The following story is from The Times of London, dated June 13.
Nuclear threat to West's hopes of stability
Section: Overseas news, Foreign Editor's Briefing, pg. 18
BY blocking the inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Iran has brought the world's attention on to its nuclear ambitions. The site where the standoff occurred is identified as particularly worrying in a report by the United Nations nuclear watchdog, due to be published on Monday, which has been obtained by The Times.
The report, dated June 6, lists the concerns about Iran's many-layered nuclear research programme, where inspectors have not been satisfied by its assurance that it wants to build nuclear power stations, not weapons.
Britain and the US fear that even if they establish a democracy in Iraq, next door is a regime which may equip itself with nuclear weapons. Headed by a Shia Islamic theocracy, tugged back and forth by hardliners and moderates, a nuclear Iran could dominate and destabilise the region.
40-year nuclear dream
Iran began its nuclear research in the 1960s, with US help. The Shah, helped by the 1970s oil price boom, was enthusiastic; after the 1979 revolution, the ayatollahs picked up the torch, with Chinese help.
However, the Clinton Administration persuaded China to cut off this help in 1994, in return for US help expanding its own nuclear power (and also out of its own unease about Iranian intentions).
If that had been the end of outside help, the Iranian programme would probably have remained vestigial. Russia has been helping it to develop a large reactor at Bushehr but, under huge international pressure, has done so very slowly.
However, despite US efforts to block foreign help, Iran achieved a crucial leap forward in the mid-1990s, when it acquired the basic centrifuge technology to enrich uranium.
It has yet to perfect this operation. But if it does so, it could take its plentiful deposits of natural uranium, and enrich the material to use in a reactor - or even further, to the grade needed for a bomb. This would free it from having to import enriched uranium, and make it easier to escape supervision.
Gary Samore, of the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London, who was a member of the Clinton team striking the 1994 deal with China, says he firmly believes that Pakistani scientists gave Iran the centrifuge technology, although it might well have been without the sanction
of their Government.
What Iran has now
The best-known part of the Iranian programme is the research reactor in Tehran, now running steadily but too small for either power or weapons, and the large reactor under development at Bushehr.
But the most worrying part of the programme, which has come fully to light in only the past year, is Iran's uranium enrichment programme based at Natanz, with technology from the workshops of Kalaye Electric Company in Tehran.
The IAEA inspection
The IAEA report, by its director-general, Mohamed ElBaradei, is based on his visit to Iran in February. Iran falls under the IAEA inspection regime because it signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) under which nuclear power projects are examined to make sure that no material is diverted to military use.
Iran has always said that it wants only to produce nuclear power, which it insists it needs despite its huge reserves of much cheaper oil and gas.
The IAEA report
The conclusion of ElBaradei's nine-page report is that Iran has committed minor infringements of the IAEA reporting rules. The text pointedly does not use the word "violation" and says that Iran has taken steps to fill the gaps. But the list of complaints still amounts to two serious concerns.
The first, conveyed with alarm even through the reserved tone, is that Iran revealed two enrichment facilities at Natanz only during ElBaradei's visit in February. The pilot plant is nearly ready, and a large commercial-scale plant is under construction.
The second is Iran's 12-year delay in reporting earlier this year that it had imported natural uranium from China in 1991, and its failure to say in detail what it has done with it.
The quantity is too small - 1.8 kg - to be significant for a weapons programme; it is the pattern of delays that worries the IAEA as much as the risk that uranium is "missing".
This week's standoff
Iran blocked a new team of inspectors from looking at whether centrifuge components at Kalaye had been tested with uranium hexafluoride, a gaseous compound. Nuclear analysts argue that Iran could not have got so far with its centrifuges without doing this.
And if it had? This would be a clear breach of IAEA rules. However, under the NPT, provided Iran continued to claim that this was just for nuclear power project, it would not have to stop, just submit the factory to regular inspection.
Because of that, this week's standoff may prove a tactical mistake by Iran. No doubt some in the regime would prefer to keep all the programme secret, hence the repeated delays in reporting to the IAEA.
However, the tactically smart move might well be to declare the facility, allow it to be inspected, and allow the programme to continue. Overall, Iran has been very shrewd in making the most of the IAEA rules; it would not be surprising if it soon relaxed the block on the Kalaye inspections.
How far from a bomb?
Perhaps three years, according to Gary Samore. Iran almost certainly can complete the Natanz centrifuge facility without more foreign help; that will take perhaps another 18 months. Then it would need another a year, maybe a bit more, to produce a stock amount of low-enriched uranium suitable for a reactor.
But how would it get to a bomb from there? Two routes, neither easy, both taking several months and vulnerable to interruption by military strikes.
Either it could take spent reactor fuel and reprocess it to extract plutonium - but that needs a large, easily detected reprocessing plant. Or it would have to enrich the uranium in its reactor fuel even further - but that means reconfiguring the centrifuges: a tricky task, also easily detected.
Nightmare scenario
Still, there is a nightmare scenario for the West. Suppose Iran spends the next two years finishing the centrifuges and assembling reactor fuel. In secret, it prepares a small enrichment plant at a new site. Then it gives the stipulated 90-day notice that it is leaving the NPT, whisks its reactor-grade uranium away to the secret site, and begins turning it into weapons-grade material.
Even if the US bombed the known sites, the fissile material would have vanished.
What now?
On Monday, ElBaradei presents his report to the IAEA board of governors, made up of representatives of 35 countries. But the US, a board member, is not likely to to press it to refer the matter to the Security Council, as it did with North Korea.
Instead, in the past week, it has indicated that it wants the board to agree a resolution or a joint statement expressing "deep concern", demanding that Iran answer the IAEA's unanswered questions and urging it to sign an "additional protocol" to give the IAEA extra inspection rights.
Weak US move
The weakness of the US position is that if Iran signed the new protocol, nothing would stop it completing its centrifuge programme.
US hawks are far from content with this but appear to lack the support on the IAEA board for anything tougher. There are echoes of America's battles over Iraq in the Security Council, and the failure to find weapons of mass destruction in Iraq cannot help.
Room for a deal?
Possibly. To many IAEA officials and nuclear experts, there is a world of difference between a power plant, which is easily monitored, and a programme to enrich uranium or extract plutonium. On this view, the real threat is Natanz.
Could Iran be persuaded to shut Natanz? The only offer with a chance of being taken seriously (and probably not a great chance) would be the promise of fuel for Bushehr in exchange for scrapping Natanz. The condition would be that it sent back all the fuel when spent. Those who hope that Iran might do a deal point to its frequent remark that under the NPT, it is entitled to help with nuclear power, in return for abstaining from a weapons programme.
However, the US seems in no mood for a deal, nor for fine distinctions between reactors and enrichment plants. It slapped down Iran's offer this week of signing a new protocol in return for more help. It insists that Iran scrap its entire programme; given its 40-year interest, that seems unlikely.
The US dilemma
Washington is in a quandary. The hawks do not want a deal with Tehran, and yet there is no national appetite for more military strikes. The doves think Iran potentially helpful on pursuing al-Qaeda, cracking down on Hezbollah and building a stable Iraq, a hope Iranian moderates may try to encourage. Yet if Iran's programme develops for several years, the US could face a much harder decision against the clock: whether to launch a strike if it suddenly quits the NPT.
What can Britain do?
Tony Blair appears sceptical that Britain's much-touted "engagement" with Tehran is getting anywhere. All the same, Jack Straw, the Foreign Secretary, who may make another trip to Tehran, could explore whether Iran would give up Natanz, backed up by the implicit threat that, in the end, the US might well not tolerate a THE MAIN CONCERNS
Iran imported 1.8 tonnes of natural uranium in 1991 but acknowledged it only in April this year
Iran acknowledged using the uranium to produce nuclear materials and waste but not how much
Only in May did Iran provide details of, and access to, the facilities in Tehran and Esfahan where the undeclared processing took place
The IAEA was told of Iran's uranium enrichment programme - an essential step for making weapons - for the first time in February
Copyright (C) The Times, 2003