still hoping they will make me a great power someday!

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Considered conjecture in South Block corridors is Obama is unlikely to reach into his breast pocket mid-speech to commit to paper the trick of his lofty lip-service.
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But he appears to have too much else on his hands at the moment to care for that baton. Or, as former ambassador Deb Mukharji, bluntly says: “For all of Bush’s other failings, he had a certain vision and idea for India, Obama might be a more global President, but he just does not have it for India. Having called India the cornerstone of Asia, he must show how and why. If you say you cannot deliver any of what we want, I’m sorry, it does become difficult doing business, I think one of our problems is that we still cannot get up and say, look, this is our bottom line.”
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In broad ideological and geopolitical terms, Indian expectations from such a blueprint would entail, essentially, two things: comprehensive de-hyphenation from Pakistan to a degree that Washington recognises New Delhi as de facto suzerain of South Asia, and, insulation from being expected to play pawn on the Sino-US chessboard.
“No such vision is anywhere on the deep horizon,” an Indian diplomat told The Telegraph. “In fact, there is no blueprint in the works yet, which is why we have worked to lower expectations and call this visit part of a continuum. The Obama administration has just not shown the kind of interest or mindspace for India as the predecessor government. Nothing’s wrong with ties but nothing spectacular is happening either. People would have expected that with Obama, beyond his politics, for sheer reasons of his larger than life persona, but that has not come to play yet with India.”
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It is an angst that industrialist Rahul Bajaj voiced full-mouthed recently. “I am a greater admirer of America and the American people, and I understand some of the measures they have taken,” he said in the context of Obama’s arrival. “But it is time we told the US that we have our own interests to look after, we are not running a charitable institution, we too are a nation with a people full of expectations and need, what are we getting out of it? They want but they do not want to give, how is that to happen?”
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What probably is in some peril is that Prime Minister Singh may not be able to tell this President what he told his predecessor: “The whole of India is in love with you.”![]()
India and the US are likely to announce during President Barack Obama’s visit here a joint research initiative on clean energy, and a plan to improve India’s monsoon forecasts using a weather simulation model developed in the US.
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The clean energy initiative will call for proposals from academic institutions and industry partners, and promising proposals would be supported, another official said.
Clean energy is widely seen as a “common priority” issue for both countries.
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Indian and US officials also plan to ink during the US President’s visit another science agreement under which India’s ministry of earth sciences will get to scientifically tweak a US-designed weather prediction model to try and improve forecasts of the Indian monsoon.
“We’ll have to tailor the model for the South Asian region,” said a source in the ministry of earth sciences. “It won’t happen overnight — it could take three years, perhaps five years, before we can see an effect.”
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The US Climate Forecast Model (CFM), developed at the National Centres for Environmental Prediction, is described as a “fully-coupled model” that represents the interactions between the Earth’s oceans, land and atmosphere. The US began to use it in August 2004.
India’s National Centre for Medium Range Weather Forecasting, New Delhi, and the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology, Pune, are among the institutions that will try to harness the model for the monsoon.
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This dude, who was ambassador to US, is comparing US giving away free arms to Pakistan to an offer to sell the same to India? Why doesn't he propose selling arms to cuba by india, let alone give it for free, and see what US reaction will be....
The series of special gestures made by Obama — receiving our prime minister as his first State guest with all the bells and whistles and ceremonial trappings, accorded to very few visiting dignitaries, making his visit to India in the first half of his first term as president, and so on — have not been given due recognition.Similarly, a number of highlights of his visit are being dismissed as being high in symbolism and low in substance. It is remarkable that despite our rich civilizational legacy, so many are ignorant that symbolism is an important manifestation of policy, and personal gestures are as reliable barometers of outcomes of visits as deals concluded or statements issued. Deng Xiaoping’s extraordinarily long public handshake with Rajiv Gandhi in 1988 was a sure signal of a successful visit. I have witnessed several other such instances.
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Obama’s primary focus will be on the economic agenda, reflecting his top priority to revive the US economy and address the persistent problem of high unemployment. Some deals may be concluded and announced during or after his visit. It would be in the mutual interests of both sides to counter protectionist sentiments in the US by projecting the realities of two-way flows of goods and services, investments and consequent job retention and creation in both countries. The relaxation of outdated US export control regimes and revoking the so-called entities list would be elements in a larger, mutually beneficial framework of greater market access by both countries. These issues could be discussed in the margins of the visit and do not merit discussion at the summit level, unless Obama raises issues of this nature. We had closer cooperation with the US than with any other country. A mutual desire to renew cooperation could be on the lines of Rajiv Gandhi’s technology missions, using high technologies to benefit rural India.
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Though Obama became the first US president to celebrate Diwali and make a moving statement on the occasion, we should not expect him to carry any Diwali gifts. For instance, a general US endorsement of India’s claim for permanent membership of the United Nations security council would be pointless. We should stop pleading our case for a second-rate status as a permanent UNSC member without veto powers. We should focus our efforts on strengthening our unity and cohesion through good governance and public accountability, and on emerging as the world’s third largest economic and military power. If the UNSC still retains its relevance, we could then give favourable consideration to accepting a UN general assembly resolution to join the UNSC with a rightful status. It is also not an edifying experience to hear high-level carping about US arms supplies to Pakistan which pale into insignificance in comparison with what the US is pressing India to accept, both in terms of enhanced technological sophistication and volume.![]()
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Unlike Bill Clinton, Bush generally adopted a hands-off policy on Kashmir. He later recognized that this approach contributed to a forward movement in back-channel India-Pakistan discussions on Jammu and Kashmir from 2004 to 2007. Bush, however, had very good relations with Pervez Musharraf. Colin Powell did not even keep us in the loop regarding the US decision to accord Pakistan the status of a major non-Nato ally. The relationship with Musharraf soured only in 2008. Obama, on the other hand, seems to have no illusions of Pakistani double-dealing. Yet he appears sensitive to Pakistani concerns. Obama has wisely remained noncommittal on Kashmir, though he is reportedly worried about developments in Jammu and Kashmir.
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The removal of Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) entities from the US entities list has run into problems, with the Cabinet Committee on Security today not agreeing to Washington’s conditions on end-use verification, which includes the possibility of physical inspection, if needed.
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The US, it may be noted, has already agreed to removing other entities like Bharat Dyanamics Ltd, three entities of the Defence Research Development Organisation and four of the Indian Space Research Organisation.
But on entities belonging to the DAE like the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre, the Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research and other such important facilities, the US wanted certain additional assurances.
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Washington is of the view that all it wants is to formalise these assurances in a bilateral document. However, sources said, there is a clause on physical inspection, if needed, of these dual use items at safeguarded facilities where they have been installed. India, it may be recalled, had objected to similar provisions in the 123 agreement and the same had to be amended.
India also had similar problems in the end-use verification agreement on defence products. This was finally resolved through several rounds of negotiations with India agreeing to provide the equipment at a jointly agreed place instead of giving access to US officials to Indian bases and equipment.
However, sources explained that the question of inspection in DAE facilities cannot be equated because this will only pertain to civilian nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards. As it is, under the IAEA system, inspectors do frequent these sites. At the same time, the issue of US officials being allowed access to Indian facilities with a purpose of inspecting certain equipment has been a politically sensitive issue.
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Raja Bose wrote:How come no fawning articles on ToIlet yet about what Ombaba is eating and drinking and which brand isabgol managed to unclog his system - hasn't he landed in India yet?
Even Kalmadi got them for half the price, this rip off guys...9. Javelins around 2500 around US$ 300 million
Raja Bose wrote:How come no fawning articles on ToIlet yet about what Ombaba is eating and drinking and which brand isabgol managed to unclog his system - hasn't he landed in India yet?
Yes, I think lot of BS being touted in the context of om baba's visit. The visit would be long on symbolism AND short on substance. He wants jobs and markets from India and free arms to piglets. Ban on entities involved in 2611 is nothing but an attempt to pull the wool over Indian eyes.ramana wrote:Lots of BS advice. US firms invest in PRC to take advaantage of cheap labor and sell in US markets. In oterhwords they are a a off shore factory for the US markets. US firms invest in India for access to India markets. And hence liberal rules are for hit and run on Indian markets.abhishek_sharma wrote:Weak Ties
For all the excitement about India’s rise, its economic relationship with the United States remains more anemic than it could be. Why?
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2 ... /weak_ties
Strategic Consultant my foot.
Never say never... Unless of course they 'gift' it to pakis first for their contribution on 'war on terror'.vic wrote:There are some offers which are not likely to succeed in near future like Aegis radar, Patriot missiles
Am beginning to wonder if Ronen Sen is a Indian or American citizen/diplomat going by his recent articles and utterances on NDTV etc...This dude, who was ambassador to US, is comparing US giving away free arms to Pakistan to an offer to sell the same to India? Why doesn't he propose selling arms to cuba by india, let alone give it for free, and see what US reaction will be.
when our own people in power don't care for Indian lives, how can we expect others to understand our concerns? I am totally disappointed with Ronen Sen.
A top Republican leader on Friday came out strongly against efforts to "demonise" India as a destination of shipping US jobs, and called for an end to such statements for political gains.
"We cannot allow our anxieties about globalisation to cause us to demonise India for crass political gain," top Republican Senator John McCain said in his remarks on Indo-US ties at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Outsourcing of jobs to India was one of the major election issues in the American mid-term elections held on Tuesday.
The Republican Party gained majority in the US House of Representatives as they defeated the Democratic Party of President Barack Obama, who during his entire electoral campaign, repeatedly spoke against shipping US jobs overseas - including India - and putting an end to tax breaks to such
Read more at: http://www.ndtv.com/article/world/dont- ... n-64625?cp
The security relationship between the United States and India will evolve in its own unique way, reflecting national histories, current interests and visions of the future regional and global security environments. The U.S. cannot simply expect India to slip into the kind of posture and relationship developed over many decades by allies such as Great Britain, Germany or Japan. The U.S. must respect India’s unique perspective as the dominant power in South Asia and an independent actor for more than sixty years. At the same time, recent events, including the agreement on nuclear cooperation between the U.S. and India, provide evidence that closer collaboration on security issues is possible.
One area with a lot of potential for exploration and expansion is arms sales and technology transfer. Where once India was almost solely a market for Soviet and, to a lesser extent, European military hardware, this world is now opening up to U.S. hardware providers. There are reports that India intends to acquire the Boeing C-17 in a deal worth billions of dollars. The U.S. F-16 and F/A-18 E/F are competitors in New Delhi’s program to upgrade its tactical fighter fleet. There are also opportunities in the naval arena, including for sales of the Littoral Combat Ship, unmanned aerial systems and, most interesting perhaps, in the provision of the Stryker wheeled combat vehicle to the Indian Army. In view of the U.S. experience with counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan and that of India in Kashmir, there is clearly much that the two nations can learn from one another.
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/06/opini ... .html?_r=1India is anxious about America’s plans for Afghanistan and Washington’s close ties with Pakistan — base for insurgencies that threaten all three countries. The Indian-Pakistan nuclear rivalry remains dangerous. And so long as Pakistan’s army sees India as its main threat, it will never fully take on the Taliban.![]()
India would gain credibility and make the world safer if it worked harder to reduce tensions with Pakistan.
The Indians have made clear that they don’t want Washington as a mediator. Mr. Obama still needs to nudge India to resume serious talks with Pakistan over Kashmir and take other steps to help calm Pakistan’s fears including pursuing a trade agreement.
Am sure Indians will do it within 5-6 hours of USA doing the same with Al-Qaeda. Why are Al-Q's fears and anxieties not being taken care of?India would gain credibility and make the world safer if it worked harder to reduce tensions with Pakistan.
The Indians have made clear that they don’t want Washington as a mediator. Mr. Obama still needs to nudge India to resume serious talks with Pakistan over Kashmir and take other steps to help calm Pakistan’s fears including pursuing a trade agreement.
What more can you expect of a delusional leftist mouthpiece ?Singha wrote:> India would gain credibility and make the world safer if it worked harder to reduce tensions with Pakistan.
and this is the state of NYT - the 'free world's' leading rag.
WASHINGTON: The United States should fully back India's pursuit of permanent membership of the powerful UN Security Council, John McCain, the top Republican leader said, days after President Barack Obama described the issue as "very difficult and complicated".
"If we want India to join us in sharing the responsibilities for international peace and security, then the world's largest democracy needs to have a seat at the high table of international politics," Senator McCain said at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
"The United States should fully back India's pursuit of permanent membership on the UN Security Council," he underlined on Friday at the Washington-based think tank.
Ahead of his visit, President Barack Obama had said that the issue of India's permanent membership of the UN Security Council was "very difficult and complicated".
Read more: US should endorse India's UNSC candidacy: McCain - The Times of India http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/indi ... z14WqkrDLN
http://www.hindustantimes.com/Irritants ... 22844.aspxIrritants apart, Indo-US ties will endure
Vir Sanghvi, Hindustan Times
November 06, 2010
It’s easy to be down on the Obama visit. After all, the Republicans have just seized control of the House of Representatives after an electoral upheaval of mammoth proportions. The president is being blamed for the public hostility towards his Democratic Party and Republican leaders have sworn that their mission is to ensure that Barack Obama remains a one-term president.
Then, there are the specifics of the visit. Judging by the things Obama said in Washington just before his departure to India, he is focussing on bringing jobs to America, where unemployment hovers just below 10%. And Indian industry has become so obsessed with America’s opposition to outsourcing that TV discussions have taken on an almost surreal air — as though Obama is an American trade official and India’s interests begin and end with the health of the call-centre industry.
There is also the Pakistan problem. No matter what we say or how anguished we are, there is no doubt that the CIA continues to work closely with the ISI. Washington knows that Islamabad is — at the very least — unwilling to act against those who spread terror in India. And yet, the administration continues to refer to Pakistan as an ally in the war on terror (or whatever they are calling it this week) and America persists in funnelling billions of dollars worth of arms and other aid to Islamabad.
And yet, even though I concede that all of these objections are entirely valid, I remain resolutely optimistic.
The truth is that America and India are, to use AB Vajpayee’s famous phrase, natural allies. It isn’t just all that stuff about the world’s two largest democracies. It is also the hard reality of geo-politics. In the long run, the biggest challenge to America comes from China. If the US is to contain that threat, then it needs the support of the other emerging power in Asia. India represents America’s best hope of balancing out China’s influence and of creating a real rival to Beijing’s global ambitions.
That is the long-term reality.
It wasn’t always so. If you contrast the attitude of Bill Clinton during his first term when he virtually ignored India to the warmth he directed towards us during his second term in the White House then you get some idea of when the change occurred. Some time towards the end of the 90s, America recognised two things. One: that China was going to be a much bigger threat than had been previously believed. And two: that India had finally got its act together.
Since then, presidents have come and gone. Clinton was followed by George Bush. And Bush was followed by Obama. It is entirely possible that two years from now America will have a new president. But no matter who sits in the Oval Office, the logic of the America-India partnership is unassailable. So, it doesn’t really matter whether Obama is a one-term president or whether he succeeds in winning the next election. This relationship is not about individuals. Vajpayee was the prime minister who forged our relationship with Clinton and then, Bush. But Manmohan Singh was able to take the engagement forward almost effortlessly because it is our two countries that are the real allies, not the various individuals who lead them at different points in history. That said, there are two irritants to the relationship.
But one is short-term. And the other is medium-term at best. The short-term problem is a reflection of the economic mess that America now finds itself in. While the US economy appears to be reviving, employment has yet to pick up. In the circumstances, all American politicians have no choice but to fall back on the protectionist rhetoric they keep asking the rest of the world to eschew. They will prevent cheap imports from flooding the market so that American factories continue to flourish and American jobs are safe. They will prevent jobs from being outsourced to Bangalore and other Indian cities so that no American is ever Bangalored. And so on.
Obviously, such policies are not in India’s interests. And inevitably, they will adversely impact sectors of our economy. But here’s the good part: they make little difference to the Indian economy as a whole and they are, almost by definition, a short-term phenomenon. When the American economy looks up, the protectionist rhetoric will fade and this irritant will be removed.
The medium-term irritant is Pakistan. Because Pakistan is, by itself, a country of no great consequence, it’s cunningly sold itself to America as a route to other more consequential places. During the Cold War, it offered America bases from which spy planes could keep a watch on the Soviet Union and became part of an anti-Communist alliance. In 1971, it became Henry Kissinger’s entry point for China. In the 80s, it became an aircraft-carrier for the Americans to use in their war against the Soviets in Afghanistan.
And now, Pakistan is trading its proximity to Afghanistan for favours from Washington. The Americans can’t fight al-Qaeda in Afghanistan without going through Pakistan. They need the ISI. They need the Pakistan Army. And Pakistan continues to exploit this dependence to its own advantage.
No matter how much we complain about Pakistan’s sponsorship of terrorism directed at India or protest that America does not share all the information it gets about Pakistani terrorists with us (i.e. the Headley affair), this is not going to change. As long as America is in Afghanistan, Pakistan is going to remain important. And in the area of terrorism, India’s interests are going to have to take a backseat to America’s partnership with the Pakistan army and the ISI for its Afghan adventure.
The good news is that this is not a long-term phenomenon. America’s Afghan mission won’t end in the next year or so. But equally, it’s unlikely to last long into this decade. And once Washington loses interest in Afghanistan, Pakistan ceases to be of any relevance.
So, let’s not get too distracted by Obama’s plummeting popularity. Let’s not confuse the short-term performance of the call-centre industry with India’s long-term interests. And let’s recognise that the American engagement with Pakistan — no matter how irritating it may seem to Indians — is necessarily time-bound.
Let’s look, instead, to the future; to a future where America and India remain natural allies, united by the pragmatism of geo-political dependence. And, of course, by a shared belief in democracy and liberal values.
The Obama visit is not about outsourcing, about Pakistan or about the president’s own popularity. It is one more step down the road in formulating an alliance between two great countries that will endure into the future.
It seems like Sen Mccain is on a roll.He supports India's inclusion in UNSC as a permanent member(although I myself feel that UN is a useless and toothless agency).It seems he is quite pro India.
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New York Time's editorial" Working with India", an arrogant piece of BS.