2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

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Cyrano
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by Cyrano »

I propose we start calling this fellow Khujlinsky.
vijayk
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by vijayk »

Manish_Sharma wrote:https://twitter.com/capt_amarinder/stat ... hOsqw&s=19
@capt_amrinder:
Worst was feared, worst happened. @ArvindKejriwal has taken over Punjab much before it was expected to happen. That @BhagwantMann is a rubber stamp was a foregone conclusion already, now Kejriwal has proved it right by chairing Punjab officers' meeting in Delhi.
We need Mann to revolt and Presdiential Govt. in Punjab next year.
Akalis want to be back in NDA.
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by Manish_Sharma »

^BJP needs to struggle on its own for coming decades in Punjab and build muscles, joining with Akalis will again atrophy BJP muscles. Akalis never allowed even smallest congregation of BJP in rural areas, they would break the legs of BJP leaders and workers there. Let these shits stew in their own holes. It's true BJP will never be able to form govt. in Punjab on its own but it should become an entity strong enough so others make deals with them.
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by IndraD »

https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/pr ... 785621.cms

can anyone post thie article in full please?
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

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chetak
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

I think that the govt was waiting for the FCRA to be cleared by the SC


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vimal
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by vimal »

^^ Why drag Modi into everything?
This kind of things should be taken care of by lower level functionaries supported by higher authorities.
Last edited by vimal on 13 Apr 2022 10:19, edited 1 time in total.
chetak
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

vimal wrote:^^ Why drag Modi into everything?
This kid of things should be taken care of by lower level functionaries supported by higher authorities.

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ritesh
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by ritesh »

Mods, ek request.
Need to have a dedicated resource for Indic and esp Hindu victims of all the riots violence love jeehard forced conversion migration etc. which are being perpetrated by christIslamic people in this country.

This will help in coherent narrative building and putting records straight and to the point.
chetak
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

With the great secular leader, Kejriwal setting a precedent by meeting Govt officials of Punjab, that too without Punjab’s CM being present.


https://m.thewire.in/article/politics/p ... eeting/amp
vijayk
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by vijayk »

https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/ind ... 794704.cms
CBI gets govt nod to prosecute Aakar Patel
It is alleged that a payment of Rs 10 crore, classified as FDI was remitted to Amnesty India from London office
Another Rs 26 crore has been remitted to Amnesty India, from UK
chetak
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

under fadnavis, MAH was a power surplus state


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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by Ambar »

After mainstream news media, twitter, facebook and reddit it is now turn of linkedin to host anti-India and anti-Namo articles pretty much on a daily basis. Here's the latest one from the 'Foreign Affairs' magazine.

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles ... edIn_posts

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles ... ationalism

On March 25, Yogi Adityanath—a saffron-clad monk from the right-wing, Hindu-fundamentalist Bharatiya Janata Party—was sworn in for a second term as chief minister of the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. For two hours that morning, temple bells rang at ceremonies organized across the state to mark the occasion. It was in keeping with the image that Adityanath has sought to project: heir to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and a leading figure in the BJP’s attempt to turn India into a Hindu nationalist state.

Adityanath’s victory was a remarkable feat. He is the state’s first chief minister to win reelection in the past 30 years, and he did so despite his government’s disastrous mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic. The state has a large and underreported pandemic death rate, and for weeks, bodies floated down the Ganges River. Patients struggled to cope with insufficient hospital beds and oxygen scarcities. But the BJP nonetheless captured 255 of the 403 seats in the state legislature, a margin that exceeded even its own expectations.

Uttar Pradesh is India’s biggest state, home to a population of over 200 million people and accounting for 80 out of the 543 seats in the national parliament. When the BJP first selected Adityanath to be its chief minister after sweeping the state’s 2017 elections, many analysts were surprised. Adityanath had served as the head of a prominent Hindu seminary and had been indicted for threatening violence against Muslims. His extremism—Adityanath once called Muslims “two-legged animals” whose “production” needed to stop—was out of line with the party’s professed commitment to emphasizing economic development.


But Adityanath’s attitude was indicative of the central government’s plans, and he has helped amplify Modi’s agenda. In late 2019, India passed new citizenship laws that distinguished Muslims and Christians from people belonging to religions that originated in India, namely Hindus, Sikhs, and Buddhists. The laws, which threaten to strip citizenship from hundreds of millions of people, provoked widespread protests. Adityanath’s state government responded with harsh measures, including seizing property from demonstrators (a penalty that was halted by the Indian Supreme Court). Attacks on Muslims have increased across India since Modi took power, most recently during an April 10 outbreak of communal violence that coincided with a Hindu festival. But the upsurge has been particularly acute in Uttar Pradesh, where Adityanath has carried out a “law-and-order” policing campaign that disproportionally kills Muslims.


Adityanath called Muslims “two-legged animals” whose “production” needed to stop.
Many analysts have chalked Adityanath’s reelection up to direct cash transfers and food deliveries to the poor during India’s severe lockdown. But this makes little sense; the BJP performed worst in some of the poorer regions of the state. And Adityanath’s win is part of a broader trend. Despite a sluggish national economy, the BJP has had a remarkable series of victories across the country, including Modi’s triumph at the federal level in 2014, his surprise overwhelming reelection in 2019, and a series of other state victories—many in places where Hindu nationalists had never before found success. Of the six state contests decided this February and March, the BJP won five.

The secret to the BJP’s successes is far deeper—and far darker—than economics. For years, Hindu nationalists have worked to consolidate various parts of the faith into a unified political movement. They have very successfully organized high-caste Hindus, who sit at the top of the religion’s hierarchy and make up most of the Indian elite. But the party has managed to gain support from many marginalized, low-caste Hindus as well by emphasizing that they, too, belong within Hinduism and by providing them with representation, almost all in the party’s lower ranks. The BJP has also fostered and weaponized Islamophobia to great effect, further unifying the country’s 966 million Hindus while making life increasingly difficult for its nearly 200 million Muslims.

The result has been a discriminatory political juggernaut that—as the state elections show—reaches its limits only at the literal edges of India, mostly in states where Hindus are not the overwhelming majority of residents. It will lead to the hardening of India’s tiered democracy. Muslims already do not enjoy the same rights in practice that other citizens do, and regions on India’s borders, such as Kashmir, are watching as the Indian government increasingly uses the military to restrain dissent. As the BJP’s power grows, both discrimination against Muslims and the repression of outlying states are likely to worsen.

A CENTURY IN THE MAKING
In 1925, a doctor from central India named Keshav Baliram Hedgewar established the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, a far-right paramilitary group dedicated to creating a unified Hindu faith. From its inception, the group disdained Muslims and Christians, and its architects drew inspiration from European fascists as they built their organization. Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, the RSS’s leader from 1940 to 1973 (and still its most influential figure), endorsed Adolf Hitler’s Final Solution as a model for how India should deal with its Muslims.

The Indian government briefly banned the organization in 1948, after a longtime member assassinated Mahatma Gandhi. But over the following decades, the RSS gained respectability as it found just slightly more subtle ways to menace Muslims. In 1983, for instance, the RSS, through one of its affiliate organizations, launched a movement to tear down a famous mosque in the Uttar Pradesh city of Ayodhya and replace it with a Hindu temple. Three years earlier, it created a new political party—the BJP—in order to contest and win elections. The BJP soon caught on at the state level, capitalizing, in part, on the Ayodhya temple movement. In 1991, it won an election in Uttar Pradesh for the first time. A year later, the state administration and police stood aside as a large mob led by senior party leaders illegally demolished the mosque.

This violence did little to deter upper-caste Hindus—namely Brahmins (the traditional priestly caste), Kshatriyas, (the warrior caste), and Banias (the trading caste)—from becoming BJP supporters. They are a powerful bloc. Although these castes account for less than 15 per cent of the Indian population, they control much of the country’s intellectual life and its finances, and they have been attracted by the BJP’s message of Hindu greatness, which feeds directly into the self-image of the upper castes (and which accompanies the party’s Islamophobia). Many also saw the BJP as a bulwark against various smaller parties that drew support from lower-caste groups.

But the RSS also began building support among lower Hindu artisanal castes, and even among the traditionally oppressed Dalits. It has done so by taking advantage of the almost infinitely graded hierarchy of caste, working to get votes from the Hindu groups not well represented by India’s political parties. Even political parties that represent an overarching caste group, such as Dalits, tend to be dominated by the group’s largest member caste. This has allowed the BJP to reach out to other members and win them over. Although each such caste was not numerically very large, by accumulating support from many of them, the BJP was able to build a substantial political base.


Hindu nationalists drew inspiration from European fascists.
Indeed, even communities lying outside the fold of Brahminical Hinduism, such as India’s more than 75 million Adivasis—people who belong to the country’s aboriginal groups—have begun to support the BJP in large numbers over the past three decades. That is, again, thanks in part to the RSS’s efforts. Through its affiliates, the RSS has opened hundreds of schools among the Adivasis, and it has labored to inculcate a Hindu ethos in regions where it was largely absent. The organization has also worked with missionary zeal to try to match various Adivasi deities with members of the vast pantheon of Hindu gods, turning traditional Adivasi religious observance into a manifestation of Hinduism. Notably, the RSS refuses to use the term “Adivasi” since it denotes original inhabitants, and the organization insists that the Indian subcontinent’s first people were Hindus. (Instead, the RSS refers to these aboriginal groups as Vanvasi, or forest dwellers.)

Today, the RSS has tens of millions of members, making it perhaps the largest nongovernmental organization in the world. It is certainly one of the most powerful. The RSS lies at the center of a vast web of groups, including one of India’s largest trade unions. It boasts a students’ association, a teachers’ wing, a women’s wing, and a lawyers’ association. The BJP now has an annual income more than five times as large as its main political rival, and it is broadly backed by the media—in no small part because the press is largely controlled by upper castes.

But even as it has grown, the ideological core of the RSS has remained unchanged. According to its doctrine, citizens of India must believe that their country is not just their motherland but also their holy land—a definition designed to leave out Muslims and Christians, whose most sacred locations lie elsewhere. The RSS has been named in many of the country’s most prominent cases of mob violence targeting both religious groups. In 2002, it helped carry out a violent pogrom against Muslims in the state of Gujarat. At the time, Modi was the state’s chief minister.

The violence has, in turn, further empowered the RSS. Modi won reelection in Gujarat by playing on anti-Muslim violence, referring to relief camps for Muslim victims of the Gujarat pogroms as “baby producing factories.” He won reelection as prime minister by drumming up fears of Muslims entering India from Bangladesh. And his choice to lead Uttar Pradesh, Adityanath, won reelection by describing the contest as a battle between the 80 percent and the 20 percent: a clear reference to the state’s 40 million Muslims, who represent roughly 20 percent of the population.

Adityanath’s “80 versus 20” language also illustrates his party’s national electoral strategy. Most of India, like most of Uttar Pradesh, is Hindu, so if the BJP can polarize the country along neat religious lines, it can easily win power. It is a strategy that appears to be succeeding. It is, after all, hard to come up with an alternative explanation for why Modi and Adityanath have stayed in office. In terms of secular governance, there is little that either has done that stands out. Since Modi came to power, the Indian economy has grown significantly more slowly than it did under his predecessor, and internationally the country is at a loss for ideas. China keeps squeezing India along the two countries’ long and poorly defined border. India’s continued dependence on increasingly outdated Russian arms, despite Modi’s repeated declarations that India must be self-reliant, has left the country unable to take a clear position on the Ukraine war. Adityanath, meanwhile, has presided over similarly lackluster growth and a humanitarian disaster.

But for those who support the two leaders, such issues are secondary to their real achievements. As the RSS prepares to celebrate its centennial in 2025, its vision of a Hindu nation is more tangible than ever. Modi has trampled on the autonomy and rights of Kashmir, India’s only Muslim-majority state. His citizenship laws are marginalizing hundreds of millions of non-Hindus. Adityanath has aggressively persecuted his state’s Muslim population, as well. Now that he will govern Uttar Pradesh past the RSS centennial, it seems likely that the organization will finally construct a massive temple in Ayodhya—at the exact site where the mosque was illegally brought down.

MARGINAL AND MARGINALIZED
Can the RSS be stopped? There are certainly limits to its cultural project. Although the BJP overwhelmingly won the most recent batch of state elections, it overwhelmingly lost the northwestern state of Punjab, taking just two of its 117 seats. The reason for that is both clear and telling: over 60 percent of Punjab’s residents are Sikhs, for whom the promise of a “purified” Hindu nation holds little appeal. The BJP has also been effectively locked out of the southern state of Kerala, where more than 40 percent of the population practices a different faith, and where even the Hindus have a strong sense of a distinct cultural identity. Finally, it has been unable to break through in India’s southernmost state, Tamil Nadu. This last state is an interesting case; among the regions that lie outside the BJP’s reach, it is the only one that is overwhelmingly Hindu. But, as in Kerala, Tamil Nadu’s Hindus have a strong cultural identity of their own, and it is not within the RSS’s Brahminical vision.

These states, however, all fall on India’s periphery. Everywhere else, the BJP is either in power or not far from it, including in places where the party’s brand has long been toxic. In March 2021, for example, the BJP came in second in the eastern state of West Bengal, which traditionally leans left and has a Muslim population of nearly 30 percent. It is an accomplishment that is difficult to overstate. Before 2021, the party had never won more than three seats in its 294-person legislature, and it had not received more than 11.4 percent of the vote. In 2021, it won 77 seats and 38 percent, respectively.

India’s core is already bigger than its outlying areas, and its population is growing faster than theirs. The current allocation of seats to the Indian Parliament is based on the 1971 census, and a long-overdue readjustment would have to give even greater weight to states such as Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP is strong. Indeed, the BJP’s hold on power in India seems so secure, and so set to grow, that its ideology is unlikely to be challenged even by opposition political parties. Today, no organization can hope to seriously bid for power by alienating the expanding Hindu core of the country.

It seems likely, then, that the RSS will eventually succeed in imposing its vision on dissenters—both those within its central states, such as the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh, and those who lie outside, such as the Sikhs and the Tamils.
The result will be oppression on an enormous scale. More than 400 million people either do not subscribe to Hinduism or do not practice the kind of Hinduism that the RSS holds supreme. They will nonetheless be subject to what is, ultimately, an imperial project that attempts to homogenize the Hindu population while ensuring that India’s Muslims and Christians are relegated to second-class citizenship.


The BJP’s ideology is unlikely to be challenged even by opposition political parties.
For regions in the periphery, this will mean the constant threat of forced cultural assimilation. For instance, the country’s home minister has announced that Hindi will be made compulsory until tenth grade (class 10) in the country’s northeast, which has no real links with the language. It will also mean a constant risk of facing economic exploitation. Kerala, Punjab, and Tamil Nadu far outperform India’s core on almost all development indicators, and the Indian union, where finances are centralized, already transfers these states’ wealth and resources to the areas which are doing far worse—and where today the BJP gets most of its support. This process will only be aggravated. For the Muslims within the core, the situation is set to worsen. They will face increasing political and economic marginalization, the constant threat of mob violence, and the constant threat of state violence. The ultimate result will be their complete disempowerment.

For the BJP, this disempowerment is both an ends and a means. The whole project of a Hindu nation has little meaning if it is not juxtaposed against an Islamic threat from within. Ironically, this means that even as the BJP seeks to reach out to the Dalits—the former untouchables—and bring them within the fold of Hinduism, it is succeeding in creating a new set of untouchables: the Muslims of India.

Hartosh Singh Bal
Zynda
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by Zynda »

LinkedIn is the only quasi-SM where I have an account...Unfortunately some of the newer Indian start-ups have adopted American IT recruitment system and recruit exclusively via LinkedIn and apparently have avoided traditional online portals like Naukri etc. But it is nauseating to see each & every platform getting politicised.

In other news, this was published a week ago but barking mutt is back with an article about Bangalore's latest foray in to swarm of hatred (hijab, halal & mosque issues)...the article is behind paywall...have not read it but I am seeing this article being RTed by many Indian & US based BIF folks. Probably will be her trade mark of cleverly obfuscating facts to suit "intolerance" narrative. BTW, isn't WaPo a conservative outlet? Surprised to see such an outlet hire Dutt...unless their agenda is to buildup intolerance, attacks on minority narrative since probably many conversions NGOs are also feeling the finance & other forms of heat.

How India’s Silicon Valley risks falling into the swamp of hatred
vijayk
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by vijayk »

Ambar wrote:After mainstream news media, twitter, facebook and reddit it is now turn of linkedin to host anti-India and anti-Namo articles pretty much on a daily basis. Here's the latest one from the 'Foreign Affairs' magazine.

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles ... edIn_posts

This Hartosh Singh Bal is pure evil hate mongering filthy scum ...
After 2014, these scums became famous in Inda who loved to do puja of Gandhi dienasty
Now discredited ... no one reads them.

This garbage is picked up mofos of western media funded by Soros
Last edited by vijayk on 14 Apr 2022 20:14, edited 1 time in total.
Ambar
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by Ambar »

Hartosh Singh Bal is associated with 'The Caravan' - probably the most vilest, anti-India, hinduphobic online publication out there even when compared to other islamo-leftist propaganda sites like the Quint, The Wire, Mojo etc
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by vijayk »

Ambar wrote:Hartosh Singh Bal is associated with 'The Caravan' - probably the most vilest, anti-India, hinduphobic online publication out there even when compared to other islamo-leftist propaganda sites like the Quint, The Wire, Mojo etc
Quint and Wire are funded by foreign countries
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by Manish_Sharma »

@swati_gs:

Akbaruddin Owaisi did make this disgusting speech. Judges have not said he did not say all this. Only reason he has got acquitted is police could/did not produce
- recording of full speech as demanded by judges
-originally recorded video with FSL report https://t.co/DnYHJh6UAk

https://twitter.com/swati_gs/status/151 ... vckrA&s=19
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by rsingh »

Manish_Sharma wrote:
@swati_gs:

Akbaruddin Owaisi did make this disgusting speech. Judges have not said he did not say all this. Only reason he has got acquitted is police could/did not produce
- recording of full speech as demanded by judges
-originally recorded video with FSL report https://t.co/DnYHJh6UAk

https://twitter.com/swati_gs/status/151 ... vckrA&s=19
Next time he comes to Parliament we get him.
Muslims troublemakers has to get it that there will be consequence. They are so confident that there will be nothing.
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by vera_k »

Zynda wrote:BTW, isn't WaPo a conservative outlet?
You're thinking about the Washington Times.
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by vijayk »

rsingh wrote:
Manish_Sharma wrote:
Next time he comes to Parliament we get him.
Muslims troublemakers has to get it that there will be consequence. They are so confident that there will be nothing.
How do you get him in Parliament?

Disqualify him?
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by Manish_Sharma »

rsingh wrote:
Next time he comes to Parliament we get him.
akbaruddin owaisi is not in parliament.

his brother assauddin owaisi is MP.
_______________________
@brfharbans :

In India:
Out of 100 followers of Gandhi and Ahimsa:
99 are Non Vegetarian and 1 Vegetarian.
Out of 100 non followers of Gandhi, Godse is patriot kinds:
99 are Vegetarian and 1 Non vegetarian.
Who turns our more compassionate?

Most people i encounter have little clue on Ahimsa. The INC-Kejri voter type. For them Ahimsa=Non violence against Human beings. Ahimsa isnt that. Ahimsa=Non violence against ALL Living beings. Moment people understand that they won't believe the Goat lover(MKG) version of Ahimsa

https://twitter.com/brfharbans/status/1 ... naopw&s=19
Last edited by Manish_Sharma on 14 Apr 2022 22:05, edited 1 time in total.
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by rsingh »

Manish_Sharma wrote:
rsingh wrote:
Next time he comes to Parliament we get him.
akbaruddin owaisi is not in parliament.

his brother assauddin owaisi is MP.
BAHHHH. Get him on airport then.
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by SRajesh »

^^Sirji
I thought he has had surgeries for bullet injury
He has been shot at in the past
Don’t who was that kind soul who did the honours
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by vijayk »

Rsatchi wrote:^^Sirji
I thought he has had surgeries for bullet injury
He has been shot at in the past
Don’t who was that kind soul who did the honours
Another faction of MIM ... same peaceful gangs
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by Manish_Sharma »

^IIRC Attacker's name was Muhammad Pehelwan!
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by vijayk »

https://www.rediff.com/news/report/guja ... 220414.htm
Gujarat Congress working president Hardik Patel on Thursday alleged that the leaders of his party's state unit were harassing him and want him to leave the party.
The Congress's plan to rope in chairman of the Khodaldham Temple Trust Naresh Patel, a prominent Patidar face, ahead of 2022 state polls has apparently angered Hardik, who believes that his clout as Patidar leader will be finished if Naresh Patel joins the Congress party.

"You used Hardik in 2017, you want to use Naresh bhai in 2022 and in 2027 you would use another Patidar leader. Why don't you support and strengthen Hardik?" he said.
AAPtard scums/CON scums use so many people and dump ty them but no one learns a lesson.
re read
AAPtards used every anti-Hindu scum of Hindu origin but dumped them. But they retained Jihadis/Missionaries

CON scums do the same and only retain khattar naxals/jihadis and dumps rest of them.

But all these scums are ready to jump into bed with them and burn down India
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

WA
Two Tamilians, @DrSJaishankar and @nsitharaman are part of 5 member most powerful cabinet committee on security.

In any state, this would have been celebrated with genuine pride.

Not in Tamilnadu because they are brahmins; the most hated community.
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by Manish_Sharma »

chetak wrote:WA
Two Tamilians, @DrSJaishankar and @nsitharaman are part of 5 member most powerful cabinet committee on security.

In any state, this would have been celebrated with genuine pride.

Not in Tamilnadu because they are brahmins; the most hated community.
Please provide link
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by Najunamar »

https://swarajyamag.com/commentary/peri ... -of-family

Meanwhile in the EVR Naikka aka "Periyar" movement - what we've always known has come out- that these are hypocrites who prey on the weak willed, have absolutely no shame.
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

Manish_Sharma wrote:
chetak wrote:WA
Please provide link

https://twitter.com/dmuthuk/status/1514474698406465536
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

more refinement in the kerala model


https://indianexpress.com/article/busin ... r-7869911/

ALL cooperative banks in Kerala, a majority of which are controlled by the ruling Left Democratic Front, reported non-performing assets at the end of December 2021, with the total (Rs 20,324 crore) amounting to as much as 38.3 per cent of the advances.
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

Image
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by Ambar »

Another day another drama in Karnataka. Senior minister and former chief minister/deputy chief minister Eshwarappa resigned from the cabinet as allegations of bribery and extortion leading to the suicide of a contractor has engulfed the state. While its hardly a secret that at state/municipal/panchayat level there's zero difference between a BJP neta and politician from other parties, Eshwarappa's resignation comes at a time when Bommai is trying to just hold on to the steering of the ever leaking, ever rocking ship before next year's elections. After hijab it is now halaal and temple businesses that grabbed the headlines until the contractor's suicide. The lack of focus on administration and development has apparently caught the attention of BJP central's leadership and are said to be uphappy with the state administration.

Karnataka is the sort of place that AAP will soon set its eyes on. There are no linguistic/regionalism barriers, all big parties are rightly seen as equally corrupt and inept, you have a very large middle class, so it is ripe for AAP to enter and i wouldnt be too surprised if they make a serious push next year atleast in the urban belt.
chetak
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

India, today, started to receive the second regiment of new S-400 missile system from Russia.

This took place despite the threat of (CAATSA) sanctions from the USA .




https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/natio ... dia-386593
chetak
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

LawBeat@LawBeatInd

Breaking:
According to reports, NIA has recorded a statement of #UmarKhalid stating that he attended the Elgar Parishad meeting in December 2017 at the invitation of former #BombayHighCourt judge Justice Kholse-Patil. Khalid has further claimed that he stayed at his residence

4:44 pm · 15 Apr 2022
chetak
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

X posted from the Internal security thread


via WA

and it is a truly factual narration and also PFI links are emerging

Khargone violence was way too big than what it is being understood to be.

Local Police was totally caught by surprise.

Hindu resistance was non-existent.

Islamists successfully tested their capability to unleash Direct Action at the time and place of their choosing.
nandakumar
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by nandakumar »

chetak wrote:X posted from the Internal security thread


via WA

and it is a truly factual narration and also PFI links are emerging

Khargone violence was way too big than what it is being understood to be.

Local Police was totally caught by surprise.

Hindu resistance was non-existent.


Islamists successfully tested their capability to unleash Direct Action at the time and place of their choosing.
They certainly chose well. The city population is roughly 60:40 between hindus and muslims. That is well above the threshold for instigating organised violence.
chetak
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by chetak »

SPGC has accused Bhagwant Mann of entering Takht Damdama Sahib in inebriated state.

They have asked him to issue an apology for this misbehaviour.


https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/punja ... gpc-386670
Rudradev
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Re: 2021 Strategic and Political Analysis-1

Post by Rudradev »

80% of India may be Hindus, but 80% of Hindus are fattu. They will run, hide, scream, surrender, offer bribes, betray their neighbours, or beg for mercy when attacked... literally anything but fight.

So what stands against Muslims even in a 80% Hindu area is the 20% of Hindus, i.e. 16% of the total population, who are willing to fight.

The arithmetic is plain. If any area is more than 16% Muslim today... then, with things allowed to take their course and without state intervention, it will inevitably become a 100% Muslim area in a short time.
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