Agreed and the Kiwis are too.NRao wrote:For the foreseeable future the Aussies are good guys.
With their two frigates and a depleting force of Orions .... I don't see them leaning red.
The underlying defence mood is Aus centric.
Agreed and the Kiwis are too.NRao wrote:For the foreseeable future the Aussies are good guys.
Then ................India is gradually building powerful military capabilities in tune with its expanding geopolitical interests, which are no longer limited to the swathe stretching from the Persian Gulf to Malacca Strait, even as the eastern and western fronts are being strengthened to deter the twin Pakistan-China threat.
After the over Rs 3,00,000 crore plan to build a potent three-dimensional Indian Navy for the future, reported by TOI last month, it was IAF's turn on Monday to assert it was on the path to transform into a true aerospace power with the capability to rapidly deploy and operate around the globe.
Code: Select all
----------- Scenario ------------------------ Projection ----------------------------- Nature -------------------------------------------- Resources (projected from current plans) -----------------
Presence off the Australian coast Unseen Power Projection N/A
Presence in the south China seas Unseen Power Projection N/A
Boomer subs near the Chinese coastline Definitive Nuclear deterrence Adequate by 2020
Carrier forces near the Chinese coastline Unseen Strategic offensive N/A
Invasion of Sri Lanka Unseen Strategic offensive N/A
Blockade of Pakistan / Elimination of PN Definitive Strategic offensive Adequate as of 2014
ASW in the IOR against Chinese Navy Projected Sea denial / Sea Control Adequate as of 2014
Denial of passage of Chinese CBG in IOR Projected Sea denial / Sea Control Adequate as of 2014. Projected to remain adequate as of 2020
Two front offensive against PN and China in IOR Projected Regional domination Barely adequate as of 2014. Barely adequate as of 2020
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
I just do not see any "US" mentioned there.Expeditionary Force is a generic name sometimes applied to a military force dispatched to fight in a foreign country. The term was particularly common in World War I and World War II.
In the rush to the Indo-Asia-Pacific theater prompted by the January
2012 Defense Strategic Guidance, it has become conventional
wisdom to say the US Army has only a minimal role in the rebal
-
ancing effort underway. Advocates of this perspective assume that the
Pacific theater—with its massive distances—is far more suitable to the
platform-intensive Air Force and Navy, than the soldier-centric Army.
1
They then argue that, since the Army’s primary mission is fighting and
winning the nation’s wars, the Army’s role in the Pacific is largely limited
to the Korean Peninsula.
The Army is not blameless in this respect. According to one promi
-
nent analyst, the Army’s, “organizational culture continues to focus
nearly exclusively on state-on-state war.”
2
Organizational bias has also adversely affected how the institutional Army embraced the importance of promoting interoperability, developing coalition capability, and building partner capacity.
3
And this bias persists despite efforts by General Ray Odierno, the Army’s Chief of Staff, to change that culture
by emphasizing the importance of shaping the international environment and preventing conflict in the first place, including through the development of the Regionally Aligned Forces (RAF) initiative.
4
In fact, the US Army has significant strategic roles to play in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region that cannot be adequately performed by naval or air forces. They fall into three broad categories: bolstering defense of allies and deterring aggression; promoting regional security and stability through security cooperation; and ameliorating the growing United States–China security dilemma. As discussed below, the United States
faces some hurdles in wielding strategic landpower in each of these areas, yet notemploying the Army will make matters worse
Abstract:
The US Army has a major, strategic role to play in the
Indo-Asia-Pacific theater. That role can be broken down into three
broad areas—bolstering defense of allies and deterring aggression,
promoting regional security and stability through security cooperation, and ameliorating the growing US-China security dilemma.
Employing strategic landpower in each of these areas is not without
challenges—especially in the face of sequestration—yet not making
use of the Army will result in fewer policy options
.
26
The challenge facing senior American leaders is how to ensure vital
US interests, such as freedom of the seas, are maintained while also avoiding negative security dilemma outcomes. Such a task is difficult given thedegree to which Beijing views every American action in the Indo-Asia-
Pacific region as part of a broad anti-Chinese conspiracy. At a recent conference on American policy toward Asia, former Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Michèle Flournoy relayed one anecdote that illustrates the challenge of changing Chinese perceptions.
27
During a meeting with her senior Chinese military counterparts, she presented an historical analysis showing the distribution of US military forces and the security agreements the United States had arrayed against the Soviet Union at the height of the Cold War. She then showed the same types of information vis-à-vis China, all dramatically less than the United States
used to contain the Soviet Union. In reaction, “their jaws hit the floor in a moment of profound cognitive dissonance.” The Chinese officials said they did not believe the data: it clashed heavily with what has become conventional wisdom in China, even within elite circles.
From the last lines in the conclusion,it can be seen that the US envisages cooperative interoperability between its Army and that of "allies" such as India.In simple language,Indian jawans alongside US grunts,both armies fighting on the same front against a common enemy!Conclusion
Conventional wisdom holds that the US Army’s primary role in the
Indo-Asia-Pacific theater is guarding against a North Korean invasion.
Arguably, the Army itself has promoted this over the last several years,
placing great emphasis on campaign planning on the Korean peninsula.
But such a conceptualization of how landpower is or could be utilized
in the pursuit of American vital interests is unnecessarily limited. The
strategic use of landpower in what is typically seen as a Naval or Air
Force theater offers more benefits to the national security of the United
States and its allies than is commonly acknowledged.
Defense and deterrence are critical roles the US Army plays on the
Korean peninsula, but the aperture needs to widen beyond discussing
potential responses to Pyongyang’s aggression. It is logical to expect the
Army to play a key role in any number of defense and deterrence related
scenarios—assuming sequestration does not force a precipitous drop
in Army end strength. This is especially true regarding ballistic missile
defense throughout the Indo-Asia-Pacific region and well beyond Korea.
At the same time, the Army will continue shaping the international
environment and preventing conflict, even though much of this mission
is fundamentally diplomatic in nature. The other US military services
cannot replicate Army-led security cooperation, especially in terms
of engaging with the armies of critical allies and partners like India,
Australia, Vietnam, and the Philippines. The US Army must overcome
institutional as well as budgetary challenges to fulfill its missions
completely.
Finally, the Army can help the United States resolve the security
dilemma with China. It may take a generation or more to convince the
Chinese that the United States does not seek containment, and that US
mil-to-mil engagement throughout the region actually benefits China. It
is, however, an effort worth making
http://www.cassindia.com/inner_page.php ... =diplomacyDuring his recent visit to New Delhi, U.S. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta highlighted the evolution of the annual Indo-U.S. naval war game Malabar from a passing exercise for the two navies’ ships into a full-scale engagement across all functional areas of naval warfare. Indeed, the steadily increasing complexity of Indo-U.S. naval force coordination has been a standout feature of an otherwise interest-driven relationship, suggesting Washington increasingly sees India as the western hinge of the U.S. pivot to Asia, with the U.S. Navy backstopping the shift from the Pacific. However, before the Indo-U.S. entente on the seas becomes a full-blown condominium, more dialogue between the two navies will be necessary.
PS:I think that we need to take this debate further in the IN td. and leave it free for Vikram posts which will increase shortly.Rising tension: India asserts its presence in South China Sea
The revelations about Chinese Navy challenging Indian warship INS Airavat in South China Sea, while returning from a goodwill visit to Vietnam, has once again drawn international attention on the hardening attitude of China on the South China Sea and raised concerns that this will raise tensions in the maritime region.
Though Indian Navy and the Indian Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) have simultaneously denied any confrontation with the Chinese Navy, Indian MEA spokesman has accepted that the Indian warship Airavat was indeed contacted by an open radio channel by a caller identifying himself as the “Chinese Navy” stating that “you are entering Chinese waters.” No ship or aircraft was visible from INS Airavat, which proceeded on onward journey as scheduled.
Recent assertions by China on the status of South China Sea and the launching of the first aircraft carrier for sea trial on August 10 has caused deep concern not only among littoral states of the region but countries like India are also worried.
The US has already challenged the Chinese contention and India has also said publicly that the maritime area is an open sea in which any country can roam freely. It is evident from the Indian Navy and MEA statements that the Chinese Navy did challenge Indian naval warship.
Freedom of navigation
This is why Indian government had to assert that India supports freedom of navigation in international waters, including in the South China Sea, and the right of passage in accordance with accepted principles on international law. India reminded the Chinese by saying that these principles should be respected by all.
Since the beginning of last decade India has started asserting its presence in South China Sea, as India’s area of concern extends from the North of Arabian Sea to the South China Sea, first publicly enunciated by the then Indian Defence Minister George Fernandes in April 2000.
Since then India has been expanding the operational capabilities of its navy to the South China Sea and paying increased attention to force projection and sending expeditionary forces in conjunction with the countries having dispute with China over Spratly Islands and also with other major countries in the maritime region.
India’s primary naval activities in the region concerned mainly anti-piracy, bilateral exercises and goodwill naval visits to ports which in fact indirectly asserted its view that South China Sea is international maritime area and every country has the right to safeguard its economic interests though its own naval resources.
Almost 55 per cent of India’s trade transits via Malacca Strait which funnels out in South China Sea for onward move to China, Japan, Korea, US and other major destinations.
Thus, India has a vital stake in peace and stability in the South China Sea, which China claims to be its territorial waters. Ever since China has started asserting this, Indian and other major navies have been contesting and describing this as international waters.
Situation in South China Sea was a subject of special focus in the July 19 meeting of the ASEAN Regional Forum wherein India for the first time spelt out its policy publicly.
The then Indian Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao later on asserted during a seminar in New Delhi, “the South China Sea is an important shipping route. India supports the freedom of navigation in the South China Sea.”
At the recent ARF meeting in Bali, India noted that the parties concerned were engaged in discussions to address the South China Sea issue and welcomed the recently agreed guidelines on the implementation of the 2002 Declaration of the Conduct of Parties between China and ASEAN.
A senior defence official said that no major country including India can accept South China Sea as exclusive domain of China in view of its economic and strategic interests.
Hence, India has adopted a conscious strategy to mark its military presence in the South China Sea, through its forays into the maritime waters which China claims to be of its interest.
Indian Navy started sending its big flotilla of warships to the maritime area since early last decade and is now indulging in joint naval exercises with countries who are contesting the Chinese claims over the Spratly Islands.
India now organizes joint exercises with Singapore, Vietnam, Philippines and Malaysia on a regular annual basis.
In fact, Singapore has helped India flex its muscle in South China Sea, which has irritated China and it objected to the gun and missile firing during Singapore-India joint exercises SIMBEX and both the countries later relented and agreed to exercise silently.
In June, Vietnamese Chief of Naval Staff visited New Delhi and held discussions on issues of naval cooperation which will in fact help strengthen the Vietnamese naval prowess vis a vis Chinese Navy.
According to a defence official, “we will not say publicly that we want to checkmate China in the South China Sea but our actions speak louder.” India’s defence engagement with Vietnam has led to drawing of a parallel line with the growing defence cooperation between Vietnam and India to the China-Myanmar naval cooperation.
As Myanmar has extended naval facilities to the Chinese Navy on Coco Islands in Andaman Sea and the Sitwe port, Vietnam has only last month given permission to India to drop anchor at its Nha Trang port in Southern Vietnam.
Naval officials revealed that probably Indian warships are the only one which has been given such facility so near to the Chinese coast. Halong Bay port near Hanoi used to extend such facilities to Indian Navy.
This will facilitate a sustainable presence to Indian Navy in the South China Sea. However, a senior diplomatic source asserts that growing India-Vietnam defence cooperation should not be seen in response to the Sino-Pak cooperation nor to contain China in the South China Sea.
Since early last decade, India has made it an annual ritual to send warships to countries like Japan, Malaysia, Philippines, South Korea and other South East Asian countries who are contesting the claims over the Spratly Islands with China.
Expanding capabilities
In fact, officials cite, a decade old statement of the then Defence Minister George Fernandes that India’s area of interest extends from the north of the Arabian Sea to the South China Sea.
The Indian strategic planners have asked Navy to expand the operational capabilities and to increase attention to force projection and expeditionary forces. India has been deploying its ships in the name of the anti-piracy operations jointly with regional powers.
As India wants its maritime trade routes free of pirate attacks and prevent any possibilities of obstruction by any state or non-state actors in Indian Ocean, India has also been marking its naval presence in the South China Sea and establishing close working defence relationships with countries involved in South China Sea dispute.
From Vietnam to South Korea India has signed defence cooperation agreements, besides with countries like Malaysia and Indonesia.
India is now using the opportunity given to it by the ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting plus forum of ten ASEAN and eight non-ASEAN countries as a member.
India views it as an effort to establish open and inclusive security architecture for the region. India’s policy is to encourage and participate in cooperative approaches which would enable all countries in the region to counter traditional and non-traditional security challenges and ensure that the critical sea lanes in the region are kept open, secure and for navigation and trade.
India’s involvement in the ADMM plus and various other ASEAN fora is a part of progressive and multifaceted partnership with the East Asian region. At the same time India is also mindful of evolving dynamics of power rivalries in the region and their impact on the region and on regional interests, according to a defence official.
In this context, the recent Chinese plans to expand the Maritime Surveillance Force is being viewed with concern in India as it would raise the counter deployment from other claimants of the Spratly Islands.
The MSF will be equipped with additional 16 aircraft and 350 vessels by 2015 and enhance the strength of the naval personnel from 9000 to 15,000 by 2020. The strength of patrol vessels will also increase to 520 by 2020. These will be deployed in the contested maritime area of South and East China Sea.
Indian officials believe a minor incident could be a potential trigger for a major war in the region involving many countries. India would want this region free of any conflict like situation so that the maritime trade routes to major developed markets are kept open.
According to top defence officials, a structure of bilateral and regional maritime confidence building measures with China would be helpful in keeping the area free of maritime tensions.
India would also like to have a maritime security dialogue which could be an extension of the defence dialogue architecture already in place which is likely to be resumed after suspension last year due to the staple visa policy for Indian Kashmiris by the end of this year with the visit of the Chinese defence secretary to India.
India thus wants that South China Sea to be free of military rivalries and disputes to be resolved amicably, and therefore keen to engage not only with China but all the regional powers. India also wants to assert through its naval activities that South China Sea is in fact international waters and no country can claim suzerainty over the maritime area.
You dont. You threaten and carry out one or two attacks.Singha wrote:among 1000s of ships passing in international waters through malacca or indonesian straits how exactly does one identify and seize the subset that would be china bound?
China has a MASSIVE merchant fleet and unlike Iran or some other third world nation a few sunk merchant ships aren't going to deter their government owned "patriotic" merchant fleet one whit. It might instead piss off all of ASEAN, the Japanese etc but the Chinese will continue plying come cruise missile, torpedo or naval bombardment. Plus the Chinese banks will more than happily insure any private tanker operators or private traders in times of war.mahadevbhu wrote:You dont. You threaten and carry out one or two attacks.Singha wrote:among 1000s of ships passing in international waters through malacca or indonesian straits how exactly does one identify and seize the subset that would be china bound?
Watch as shipping oil to China rates skyrocket and shippers refuse to go there unless covered with heavy insurance rates.
Philip wrote:It would be easy meat for the IN's forces esp. subs,to sink a PRC tanker exiting the Gulf or one trying to enter the Malacca Straits-that would be far more fun, letting the Chinese sweat it out from the Gulf to the A&N islands and then striking them as they begin to celebrate! It is why we need a substantial sub fleet,far more than planned,where our subs could lie in wait outside China's "string of pearls" in the IOR/Indo-Asia-Pacific (IAP) region,as the US is now describing it,as well as outside Chinese ports,and pick off PRC merchantmen at leisure.The effect would be devastating.
mahadevbhu wrote:You dont. You threaten and carry out one or two attacks.
Watch as shipping oil to China rates skyrocket and shippers refuse to go there unless covered with heavy insurance rates.
Shrinivasan Ji :Shrinivasan wrote:I saw a tracking update that INS Vikramaditya (R33) and INS Viraat (R22) have met up in the Red Sea/Horn of Africa and the whole fortilla is sailing towards Desh via the Persian Gulf. By 4th of Jan they should reach the Indian shores...
Not sure how the US-2 boosts India's expeditionary capability. It's purely for SAR operations, not sure I'd call it an expeditionary capability gain. The real catch would be to be able to use the aircraft for both civilian/military purpose, but that depends on what comes out of the cooperation they've been talking about.Aditya G wrote:Navantia wins Turkish order for LPD:
So we have been doing expeditionary operations, albeit in a limited way. With the induction of the C-17 and US-2 this capability is going to be boosted further.
There have been reports China-Russia working on missiles that can hidden with shipping containers along with full scale radar systems. Russia has already shown Klub SSM deployed in such manner in brochures.Brando wrote:hina has a MASSIVE merchant fleet and unlike Iran or some other third world nation a few sunk merchant ships aren't going to deter their government owned "patriotic" merchant fleet one whit. It might instead piss off all of ASEAN, the Japanese etc but the Chinese will continue plying come cruise missile, torpedo or naval bombardment. Plus the Chinese banks will more than happily insure any private tanker operators or private traders in times of war.
Where did you get that from? And, orders from whom?the plan for India is to remain a docile second rate power taking orders.
That in context of ages ago the same thing happened. He at one point states that the whole thing is going back to per-european days.talking about "Muslim-Chinese interaction".
I too had the same doubt, why Persian gulf... They could have just steamed straight to Karwar... maybe the whole armada took a route straddling the coast of the Arabian peninsula, into the Persian Gulf and then the land of the pure before entering the EEZ of the desh...Peregrine wrote:Shrinivasan Ji :Shrinivasan wrote:I saw a tracking update that INS Vikramaditya (R33) and INS Viraat (R22) have met up in the Red Sea/Horn of Africa and the whole fortilla is sailing towards Desh via the Persian Gulf. By 4th of Jan they should reach the Indian shores...
Why would the INS Vikramaditya proceed from the Red Sea to the Indian Coast - possibly Karwar - via Persian Gulf?
Are they trying to have a "Dekho" of the Land of the Pure and the home of the Terrorists?
Cheers
I hope the dekho is the middle finger.."kya kar lega salay"..lolShrinivasan wrote:
Shrinivasan Ji :
Why would the INS Vikramaditya proceed from the Red Sea to the Indian Coast - possibly Karwar - via Persian Gulf?
Are they trying to have a "Dekho" of the Land of the Pure and the home of the Terrorists?
Cheers
Perhaps OT, but those who studied Hindi in high school will remember the Indian Expeditionary force in WWI as described in the story "Usne kaha tha". A love story with Punjabi Soldiers fighting the Germans in France.NRao wrote: Indian Expeditionary Force
Again, nothing to do with the US.
- Ability to perform long range SAR for amphibious troopsAnurag wrote:Not sure how the US-2 boosts India's expeditionary capability. It's purely for SAR operations, not sure I'd call it an expeditionary capability gain. The real catch would be to be able to use the aircraft for both civilian/military purpose, but that depends on what comes out of the cooperation they've been talking about.