramifications. Initially, the Naga people had a serious problem of identity and integration with their Indian brethren. In turn, this social issue assumed a political dimension that eventually evolved into insurgency. To understand the Naga insurgency, therefore, it would be imperative to trace the rise of Naga sub-nationalism.

Who Are The Nagas

Belonging to the Indo-Mongoloid group and speaking the Tibeto-Burman dialects of the Sino-Tibetan family4, the earliest presence of Nagas appears to have been noted in Yajurveda about a thousand years before Christ. Then referred to as "Kirata", the tribal groups now occupy a vast area of Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Myanmar.5 Of the various interpretations offered, the most plausible is that the word "Naga" has been derived from the Hindi root 'Naga', meaning naked.

Nagas are divided into various tribes,6 sub-tribes and clans with varying customs, traditions, dress, language, polity etc. Numerous Naga tribes speaking different dialects, occupying specific mountain ranges with settlements on hilltops and following an animistic religion until their recent rapid conversion to Christianity,7 had been fighting among themselves and raiding the plains of Assam. They had been living in relative isolation for centuries. It was only from the first quarter of the last century that they were brought into real contact with the outside world by several agencies, the most prominent of which were the British missionaries. The British followed a policy of "least interference" in the internal affairs of the Nagas, giving due regard to the continuance of the tribal village administration, land system, customary laws, social customs and communal institutions. Therefore, the traditional life pattern of the Naga tribes remained unchanged, but inter-tribal warfare and head-hunting diminished due to British intervention.

In their own interest, the British declared the Naga territory as a "backward area" and aimed at administering it "in a simpler and more personal manner than those of the more civilised and longer settled tribes". The success of the British policy, however, rested on the least possible interference and the use of traditional institutions, with the missionary rather than the administrator as the main harbinger of change.8 Therefore, little importance was given to the improvement of means of communication and natural resources. The task of educating the tribesmen was left in the hands of the missionaries whose main task was the spread of Christianity. In 1873, the Lieutenant Governor of Assam, with the approval of the Governor-General of British India, promulgated the Bengal-Eastern Frontier Regulation, which brought into force what came to be known as the 'Inner Line'.9 Under these regulations, the people from the plains were prevented from entering the Naga areas while an exception was made in the case of Christian missionaries. This might have saved the Nagas from "exploitation by outsiders and sudden disruption of Naga culture", but it went a long way in isolating the Nagas from the national mainstream. They continued to lead their lives in isolation and despite their love for freedom, were not in any way drawn into the anti-British struggle led by the Indian National Congress. However the English language and Christianity brought a gradual change in the outlook of these people, and infused a sense of nationality in them.

In 1918, a few government officials and leading Naga chiefs formed an organisation known as the "Naga Club" at Kohima for promoting the interests of the Nagas. This club provided a common platform for leaders of different tribes of Nagas. In the absence of any other organisation, the Naga Club turned into an effective political forum for the Naga tribes. The psychological phase of the Naga insurgency can be said to have formally begun at this point.10 When the Simon Commission visited Naga Hills in 1929 a strong delegation representing different tribes of Nagas submitted a memorandum demanding that their hills be excluded from the proposed reform scheme and kept under direct British rule. More than twenty representatives of the different tribes signed the memorandum.11 One of the members of the Commission, E. Cadogan declared in the House of Commons in May 1935, that the Nagas had "a very shrewd suspicion that something is being done to take away from them their immemorial rights and customs".12 No attempt was made to clear the Naga suspicions since this suited the British interests.

As a result of the recommendations of the Simon Commission, under the Government of India Act, 1935 Naga Hills were excluded from the reform scheme. Declared as an "Excluded Area" they continued to be administered by the Government of Assam. Whether the special provisions made by the Act of 1935 fulfilled the political aspirations of the Nagas or not is a difficult question to answer. Judging from the absence of any agitation of a political nature from the time of issuing notification of the Government of India's External Affairs Department (No.1-X) dated April 1, 193713 to the formation of the Naga National Council, it can be presumed that the Nagas acquiesced to the new arrangement.

The World Wars too had a tremendous impact on the Nagas. During World War I the Naga members of the Labour Corps brought money and dresses, but World War II was fought in Nagaland itself. Nagas were introduced to modern guerilla fighting which was natural to them. The dumps of arms and ammunition left by the retreating Japanese Army provided ready material to be used against the security forces later.

The War brought a greater degree of unity among the Nagas. After the war, at the initiative of C.R. Pawsey, then British Deputy Commissioner of Naga Hills District, the Naga Hills Tribal Council was formed in April 1945 to help in the relief and rehabilitation work. It was converted into Naga National Council (NNC)14 in April, 1946 at Wokha with the aim to carry out social and political upliftment of the Nagas. The most significant fact about the council was that for the first time, the term "national" was used in the Naga phraseology, indicating the intensity of Naga feelings. The council was composed of 29 members representing different tribes, on the basis of proportional representation. The educated section of the Nagas of course, provided the leadership of the N.N.C. In the beginning, the political objective of the Naga National Council was solidarity of all Nagas, including those of the unadministered areas and the inclusion of their hills within the province of Assam in a free India, with local autonomy and adequate safeguards for the interest of the Nagas. This demand of the Nagas was well received in the circle of the Indian National Congress.

Naga Imbroglio

Satisfied with the participation of the "hill tribes" in the war and their loyalty to the Government, some British officers abroad suggested new plans ("Crown Colony") for the hill areas of Northeast India. The scheme of a "Crown Colony" could not gain ground due to the "peculiar political and constitutional situation" facing the country on the eve of Indian independence. In the beginning, the political objective of the Naga National Council was local autonomy for Naga Hills within the province of Assam. But the return of Angami Zapu Phizo from Burma greatly helped the undercurrents of the Naga politics to come to the surface within a year in the form of N.N.C.'s June 1947 declaration that the Naga Hills would cease to be a part of India with the departure of the British.15 The N.N.C. turned down the offer of autonomy envisaged in the sixth Schedule of the Constituent Assembly. It was this dilemma in Naga perception about their own future and India's geo-political interest in the Naga Hills that led to the Hydari Agreement in 1947, Clause IX of which up till now has been a major bone of contention for its ambiguity. Clause IX of the agreement reads as under.16

"Period of Agreement—The Governor of Assam as the Agent of the Government of the Indian Union will have a special responsibility for a period of 10 years to ensure the due observance of this agreement; at the end of this period the Naga Council will be asked whether they require the above agreement to be extended for a further period or a new agreement regarding the future of the Naga people arrived at".

There was a great misunderstanding about 'clause nine' of the agreement between the N.N.C. and the Government of India on account of ambiguity in wording and interpretation of the clause. During this period on July 1947, a Naga delegation headed by Phizo met Mahatma Gandhi in Delhi for pressing their demand for independence. After giving the delegation a patient hearing, as claimed by the Naga leaders the Mahatma remarked.17

"The Nagas have every right to be independent. I want you to feel that India is yours. I feel that the Naga Hills are mine just as much as they are yours… Why wait for August 15 to declare independence… I will come to Kohima and ask Army to shoot me before they shoot one Naga". This statement of Gandhiji impressed the Naga leaders very much.

Back in their hills, on August 14th on the eve of the Independence of India, some Nagas under the leadership of Phizo declared their own independence.18 Independence was declared by the extremist group, which has emerged within the N.N.C. This group wanted the absolute right to chart their future course so that they could opt for a sovereign state.19 The next day, independence of India was declared which the Nagas boycotted. In this connection, a statement given by Pawsey, then Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills as recorded by Julian Jacob, in the album "The Nagas—Hill people of North-East India"20 is worth mentioning.

"In 1947, a Naga delegation visited Delhi in order to assess the Nagas' intention not to join the new Republic. Upto this point, both Gandhi and Nehru had said they were sympathetic to the Nagas and would not support forced unions. The Nagas' own interpretation of their meeting with Gandhi in July was that this was still the Congress policy. But in August, perhaps in response to fears of secession elsewhere in the new India (especially in the Princely states as well as Pakistan) the Indian Government's attitude hardened and the Nagas were told that India would never allow independence. The Nagas reacted by a declaration of Independence unilaterally signed by nine members of the NNC on August 14, 1947".

Both the above statements are the claims of Naga leaders. No Indian leader who was close to the Mahatma ever confirmed the reported statement of Gandhiji. Mr. Pyare Lal, secretary of Gandhiji, later on denied the contention of the Naga leaders about the statement.21 Pandit Nehru termed the Nagas' demand for independence as 'absurd'. In the words of Pandit Nehru: "I consider freedom very precious. I am sure that the Nagas are as free as I am bound by all sorts of laws, the Nagas are not to the same extent bound by such laws and governed by their customary laws and usages. But the independence the Nagas are after, is something quite different from individual or group freedom. In the present context of affairs both in India and the world, it is impossible to consider even for a moment such an absurd demand for independence of the Nagas. It is doubtful whether the Nagas realise the consequences of what they are asking for. For their present demand would ruin them."22

However, the declaration by itself marked the beginning of a new chapter of confrontation and conflict, of armed insurrection by a section of the Nagas and the counter-offensive launched by the Indian security forces. The assumption of direct leadership of the Naga National Council in December 1950 by Phizo, referendum of May 1951, boycott of General Elections of 1952, establishment of a parallel government in 1956 are some of its important developments to understand/analyse the socio-political unrest in Nagaland.

N.N.C. and the Naga Cause

Nothing in the Hydari agreement suggested that the Naga participation in India was temporary, though the N.N.C. insisted upon that interpretation. The government interpreted the agreement in the light that Nagas had the freedom only to suggest revision of the administrative pattern after ten years, which was unacceptable to the N.N.C. Meanwhile, differences cropped up within the N.N.C. After Phizo became its president, N.N.C. decisively rejected the government's interpretation of the agreement. As he ascended in the N.N.C. leadership, from 1951 onwards the situation began to change dramatically for the worse. In May 1951, he organised a "plebiscite" in which Nagas gave their thumb impressions in favour of independence. In the same year, the first General Elections of independent India were held, which too were boycotted by the Nagas. That provided an opportunity for the Naga extremists to demonstrate their non-acceptance of the Indian constitution.

As the N.N.C. boycotted the Government of India, the authorities apprehended trouble. On March 30, 1953, Jawaharlal Nehru visited Kohima and was greeted with derision. That was another unhappy episode. The Naga leaders maintain that "the Indian leader did not try to find out the wishes of the Naga people. The same year nine police out-posts were opened in the Naga Hills. Action against the N.N.C. members was intensified. Different Acts, including the Assam Disturbed Areas Act 1955, were imposed to enable the armed forces personnel to carry out their difficult task. In 1956, army units were deployed in important towns like Kohima and Mokokchung.

By this time, the strength of underground Nagas increased and the situation was becoming tense. On March 22, 1956, the N.N.C. set up its government—the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) and hoisted the republic's flag.23 The N.N.C. activists also formed the Naga Home Guard (NHG)24 and an underground Parliament called "Tatar Hoho". The Naga government was strongly supported by the Burmese Communist Party. It shot down an Indian Air Force transport aircraft on a supply dropping mission and the crew were held hostage for many years. Soon large-scale violence erupted throughout Nagaland which was then known as Naga Hills and was still a part of Assam.

On April 11, 1962, the President of India issued the Nagaland Security Regulation, 1962, for the suppression of subversive activities, maintenance of essential supplies and services and control of military requirements. In August 1962, Nehru moved in Parliament the Bills for the 13th amendment of the Constitution and for the creation of the state of Nagaland. The Bills were given assent by the President on September 4, 1962. On December 1, 1963, President Radhakrishnan inaugurated the State of Nagaland at Kohima.25 Mr. P. Shily Ao became the Chief Minister and declared the occasion "a day of rejoicing" and "the day to redeem our pledge".26 But, underground activities still continued in the area. The Indian government viewed the Naga problem seriously, and declared the N.N.C., Federal Government of Nagaland and its army "unlawful associations" under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 on August 31, 1972.

At the same time, the Government of India was exerting extreme pressure on the N.N.C. leaders and ultimately it led to the signing of what is known as the "Shillong Accord" with a section of the N.N.C. leaders. Under the accord, signed in Shillong on November 11, 1975, the N.F.G. agreed to accept the solution of the Naga problem within the framework of the Indian Constitution, abjure violence, bring out the armed men to surrender weapons and resolve the residual problems through discussions.27 Though, for the first time, the Government of India refused to relax the operations after the 1975 accord, it permitted the N.N.C. to assume legality following the decision of not extending the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. It made alive an organisation that had been the symbol of terrorism, destruction and disintegration for nearly three years. Those who signed the accord did not consult Phizo, the N.N.C. president, and other senior leaders like Isak Chishi Swu and then General Secretary Thuingaleng Muivah who at the time were camping in the eastern Naga Hills, in upper Myanmar. While Phizo refused to lend support, several underground Naga members led by Isak Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah who had strongly opposed the Shillong accord ultimately formed the "National Socialist Council Of Nagaland" (NSCN) on January 31, 1980.28

New Vanguard—National Socialist Council of Nagaland

The National Socialist Council Of Nagaland (NSCN) was formed in the thick jungles of eastern Naga Hills in upper Myanmar area with Isak Chishi Swu as the Chairman, SS Khaplang, a Hemis Naga of upper Myanmar, as Vice-President and Thuingaleng Muivah, a Tangkhul Naga of Manipur's Ukhrul district, as the General Secretary. The NSCN has been carrying on an armed struggle to bring an end to Indian suzerainty over the Naga people and to establish a People's Republic of Nagaland based on Mao's ideology.29 The manifesto of NSCN is based on the principle of socialism for economic solution and a spiritual outlook—"Nagaland for Christ".30 The initial strength of the outfit was approximately 150 cadres and rose to 3,000 with Konyaks and Tangkhuls forming the main recruits. Other tribes in lesser numbers include, Semas, Kukis, Yumchungus, and Maos. With a large array of sophisticated weapons procured through robberies, Kachen. Independent Army (KIA), and international markets, the NSCN, soon developed and turned out to be the most powerful underground organisations in the Northeastern region. In spite of the intermittent attacks on their camps by Naga activists belonging to the Federal Government of Nagaland, the NSCN emerged as a "powerful and well-knit" insurgent organisation having close ties with the Myanmarese insurgent organisation, Kachen Independent Army (KIA). Armed NSCN insurgents spread their network to Manipur and in different parts of Nagaland. Several Kilonsers (ministers) were appointed and areas divided into different regions with a senior underground member in charge of each regional unit.

The government on one hand exerted pressure on the insurgents and on the other side made efforts to get the undergrounds to the negotiating table. Several peace missions were sent to the NSCN leadership but there was no concrete response from the NSCN. The peace talks with the Indian government became a bone of contention among the senior NSCN leaders. Although no leader has supported the peace talks, the issue had its own disagreement within the ranks of the underground organisation and brought intra-party feuds to the forefront.

On April 30, 1988, an attempt to assassinate Muivah and Tangkhul cadre in the NSCN set-up was executed in which a large number of undergrounds were killed. However, Muivah escaped and as a result, NSCN was vertically split into two factions namely NSCN led by Isak and Muivah and NSCN led by S.S. Khaplang. It was the bloodiest internal clash in the history of Naga insurgency. The NSCN split, when Khaplang suspected Isak and Muivah of secretly initiating talks with the Indian Government.

The original group, which spearheaded the movement for independence of Nagaland under the leadership of Phizo, was N.N.C. After the death of Phizo in 1990, the N.N.C. suffered yet another division with a rival faction led by Adinno, daughter of Phizo and Khadao Youthan, an old associate and follower of Phizo. However, NSCN (I-M) has strength and weapons to dominate other outfits operating in Nagaland. It has moved from strength to strength and has been more aggressive and assertive than the other outfits. It has in fact become a central force in the Northeastern insurgency by expanding its range of operations.31 It has provided inspiration not only for ideological concepts and organisational structures of the other Northeastern insurgents, but has also given more concrete assistance by training the other groups in guerilla tactics and providing initial supplies of sophisticated arms.

Strategy of NSCN (I-M)-An Analysis

The method of violence of the core insurgent group against the Indian State and the consequent counter-insurgency measures followed by the latter also reveals another important dimension of the ethnic insurgency in the region. NSCN analyses that the utter exploitation and domination by the Indian elite will surely pave the way for the "discontented peoples and nationalities" to revolt against the state, that the ideological base of the Union is already on the wane and the territorial integrity of the Indian state could hardly be maintained by using force alone, in the absence of any charismatic leadership at the centre. This perception has led the ideologies of the NSCN (I-M) to use the growing discontentment of the different ethnic groups against the Indian state, in order to accelerate its disintegration which it thinks will, in turn, be helpful for the cause of Naga independence. Therefore, the question of the strategy of United Front with all the forces that could be united with it some way or the other is being debated.32 The NSCN (I-M)'s logistic support to various ethnic insurgent groups in the region like the ULFA, NDFB, NLFT, PLA, etc., and its approval of the terrorism in Punjab as well as militancy in Jammu and Kashmir may well be understood, if viewed from this perspective.

The NSCN (I-M), as part of its strategy of insurgency, is playing the role behind the formation of several ethnic insurgent organisations among the different ethnic groups in the region. Following the surrender of A'Chik Liberation Matgrik Army (ALMA), a Garo insurgent organisation, on October 25, 1994, it is now known that NSCN (I-M), had masterminded the whole outfit.33 It is learnt that while staying in Dimapur, the General Secretary of ALMA, came in contact with NSCN (I-M) activists who mooted the idea of floating an insurgent group in Garo Hills involving the disgruntled Garo youths. As a followup action, the ALMA was formed sometime in 1991.34 The sole motive behind floating this organisation was to make a quick fortune at gunpoint. It seems that the Garo youths having little experience of underground life, joined the ALMA only due to the lure of easy money. They were then trained by NSCN (I-M) activists. During its three year existence, a series of bank robberies were jointly undertaken by ALMA and NSCN (I-M) in the Garo Hills. It is learnt that 70 per cent of the booty collected from such joint operations used to go to NSCN (I-M) as charges for its services and for arms and ammunitions, while the remaining 30 per cent was left with the ALMA as a reward for its local cover. Following the disillusionment with the hard underground life, the ALMA activists surrendered en masse in 1994.

A somewhat similar experience is also gained following the surrender of the Dimasa National Volunteers (DNV) of North Cachar Hills (Assam) as well as Hmar People's Convention (HPC) (Mizoram). The reported NSCN (I-N) links with Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) and A'chik National Volunteers Council (ANVC) of Meghalaya, National Democratic Front of Boroland of Assam35 and National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) turns out to be part of a similar game plan of NSCN (I-M) as has been manifested in the ALMA syndrome. The Mizoram police has established the close relation between NSCN (I-M) and Hmar People's Convention (Democrat) insurgents who had abducted six NEEPCO employees on March 31, 2000.36 The NSCN (I-M) and HPCD had jointly ambushed a police party and killed four of them in 1997. The recent spurt in the abduction in the State is the handiwork of the NSCN (I-M) supported by smaller groups.

NSCN (I-M) has also brought outfits like People's United Liberation Front (PULF), Muslim United Liberation Tigers of Assam (MULTA), and Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA), under its fold. These organisations have, of late, been involved in killings, kidnappings and extortions with their bases in Jiribam in the Central district of Manipur. These outfits are on an extortion drive to procure sophisticated weapons. NSCN (I-M) is providing training to the cadres of these outfits in the Jiribam jungles.37

These smaller ethnic insurgent groups are not the outcome of any prolonged ethno-political movement. They neither have any defined political agenda nor are they rooted deep into the society. In fact, devoid of any comprehensive ideology, they act more as extortionists rather than insurgents and seemingly play at the hands of NSCN (I-M).

However, floating of such smaller ethnic insurgent groups serve two broad purposes for NSCN (I-M). First, it opens up multiple fronts for the counter-insurgency agencies like police, army, intelligence, etc., and keeps them busy elsewhere rather than concentrating in the strongholds of the core insurgent group. Second, it helps the core insurgent group to mobilise additional resources from areas beyond its sphere of influence as well as provides the necessary cover-ups for its operations in an altogether different ethni-social milieu.

Besides these two purposes, the act of engineering insurgent movements among the different ethnic groups also fits into the NSCN (I-M) strategy to turn its own war with the Indian State into a war of the nationalities of the region. The strategic importance of the Indo-Myanmar border areas, a favourable topography for insurgency, existence of ethnic affinities across the border and the long experience of underground movement have made NSCN (I-M) such a power that it has become the lone rallying point for all insurgent groups operating in the region. The NSCN (I-M) has resolved to form a United Front by coordinating the activities of the other ethnic insurgent groups.

The formation of United Liberation Front of the Seven Sisters (ULFSS) in 1993 under the leadership of NSCN (I-M), is a pointer in this regard. As the ULFSS was a non-starter, the NSCN (I-M) made another effort by forming Self-Defence United Front of the South-East Himalayan Region (SDUFSEHR). It was formed on November 30, 1994. The militant outfits which were harnessed to come under the overall control of SDUFSEHR are: National Democratic Front for Boroland (NDFB) of Assam, H'mar Peoples' Convention (HPC) of Manipur, the Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (Oken) of Manipur, Hynneiwtrep National Liberation Army of Meghalaya, the United Liberation Volunteers (ULV) of Arunachal, All Tripura Tribal Force (ATTF) of Tripura and some other fringe groups.38 The entire region is divided into areas of operation, each are allotted to a group of militant outfits. Thus by bringing the different insurgent outfits under its umbrella, the Muivah outfit poses a serious danger to India's security in the entire Northeastern India.

Greater Nagaland

The Nagas under NSCN (I-M) seem to be toying with various alternatives of forming a new Nagaland. First seems to be an independent Nagaland comprising the present Nagaland, the Naga inhabited areas of Manipur and Myanmar but there are two other alternatives. While one is to integrate the Naga inhabited districts of Manipur into Nagaland under the Indian constitution, the other seems to form a 'Southern Nagaland' comprising the districts of Senapati, Ukhrul, Chandel and Tamenglong with the Indian Union. It has already gained control over the Tamenglong district where the Zeliangrog Nagas live. This will evidently bring the Meiteis of Manipur into conflict with the Nagas. The People's Liberation Army (PLA), the People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK), the Revolutionary People's Front (RPF), United National Liberation Front (UNLF) of Manipur are committed to make Manipur independent and so will not accept Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur going to Nagaland.39 But the Nagas are fortified by the agreement that was reached between them and the Government of India in 1960 that the contiguous Naga-inhabited areas will eventually be integrated to Nagaland.40

The clash of NSCN (I-M) with the Meitei militant outfits of PLA, PREPAK, UNLF and RPF may ensue at any moment. Nagaland has passed a bill in the Assembly demanding the merger of Naga inhabited areas of Manipur under terms of 16-points agreements in 1960 of the Naga Peoples' Convention signed with the Government of India. Besides, the hill areas like Ukhrul, Tamenglong, Masokaram and parts of Churachandpur and the Dimapur-Imphal Road, the life-line of Manipur, come under the purview of Nagaland Ceasefire Agreement signed in 1964.41 Manipur will not like the presence of NSCN in these areas. Thus there seems to be a remote possibility of some concessions being made to the Naga insurgents in view of the sentiments of the Manipuri people as well as the insurgent groups threats.

International Dimensions

The British followed a policy of isolation of Northeastern India from the Indian mainstream. The barrier of administrative measures of "excluded area" and "partially excluded area" kept the various tribes inhabiting the hills of the region from the influence of the national movement. The British imperialists planned to convert these tribal inhabited areas as a new bastion of imperialism. It is with this end in view that they conceived of the idea of "Crown Colony".

The US Role

Till the beginning of 1971, the USA continued to be the patron of the insurgents, though the actual supplies of arms and ammunitions from this source were not always steady. Bangkok became the Operational Headquarters of the C.I.A. Arms flowed from Bangkok liberally to any group that wanted to embark on an adventure. Besides, Pakistan, particularly its Eastern Wing, provided the insurgents with transit camps, training centers and a route to Bangkok and Peking. Dacca-Bangkok-London-Pindi-Peking channel was used to operate on the common ground of hatred towards India".42 At a time, when colonies became independent, neo-colonialism raised its head and Britain was weakened. The USA had taken over the vacuum in S-E Asia. As early as the nineteen fifties, the C.L.A. had extended its activities into Nagaland and was financing the underground movement. "American spies handed the tribal leaders several million rupees, weapons and secret instructions prepared in Washington".43 A journalist Dhruva Mazumdar, the author of 'Confession of a Journalist', states that he was paid by the C.I.A. to file reports from Northeastern India on movements of the Indian Army and "barrack room gossip".44

Again, it was before Bangladesh was liberated that the U.S.A. and some other western powers hatched a conspiracy to create an "Independent Bengal" comprising East Pakistan, West Bengal, Assam, Nagaland, Manipur, Tripura, Sikkim and Bhutan. The "Blueprint of this nefarious design was spelt out in a Dacca datelined despatch circulated by Agencies International De Presa (International Press Agency) on December 7, 1963".45 The separatist leaders are said to have accepted the plot of independent Bengal with its capital in Calcutta. It promised the Nagas and Mizos of 'Greater Nagaland' and 'Greater Mizoram' as autonomous units within the framework of 'Great Bengal'.

The Chinese Role

In 1973, a meeting of various insurgent elements, Chakmas (of Bangladesh), Nagas, Mizos and Meiteis was organised. This meeting was held evidently under the auspices of the Peking leadership. According to some reports, the meeting was held in Bangkok which would indicate a collaboration between Beijing (then Peking) leadership and the CIA. Bangkok is known as the Southeast Asian Operational Headquarters of the CIA. The meeting included to forge a kind of organisational confession of all the insurgent elements with a common "command" and a common strategy, so that the insurgency in Nagaland, Mizoram, Manipur and even Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh could be coordinated. However, the effort proved futile. It seems the Maoist leadership and CIA struck a deal. After that Beijing had to deal separately with each of the insurgent groups.46

Actually, Chinese intentions about Northeast India was shown as early as the late fifties when Chinese committed what was called cartographic aggression of India since in the Chinese maps large parts of Northeastern India were shown as Chinese territory. China was interested in the strategic Himalayan area. Therefore, the target of Beijing leaders shifted to Nagaland as a top-priority. Kaito Sema, a top leader of the Naga insurgents, flew to Beijing from London where he had gone to meet and consult Phizo, the exiled leader of the Naga insurgents. Even after Kaito Sema had returned from Beijing, finalising the modality of mutual cooperation between the "Federal Government of Nagaland" and the "Peoples Republic of China", there has always been a permanent representative of the FGN in Beijing. The Beijing leadership took batches of Naga youths to different places in China in order to give them training. But it was mainly from 1972 that Beijing stepped up its help to the Naga insurgents.

Batches of Naga, Meitei and Mizo insurgents went to China where they were welcomed as "brothers". Way back home, the insurgents came back with photos in which they posed with the Chinese officials against the Great Wall of China, Tiannamen Square etc. However, the batch which went to China in 1975 with Muivah could not penetrate back into Nagaland and Manipur. So, they established the Beijing backed camp in the Sahpa village in northeastern Myanmar where a large number of undergrounds lived. Since then this area has become a meeting point and training centre of the insurgent organisations of Northeastern India. It was reported that the leadership of the Burmese camp of the Nagas has signed an agreement of "mutual-co-operation" and "assistance" with the Communist Party of China instead of with the Government. Thus, it was the party that maintained relations with the insurgents. This means that at the Government level, a correct "diplomatic relation would be maintained by China, while all assistance would be made available to various insurgent groups".47 All these things were made possible under the good offices of the P.R.C.

In 1987, there was a report in the newspapers that the Chinese had withdrawn the support to the insurgents. But it was only a temporary tactical move. The Chinese must have been disillusioned when the Mizo and Tripura insurgents signed accords of peace with the Indian Governments in 1986 and 1988 respectively.

The Role of Pakistan and Bangladesh

Pakistan has been active in giving unabated support of finance, arms and political sinews to the Naga insurgents, to make them persist in terrorist acts and revolt against India. To foment Naga trouble and disintegrate India by straining its economy and diverting the Indian troops to Nagaland for relieving the pressure on Kashmir was Pakistan's long term strategy. In early 1962, Kaito Sema, the commander-in-chief of the Naga home guards went to Pakistan for training and to acquire arms for terrorist activities in India. On May 20, 1962, Phizo visited Karachi to oversee the training of the Naga underground men. Phizo, in a thankful mood towards Pakistan said in London on May 8, 1963, that in case of a plebiscite, Nagas would also have the choice to join Pakistan. Between 1962 and 1968, ten Naga groups visited Pakistan to procure monetary help and weaponry from Pakistan. The erstwhile East Pakistan had trained some 2,500 Naga underground men and had supplied a large amount of money and arms.48 Recently, Muivah was in Karachi before flying to Bangkok on January 19, 2000, where he was arrested by the Thai police on charges of travelling on a forged passport and subsequently for jumping bail. Such assistance continues at the behest of the Pakistan Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) which has built a nest in the jungles adjoining Manipur, Bangladesh, Myanmar and Thailand.

What had led Britain, USA, China, Bangladesh, and Pakistan to extend support is not their genuine love for the people of Northeast India. The support is not for the real liberation of these people who have grievances. Their main purposes is to destabilise and weaken India. Even if for the time being some countries have stopped aiding Naga insurgents, the renewal of their support in future cannot be ruled out.

Linkages with International Organisations

The NSCN (I-M) has extended its activities even abroad linking up with such international organisations like the UN Human Rights Organisation in Geneva, the Unrepresented Nations People's Organisation (UNPO) at the Hague and the UN Working Group on Indigenous People's to further its campaign of self-determination. It has already become a member of the UNPO that is championing the right of self-determination of ethnic minority groups. The NSCN, thus, has not just confined itself to acts of outrage against India's security forces but has also forged important links with international organisations that count for projecting Naga issues before world opinion.

On April 24, 1998 the Chairman of the NSCN addressed the United Nations Commission on Human Rights at Geneva. He described the Nagas as a distinct people and nation of about three million people, occupying an area of one hundred thousand square km that is, as alleged, "under occupation by the Indian and Burmese armed forces."49 NSCN, thus, got the international forum to project the Naga cause to embarrass India. An outlawed Indian militant outfit was allowed to speak and project views at the UN forum on alleged human rights violation and lay claim to a sovereign Nagaland. The Northeast issue, thus, has become internationalised like the Kashmir issue.

Peace Process

Serious attempts to solve this vexed issue have been made since the mid-nineties. Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao set the ball rolling by meeting with Isak Chishi Swu and T. Muivah in Paris on June 15, 1995. During the talks Mr. Rao underlined the Government's stand: "We must solve the problem through political talks and dialogue".50 Prime Minister H.D. Deve Gowda went as far as sending the former Union Minister for State, Rajesh Pilot in November 1996 on a secret trip to Bangkok for bringing the NSCN (I-M) to the path of negotiation. Mr. Deve Gowda and NSCN (I-M) leaders met on February 3, 1997, in Zurich, Switzerland.51 The ceasefire with NSCN (I-M) came into force in August 1997.52 The ceasefire has been in force since then with several rounds of talks taking place first with Swaraj Kaushal as the interlocutor and then with the former Home Secretary, K. Padmanabhiah. However, the peace process entered a crucial phase with the NSCN (Khaplang) faction formally announcing its unilateral cease-fire decision on April 9, 2000 and indicating that it is willing to hold peace talks with the Centre.

The Nagaland Chief Minister, Mr. S.C. Jamir, who is seen as being sympathetic towards the NSCN (K) group, met both the Prime Minister and the Union Home Minister recently and urged them to include the rebel group in the process. The announcement by the NSCN (K) also indicates that the overwhelming mood in Nagaland is for peace as several social organisations in the state have expressed their views in favour of peace and development while expressing disenchantment with insurgency over the last five decades.

However, of late some differences have cropped up. The National Socialist Council of Nagaland (I-M) has stated that it can only be represented in the peace talks by its General Secretary, Isak Muivah. But Muivah is in a Bangkok prison since January 19, 2000, after being arrested for entering the country on a forged passport. He has been sentenced to one year imprisonment for trying to escape from the country while on bail and is now awaiting a second trial. Muivah was arrested along with his lieutenant I. Shimre just when Mr. K. Padmanabhaiah, the PM's special emissary on India—NSCN (I-M) talks, was set to leave for the third round of talks in the Hague on January 29, 2000, to further his dialogue with the insurgent leaders.53

The NSCN holds that Muivah has been arrested as a result of pressure on the Thai government by Indian authorities. It also believes that given the friendly relations India enjoys with Thailand, the Government can get Muivah out of jail. Whereas, the government is of the view that it would not be proper for it to interfere in the judicial process of another country. The Nagaland Chief Minister, who escaped a major attempt on his life on November 29, 199954 wants Muivah in captivity. Mr. Jamir is convinced that an attempt on his life was the handiwork of NSCN (I-M). Therefore, he is determined to see that Muivah stays where he is. The NSCN on its part considers Mr Jamir as the biggest hurdle in the way of a settlement of the Naga issue with India,55 because, any peace settlement with NSCN (I-M) will be at the cost of NSCN (K) for whom Mr Jamir is said to have "sympathy".56

However, the real reason appears to lie somewhere else. The government has found it quite intriguing that Muivah should be in Pakistan during the peace negotiations. It is a possibility that he may have been plotting against India with the help of the ISI by organising the transport of weapons from Thailand to the Northeast through Myanmar. As per the Home Ministry officials' estimates, about 40 to 50 of their cadre are at present being trained at two camps run by the ISI. More than 200 cadres have completed their training in the past three years even after it engaged the Union Government in peace talks. It also maintains that the NSCN has violated the truce conditions.57 On top of it, the army is apprehensive that the NSCN (I-M) is using the ceasefire period for stockpiling weapons.

So far, the talks have made very little substantive progress for more reasons than one. In the first place, the Isak-Muivah leadership has shown no flexible attitude for a negotiated settlement. The two leaders had visited Nagaland in March 1998 to assess the situation and met their followers, but did not indicate as to how the Naga issue could be settled. Their insistence was on several key issues like the areas covered by the ceasefire and the creation of a Greater Nagaland comprising all Naga-inhabited areas of the Northeast. Finally, the basis for further negotiations should be on a so-called plebiscite in 1951. Despite all this, the Government of India has expressed its readiness to hold talks with the NSCN (I-M) with a view to restore peace in Nagaland.

Another major hindrance to carry on the process for peace in Nagaland is the existence of more than one organisation, each claiming to be representative of Naga people. The announcement by the Centre to involve the NSCN (K) faction in the peace process met with a veritable wave of protests launched by the powerful Naga Hoho and the Nagaland People's Council (NPC). The Kohima based Naga-Hoho is the apex tribal council of Nagas living in different parts of the Northeast.58 The NPC is of the view that the Centre would be committing another mistake if it involved the State Government in the talks. It believes that involving the Jamir Government amounts to inviting only the Congress party into the ongoing peace process, which is "not a mandated government of the people" of Nagaland, as other parties had boycotted the 1998 elections at the call of the Naga Hoho, various NGOs, student bodies etc.

Since the 1998 elections, it has been the declared policy of these organisations not to have anything to do with the Jamir Government. On the other hand, the Jamir Government is firm that it must be taken into confidence should the Centre open a dialogue with the NSCN. Interestingly, the reason why even the cease-fire between the Muivah faction and the army had run into rough weather was due to the fact that the Khaplang faction lost no chance to snipe at its rival cadres without a similar cease-fire agreement with it. In retrospect, it can be stated that today there is no point in seeking to recreate the pre-1998 scenario and to bypass the Jamir Government. No authority at the Centre can afford to do this as law and order is a state subject.

Meanwhile, all the three factions are engaged in an internecine battle of supremacy to increase their respective areas of operation and influence in the region.59 Therefore, it is of paramount importance for the Government of India to devise a strategy to bring the NSCN (I-M), the Khaplang faction and NNC/NFG together on the negotiating table. It will be a long drawn process before peace returns to Nagaland. Importantly an agreement has to be reached between the two parties for extension of the cease-fire which is going to expire on July 31, 2000. In the absence of such a move, Nagaland and Manipur will lapse into more intense armed conflicts than ever before.

Conclusion

In order to achieve peace in Nagaland, the Government will have to clear a web of complicated issues. First, the Naga society is not a single unified group but riven with factions. Secondly, Manipur, adjacent to Nagaland, has a substantial Naga population. The state Government and Meitei insurgents in Manipur are opposed to any change in the territorial integrity of Manipur. Thirdly, Chief Minister S.C. Jamir and his Nagaland Pradesh Congress Party must have a say in any peace initiative. Fourth, the underground hostile group, NSCN (I-M) styles itself as the premier organisation. This group views Mr. S.C. Jamir and the underground group NSCN (K) led by Myanmarese Naga, Khaplang as anti-Nagas.

Therefore, any attempt to find a way out of the present imbroglio would require an impartial stand on the part of the Centre. The Government cannot afford to be seen as favouring one or the other faction. For any meaningful outcome, all factions of the undergrounds even including overgrounds, shall have to be involved, otherwise piecemeal peace/dialogue will not bring a satisfactory political solution. A lasting solution lies in more autonomy to the state, genuine economic development, accelerated infrastructural development, new trade routes, less Central funds and a little bit of pressure on militant groups to accept the peace proposal. Sincerity on the part of political and insurgent leadership alone can bring 'peace to the land of the exhilarating Nagas'.

member_19686 · Post by **member_19686** » 29 Jul 2013 20:12

Loss from border fencing to be the size of Bishnupur District
Source: Hueiyen News Service / Laishram Roshan

Imphal, July 28 2013: After the loss of Kabaw Valley to Myanmar, again a large portion of the land will be lost to Myanmar because of the ongoing Indo-Myanmar border fencing.

The total land area to be lost is presumed to be approximately the size of Bishnupur District.

Around 10 Kms have been completed for the first phase of fencing from border pillar nos.79 to 81.But this would destroy the habitation of about 14 villages in Chandel District.

Some of the villages will completely go to Myanmar while others will be dissected by the border.

Under the leadership of Information Centre for Hill areas Manipur (ICHAM), a team comprising members of Rural People's Development Federation (RPDF); Kuki Students' organisation, Moreh block; Eastern Maring Association; Hill Tribal Council Moreh and Kuki Chiefs' Association, Moreh Block visited the border fencing affected villages Govajang and Satang villages to inspect on July 26 .

Loss from border fencing to be the size of Bishnupur District

The team which included ICHAM Gen Secy Achonmi Ramshing; Publicity Secy Immison; members Tenzing, Sorri Senjam, Ch.

Maipak; Advisor/spokesperson Brozendra Ningomba; KSO president Thonghongam Maite, RPDF member Kamboi Baite, Hills tribal Council Ex- President Th.Thomsing, Eastern Maring Association members and media-persons, also interacted with the village chiefs and other villagers.

Comprising 24 houses and inhabited by around 150 villagers, Govajang is a village located 3 kms from Moreh town.

Their main source of livelihood of the villagers is plucking of mushroom and herbs and selling to the nearest market at Namthalong.

But the ongoing border fencing has today divided the village into two parts- one side on the side of India and the other in Myanmar.

Speaking to media persons who accompanied the inspection team, Chief of Govajang Village Thangkhopao Kipgen recalled that the area was declared as reserved forest by the Manipuri Durbar in 1946.But in 1967, the DC/ADC certified the settlement of the locals and started collecting hill taxes.

But the ongoing border fencing has been done after encroaching around 50-100 metres on the Manipur side of the border.

So, after completion of the ongoing border fencing, about two-third of the village land is set to be gone on the Myanmar side.

Thangkhopao informed that a letter had been written to the Ministry of Home Affairs, Govt of India for resolving the border dispute but till date there has been no reply.

The villagers had also filed a case in the High Court, but the case has remained pending.

He demanded that the ongoing fencing work should be restricted until resolution of the border dispute.

The media team also visited Satang Maring village, which is located around 25-30 km away from Moreh if travelled through Myanmar.

There is no motorable road connection from the Indian side.

Satang village will be completely lost to Myanmar because of the border fencing.

Village chiefs and villagers from 8 villages held a gathering and discussed the issue in the presence of the visiting media team.

During the course of the discussion, Ex- President of Hills Tribal Council Th Thomsing stated Marings have been associated with Meiteis since time immemorial and are still guarding the border.

But it is sad that the government is still neglecting this area.

Nonetheless, he made it clear that Marings will continue to protect the border of Manipur and will not accept any compensation or compromise on the issue of border.

Speaking to the Hueiyen Lanpao, ICHAM spokesperson Brozendra Ningomba said, "Earlier border used to be demarcated by streams, then by trees and now it is done by pillars and fencing.

But a serious thing about the ongoing Indo- Myanmar border fencing work is that it is being done in a straight line ignoring all the previous boundaries.

Instead of this, the govt should follow the traditional boundary demarcation by reviewing the historical maps and boundaries" .

Pointing out that when China crossed only 50 metres into Ladakh, India did a diplomatic war; Brozendra questioned why is India giving away the land when Myanmar is not even asking? .

"Is there any hidden agenda behind this?", he further questioned.

Speaking to media-persons at the RPDF office, RPDF spokesperson stated that public hearing should be done before the fencing is done and no compensation will be accepted.

The fencing and the survey of the boundary had been done without the consent of the village chiefs.

ICHAM Gen.

Secy.

Achonmi Ramshing read out a list of demands to be raised by ICHAM and other local bodies.

The demands included immediate intervention of govt, review of international border, non denial of citizenship, non-violation of source of livelihood of people in the border fencing affected villages.

Besides, Govajang and Satang, other affected villages are M.Kamnong, Lamlong Khunou, Waksu, Rilram Centre, Kharou Khullen, Leibi, Choktong, Saibol, Moirengthel, Kwatha Khunou, L.Molphei and Bongyang.

http://e-pao.net/GP.asp?src=16..290713.jul13